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Basic Chemistry, 5e (Timberlake)
Chapter 6 Ionic and Molecular Compounds

6.1 Multiple Choice Questions

1) The octet rule indicates that ________.

A) all of the noble gases have eight total electrons
B) all of the shells in an atom hold a maximum of 8 electrons
C) all of the Group A elements have 8 valence electrons
D) atoms lose, gain, or share valence electrons to have 8 valence electrons
E) the noble gases react with other compounds to get 8 valence electrons
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

2) In ionic compounds, ________ lose their valence electrons to form positively charged
________.
A) metals, anions
B) nonmetals, cations
C) metals, polyatomic ions
D) nonmetals, anions
E) metals, cations
Answer: E
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

3) How many electrons will aluminum gain or lose when it forms an ion?
A) lose 1
B) gain 5
C) lose 2
D) lose 3
E) gain 1
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

4) What is the symbol for the ion with 19 protons and 18 electrons?
A) F+
B) F-
C) Ar+
D) K-
E) K+
Answer: E
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

1
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
5) To form an ion, a sodium atom ________.
A) gains one electron
B) gains two electrons
C) loses seven electrons
D) loses one electron
E) loses two electrons
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

6) An anion always ________.

A) has a positive charge
B) contains a group of two or more atoms with a positive charge
C) contains a metal and a nonmetal
D) forms covalent bonds
E) has a negative charge
Answer: E
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

7) What is the correct formula for the oxide ion?

A) O2-
B) O
C) O+
D) O2+
E) O3+
Answer: A
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

8) What is the formula of the nitride ion?

A) N3-
B) NO2-
C) NO33-
D) NO32-
E) NO3-
Answer: A
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

2
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
9) According to the octet rule, sulfide ions should have a charge of ________.
A) 6+
B) 8+
C) 6-
D) 2+
E) 2-
Answer: E
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

10) A sodium ion is an example of a(n) ________.

A) anion
B) polyatomic ion
C) nonmetal ion
D) cation
E) neutral atom
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

11) The Fe3+ ion has ________.

A) 26 protons and 26 electrons
B) 56 protons and 53 electrons
C) 23 protons and 26 electrons
D) 26 protons and 23 electrons
E) 23 protons and 23 electrons
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

12) An ionic compound ________.

A) has a net positive charge
B) has a net negative charge
C) contains only cations
D) contains only anions
E) has a net charge of zero
Answer: E
Objective: 6.2
Global: G2

3
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
13) Which one of the following compounds contains an ion with a 3+ charge?
A) KCl
B) Na2O
C) FeCl3
D) CuCl
E) MgCl2
Answer: C
Objective: 6.2
Global: G2

14) Calcium chloride has the following formula.

A) CaCl2
B) CuCl2
C) CaCl
D) CuCl
E) CaClO3
Answer: A
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

15) The compound MgCl2 is named ________.

A) magnesium chlorine
B) magnesium dichloride
C) magnesium(II) chloride
D) magnesium chloride
E) dimagnesium chloride
Answer: D
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

16) Which one of the following elements forms two or more ions with different ionic charges?
A) K
B) F
C) Ca
D) O
E) Fe
Answer: E
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

4
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
17) The correct formula for copper(II) chloride is ________.
A) Cu2Cl4
B) CuCl4
C) Cu2Cl2
D) Cu2Cl
E) CuCl2
Answer: E
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

18) The correct name for FeS is ________.

A) iron(II) sulfate
B) iron(III) sulfite
C) iron(II) sulfide
D) ferric sulfide
E) ferrous sulfite
Answer: C
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

19) The correct name for SnCl2 is ________.

A) tin chloride
B) tin(II) chloride
C) tin(IV) chloride
D) antimony(II) chloride
E) antimony dichloride
Answer: B
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

20) What is the correct name for ZnCl2?

A) zircon chloride
B) zinc chloride
C) zinc(II) chloride
D) zinc dichloride
E) zircon dichloride
Answer: B
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

5
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
21) Copper(I) chloride has the following formula.
A) CuCl
B) Cu2Cl2
C) CuCl2
D) Cu2Cl
E) Cu2Cl4
Answer: A
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

22) Lead(II) iodide has the following formula.

A) Pb2I2
B) PbI2
C) Pb2I
D) Pb2I3
E) PbI
Answer: B
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

23) Gold(III) bromide has the following formula.

A) Au3Br3
B) AuBr
C) Au3Br
D) AuBr3
E) Au3Br2
Answer: D
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

24) What is the correct name for LiBr?

A) lithium bromate
B) lithium monobromide
C) lithium bromide
D) bromolithium
E) bromine lithium
Answer: C
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

6
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
25) Magnesium oxide has the following formula.
A) Mg2O2
B) MgO
C) Mg2O
D) MgO2
E) Mg2O4
Answer: B
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

26) Potassium phosphide has the following formula.

A) K3PO4
B) KP
C) K3P
D) KPO4
E) KP3
Answer: C
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

27) Silver chloride has the following formula.

A) SnCl
B) AuCl
C) SiCl
D) AgCl
E) SbCl
Answer: D
Objective: 6.3
Global: G2

28) Which of the following polyatomic ions has a positive charge?

A) hydroxide
B) cyanide
C) hydrogen carbonate
D) ammonium
E) nitrate
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

7
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
29) Which of the following polyatomic ions has a 3- ionic charge?
A) hydroxide
B) nitrate
C) sulfate
D) phosphate
E) bicarbonate
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

30) The name of the HSO4- ion is ________.

A) sulfate
B) hydrogen sulfate
C) sulfite
D) hydrogen sulfite
E) sulfide
Answer: B
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

31) What is the formula of a compound that contains Na+ and PO43- ions?
A) Na3PO4
B) NaPO4
C) Na2PO3
D) Na3PO3
E) Na3P
Answer: A
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

32) Fe2(SO4)3 is called ________.

A) iron sulfate
B) iron(II) sulfate
C) iron(III) sulfate
D) diiron trisulfate
E) iron trisulfate
Answer: C
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

8
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
33) What is the formula for aluminum nitrite?
A) Al2NO2
B) AlNO3
C) Al(NO2)3
D) Al2(NO3)3
E) Al2(NO2)2
Answer: C
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

34) The correct formula for chromium(III) sulfate is ________.

A) Cr2(SO4)3
B) Cr3(SO4)2
C) Cr2SO4
D) (Cr2)(SO4)3
E) (Cr)2(SO4)3
Answer: A
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

35) Ammonium carbonate has the formula shown below.

A) NH4CO3
B) (NH4)CO3
C) (NH4)2(CO3)2
D) (NH4)2CO3
E) NH4(CO3)2
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

36) Ammonium hydrogen phosphate has the following formula.

A) (NH4)3PO4
B) NH4PO4
C) NH4(PO4)3
D) (NH4)2HPO4
E) NH4HPO4
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

9
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
37) Calcium hydrogen carbonate has the following formula.
A) Ca2CO3
B) Ca(HCO3)2
C) CaCO3
D) Ca2HCO3
E) CaHCO3
Answer: B
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

38) The formula for the compound formed between calcium and sulfate ions is which of these?
A) CaSO3
B) (Ca)2SO4
C) CaSO4
D) Ca(SO4)2
E) Ca2(SO4)2
Answer: C
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

39) Iron(III) sulfite has the following formula.

A) Fe(SO3)3
B) (Fe)2SO3
C) Fe2SO3
D) Fe2(SO3)3
E) (Fe)3(SO3)3
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

40) The correct name for CuSO4 is ________.

A) calcium sulfate
B) copper(II) sulfate
C) copper sulfide
D) copper(II) sulfide
E) copper(I) sulfate
Answer: B
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

10
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
41) Give the correct name for FePO4.
A) iron(III) phosphate
B) iron(II) phosphate
C) iron phosphate
D) iron phosphite
E) phosphoiron
Answer: A
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

42) A group of covalently bonded atoms that has an overall electrical charge is called a(n)
________.
A) ionic compound
B) anion
C) polyatomic ion
D) cation
E) molecule
Answer: C
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

43) What is the correct name of BaSO4?

A) barium(I) sulfide
B) barium(II) sulfate
C) barium sulfide
D) barium sulfate
E) barium(I) sulfate
Answer: D
Objective: 6.4
Global: G2

44) In a molecule with covalent bonding, ________.

A) oppositely charged ions are held together by strong electrical attractions
B) atoms of metals form bonds to atoms of nonmetals
C) atoms of different metals form bonds
D) atoms are held together by sharing electrons
E) atoms of noble gases are held together by attractions between oppositely charged ions
Answer: D
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

11
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
45) In a covalently bonded molecule, the number of electrons that an atom shares with others is
usually equal to the number of electrons ________.
A) in the atom
B) in its nucleus
C) in all the atoms
D) in its ion
E) needed to have a noble gas arrangement
Answer: E
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

46) The formula for one molecule formed from N and Cl is ________.
A) NCl
B) NCl2
C) NCl3
D) N3Cl
E) NCl6
Answer: C
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

47) According to the IUPAC nomenclature system, the types of compound that use prefixes in
their names are ________.
A) ionic compounds
B) ionic compounds involving transition metals
C) polyatomic ions
D) covalent compounds
E) compounds that contain polyatomic ions
Answer: D
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

48) The correct name for the compound is ________.

A) nitrogen oxide
B) nitrogen trioxide
C) dinitride trioxide
D) dinitrogen oxide
E) dinitrogen trioxide
Answer: E
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

12
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
49) The correct formula for dinitrogen trioxide is ________.
A) NO3
B) N2O3
C) N2O2
D) N3O2
E) N2O
Answer: B
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

50) The formula for sulfur dichloride is ________.

A) SCl2
B) S2Cl2
C) S2Cl
D) S4Cl2
E) SCl
Answer: A
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

51) The name of the compound BF3 is ________.

A) boron fluoride
B) monoboron trifluoride
C) boron trifluoride
D) monoboronfluoride
E) borofluoride
Answer: C
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

52) The correct name for CS2 is ________.

A) carbon disulfide
B) monocarbon sulfide
C) carbon sulfide
D) carbosulfide
E) monocarbon disulfide
Answer: A
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

13
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
53) What is the formula of carbon tetraiodide?
A) CI
B) CI4
C) C4I
D) CI3
E) C2I4
Answer: B
Objective: 6.5
Global: G2

6.2 Bimodal Questions

1) What is the ionic charge of an ion with 13 protons and 10 electrons?

A) 1+
B) 2+
C) 3+
D) 2-
E) 3-
Answer: C
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

2) The number of electrons in an ion with 16 protons and an ionic charge of 2- is ________.
A) 16
B) 2
C) 22
D) 18
E) 14
Answer: D
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

3) Elements in group 2A(2) of the periodic table form ions with a charge of ________.
A) 1+
B) 1-
C) 2+
D) 3+
E) 0
Answer: C
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

14
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
4) The ion of aluminum is ________.
A) Al+
B) Al2+
C) Al3+
D) Al3-
E) Al2-
Answer: C
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

5) How many electrons will chlorine gain or lose when it forms an ion?
A) lose 1
B) gain 1
C) lose 7
D) gain 2
E) lose 3
Answer: B
Objective: 6.1
Global: G2

6) The correct formula for a compound formed from the elements Al and O is ________.
A) AlO
B) Al2O
C) Al3O2
D) AlO3
E) Al2O3
Answer: E
Objective: 6.2
Global: G2

7) The correct formula for the compound formed from Mg and S is ________.
A) MgS
B) MgS2
C) Mg2S
D) Mg2S2
E) Mg2S3
Answer: A
Objective: 6.2
Global: G2

15
Copyright © 2017 Pearson Education, Inc.
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difficult of access than that of Westminster.
It was here that it was decided that the
Flemings, who had flocked over during the
last reign, should leave the country. Among
them was William of Ypres whom Stephen
had made Earl of Kent. We hear very little
of the King’s personal relations with the
citizens, by whom he was respected as
befits one of whom it is written that he was
“pitiful to the poor, liberal to all men, that
he took of his subjects but seldom times
any great tributes, and, further, that he was
careful above all things to have the laws
duly executed and justice uprightly
administered on all hands.”
In the year 1170 Henry II. had his eldest
son Henry crowned King; but the “Young
King,” as he was called, never lived to
occupy his father’s place; after a career of
rebellion he died of a fever in 1183.
Henry’s Charter gave the citizens
privileges and liberties as large as those
granted by Henry I.—with one or two
important exceptions. The opening clause in
the former Charter was as follows:—

“Know ye that I have granted to my HENRY II. (1133-1189)

From his effigy at Fontevrault.
citizens of London to hold Middlesex to
farm for three hundred pounds upon
accompt to them and their heirs: so that the said citizens shall
place as sheriff whomsoever they will of themselves: and as
Justiciar whomsoever they will of themselves, for keeping of the
pleas of the crown, and of the pleadings of the same, and none
other shall be justice over the same men of London.”
 Except for a few years in the twelfth century the sheriffs were
always elected by the Crown. In the reign of Stephen the citizens are
said to have bought the right of electing their sheriffs. The omission
of so important a clause indicates the policy of the King. It was his
intention to bring the City under the direct supervision of the Crown.
He therefore retained the appointment of the sheriff in his own
hands; he calls him “my sheriff,” meus Vicecomes; and it was so kept
by himself and his successor Richard the First. When John restored
to the City the election of the sheriff, the post had lost much of its
importance because the communal system of municipal government
had been introduced under a mayor. Thanks mainly to the strong
hand of the King, who enforced peace and order throughout the
country, the prosperity of London greatly increased during his reign.
As yet the City was governed by its aristocracy, the aldermen of the
wards, which were at first manors or private estates. They
endeavoured to rule the City as a baron ruled his people each in his
own ward: there was, however, the Folk Mote to be reckoned with.
The people understood what was meant by meeting and by open
discussion: the right of combination was but a corollary.
It is at this time that we first hear of the licences of guilds. We
may take it as a sign of prosperity when men of the same craft begin
to unite themselves into corporate bodies, and to form rules for the
common interest.
In the year 1180 it is recorded that a number of Guilds formed
without licence were fined:—

“The Gild whereof Gosceline was Alderman or President, thirty

marks; Gilda Aurifabrorum, or Goldsmiths, Radulphus Flael,
Alderman, forty-five marks; Gilda de Holiwell, Henry son of
Godr. Alderman, twenty shillings; Gilda Bocheiorum, William la
Feite, Alderman, one mark; Gilda de Ponte Thomas Cocus,
Alderman, one mark; Gilda Piperariorum, Edward——,
Alderman, sixteen marks; Gilda de Ponte, Alwin Fink, Alderman,
fifteen marks; Gilda Panariorum, John Maurus, Alderman, one
 mark; Robert Rochefolet, his Gild, one mark; Richard Thedr.
Feltrarius, Alderman, two marks; Gilda de Sancto Lazaro,
Radulph de Barre, Alderman, twenty-five marks; Gilda de Ponte,
Robert de Bosio, Alderman, ten marks; Gilda Peregrinorum,
Warner le Turner, Alderman, forty shillings; Odo Vigil, Alderman,
his Gild, one mark; Hugo Leo, Alderman, his Gild, one mark;
and Gilda de Ponte, Peter, son of Alan, Alderman, fifteen marks.”
(Maitland, vol. i. p. 53.)

CORONATION OF THE “YOUNG KING”

From Vie de St. Thomas (a French MS., 1230-1260).

If there were unlicensed guilds, there must have been licensed

guilds. Unfortunately it is not known how many, or of what kind,
these were. Among them, however, was the important and powerful
Guild of Weavers, who were at that time to London what the
“drapiers” were to Ypres in Flanders. (See p. 201.)
It is sufficient to note the claim of the King to license every guild.
As for the fining of the unlicensed guild, since the business of a guild
is the regulation of trade, one would like to know how trade was
regulated when there was no guild. But enough of this matter for
the present.
In this reign occurs an early instance of heresy obstinate unto
death. The heretics came over from Germany. There were thirty of
them, men and women. They called themselves Publicans; one of
them, their leader, Gerard, had some learning: the rest were
ignorant. They derided matrimony, the Sacraments of Baptism, the
Lord’s Supper, and other articles. Being brought before the King,
they were pressed with Scripture, “but stuck manfully to their faith
and refused to be convinced.” It was therefore ordered that they
should be burned with a hot iron on the forehead, and the leader on
the chin as well, that they should be whipped, that they should be
thrust out into the fields and that none should give them food, or
fire, or lodging; which was done, the sufferers singing all the time,
“Blessed are ye when men do hate you”—and so they went out into
the open country, where they all died of cold and starvation. A pitiful
story!
Here is a strange story told by Stow. It is a good deal amplified
from that given by Roger of Hoveden, but perhaps Stow obtained
more material from other authorities also:—
“A brother of the Earle Ferrers was in the night privily slayne at
London, which when the King understoode, he sware that he would
bee avenged on the Citizens: for it was then a common practice in
the Citie, and an hundred or more in a company of young and old,
would make nightly invasions upon the houses of the wealthie, to
the intent to robbe them, and if they found any man stirring in the
Citie within the night, they would presently murther him, in so much,
that when night was come, no man durst adventure to walke in the
Streetes. When this had continued long, it fortuned that a crewe of
young and wealthy Cittizens assembling together in the night,
assaulted a stone house of a certaine rich manne, and breaking
through the wall, the good man of that house having prepared
himselfe with other in a corner, when he perceived one of the
Theeves named Andrew Bucquinte to leade the way, with a burning
brand in the one hand and a pot of coales in the other, whiche he
assayed to kindle with the brande, hee flew upon him, and smote off
his right hande, and then with a lowde voyce cryed Theeves, at the
hearing whereof the Theeves tooke their flight, all saving hee that
had lost his hande, whom the good man in the next morning
delivered to Richarde de Lucy the King’s Justice. This Theefe uppon
warrant of his life, appeached his confederates, of whome many
were taken, and many were fled, but among the rest that were
apprehended, a certaine Citizen of great countenance, credite, and
wealth, surnamed Iohn the olde,1 when he could not acquite
himselfe by the Watardome, offered the King for his life five hundred
Marks, but the King commanded that he shoulde be hanged, which
was done, and the Citie became more quiet.” (Howe’s edition of
Stow’s Chronicles, p. 153.)
Here, then, is a case in which the ordeal by water was thought to
prove a man’s guilt. In another place will be found described the
method of the ordeal by water. What happened was, of course, that
the unfortunate man’s arm was scalded. However, the City became
quiet, which was some gain.
In the year 1164 London Bridge was “new made of timber” by
Peter of Colechurch, who afterwards built it of stone.
In the year 1176 the stone bridge over the river was commenced.
It was not completed until 1209, after the death of the architect.
Henry I. had punished the moneyers for their base coin. Henry II.
also had to punish them for the same offence, but he chose a
method perhaps more effective. He fined them.
 BECKET DISPUTING WITH THE KING
From MS. in British Museum—Claudius D2 (Cotton).

The relations of Thomas à Becket with the King: their friendship

and their quarrels and the tragic end of the Archbishop, belong to
the history of the country. It does concern this book, however, that
Thomas was by birth a Londoner. His father, Gilbert, whose family
came from Caen, was a citizen of good position, chief magistrate, or
portreeve, in the reign of Stephen. Gilbert Becket was remembered
in the City not only by the history of his illustrious son, but by the
fact that it was he who built the chapel in the Pardon Churchyard, on
the north side of St. Paul’s, a place where many persons of honour
were buried. It was ever the mediæval custom to make one place
more sacred than another, so that if it was a blessed thing to be
buried in a certain church, it was more blessed to lie in front of the
altar. The old story about Gilbert’s wife being a Syrian is repeated by
the historians, and is very possibly true. Holinshed says she was a
“Saracen by religion,” which is certainly not true. Thomas Becket was
born in wedlock; his father was certainly not married to a
Mohammedan, and the birthplace of the future martyr was in a
house on the site of the present Mercers’ Chapel, which itself stands
on the site of the chapel of St. Thomas of Acon.
 Gilbert Becket died leaving behind him a considerable property in
houses and lands. Whether the archbishop took possession of this
property as his father’s son, or whether he gave it to his sister, I do
not know. Certain it is that after his death his sister Agnes, then
married to Thomas Fitz Theobald de Heiley, gave the whole of the
family estates to endow a Hospital dedicated to her brother Saint
and Martyr. Nothing should be kept back: all—all must be given: one
sees the intensity of affection, sorrow, pride, with which the new
Saint was regarded by his family. There could be no worshipper at
the altar of St. Thomas à Becket more devout than his own sister.
(See also p. 278.)

GREAT SEAL OF HENRY II.

 CHAPTER II
RICHARD I
The coronation of King Richard on September 3, 1189, was
disgraced by a massacre of the Jews—the first example of anti-
Jewish feeling. Perhaps when they first came over these unfortunate
people hoped that no traditional hatred of the race existed in
England. Experience, alas! might have taught them, perhaps had
taught them, that hatred grew up round the footsteps of the Infidel
as quickly as the thistles in the field. When the Jew arrived in
England what could he do? He could not trade because the
merchants had their guilds; and every guild had its church, its saint,
its priests, its holy days. He could not hold land because every acre
had its own lord, and could only be transferred by an Act including a
declaration of faith; he could not become a lawyer or a physician
because the avenues to these professions lay also through the
Church. Did a man wish to build a bridge, he must belong to the
Holy Brotherhood of Bridge-Builders—Pontifices. Was an architect
wanted, he was looked for in a Monastery. The scholars, the
physicians, the artists were men of the cloister. Even the minstrels,
gleemen, jugglers, tumblers, dancers, buffoons, and mimes, though
the Church did not bless their calling, would have scorned to suffer a
Jew among them. That was the position of the Jew. Every calling
closed to him, every door shut. There was, however, one way open,
but a way of contempt, a way accursed by the Church, a way held
impossible to the Christian. He might practise usury. The lending of
money for profit was absolutely forbidden by the Church. He who
carried on this business was accounted as excommunicated. If he
died while carrying it on, his goods were forfeited and fell to the
Crown. In the matter of usury the Church had always been firm and
consistent. The Church, through one or two of the Fathers, had even
denounced trade. St. Augustine plainly said that in selling goods no
addition was to be made to the price for which they were bought, a
method which if carried out would destroy all trade except barter. So
that while the usurer was accursed by the Church, to the King he
became a large and very valuable asset. Every Jew who became
rich, by his death enriched the King. It was calculated (see Joseph
Jacobs, The Jews of Angevin England) that the Jews contributed
every year one-twelfth of the King’s revenues. The interest charged
by the usurer was in those days enormously high, forty per cent and
even more: so that it is easy to understand how rich a Jew might
become and how strong would be the temptation to squeeze him.

FIRST SEAL OF RICHARD I.

As for the hatred of the people for the Jews, I think that it had
nothing whatever to do with their money-lending, for the simple
reason that they had no dealings with them. The common people
never borrowed money of the Jews, because they had no security to
offer and no want of money except for their daily bread. Those who
borrowed of the Jews were the Barons, who strengthened or
repaired or rebuilt their castles; the Bishop, who wanted to carry on
his cathedral or to build a church; the Abbot, who had works to
execute upon the monastery estates, or a church to beautify. The
great Lords of the Church and the Realm were the borrowers; and
we do not find that they murdered the Jews. The popular hatred
was purely religious. The Jew was an unbeliever: when no one was
looking at him he spat upon the Cross; when he dared he kidnapped
children and crucified them; he it was who crucified our Lord, and
would do so again if he could. Why, the King was going off to the
East to kill infidels, and here were infidels at home. Why not begin
by killing them first? So the people reasoned, quite logically, on
these premisses.
To return to the coronation of Richard I. For fear of magic it was
ordered that no Jew and no woman should be allowed admission to
the Abbey Church during the function. Unfortunately, the Jews,
hoping to conciliate the new Sovereign with gifts, assembled outside
the gates and endeavoured to gain admission. It was always
characteristic of the Jews, especially in times of persecution, that
they never in the least understood the intensity of hatred with which
they were regarded by the world. One would think that on such an
occasion common prudence would have kept them at home. Not so,
they endeavoured to force their way into the Hall during the
Coronation Banquet, but they were roughly driven back, and the
rumour ran that the King had ordered them to be put to death; so
they were cudgelled, stoned, struck with knives, chased to their
houses, which were then set on fire. From mid-day till two of the
clock on the following day the mob continued to murder, to pillage,
and to destroy.
It is noted that at Richard’s Coronation Banquet the Chief
Magistrate of London, not yet Mayor, officiated as Butler, an office
claimed in the following reigns from that precedent.
When Richard prepared for his Crusade he ordered the City to
furnish a certain quantity of armour, spears, knives, tents, etc., for
the use of his army, together with wine, silken habits, and other
things for his own use.
On the departure of Richard for Palestine his Chancellor, William
Longchamp, Bishop of Ely, took up his residence in the Tower. Power
turned his head; he acted like one whose position is safe, and
authority unbounded. He annoyed the citizens by constructing a
moat round the Tower, and by including within the external wall of
the Tower a piece of land here and another there, a mill which
belonged to St. Katherine’s Hospital, and a garden belonging to the
City. He offended the Bishops by seizing his brother Regent, Bishop
Pudsey; and the Barons by insulting Geoffrey, Archbishop of York,
the son of Fair Rosamond. Thereafter, when John, at the head of a
large army, summoned him to justify himself at Reading, Longchamp
closed the gates of the Tower.
John proceeded to ascertain the disposition of the leading citizens
of London. On the one hand Longchamp was the representative of
the King, appointed by the King, to whom obedience was due. On
the other hand, he had exasperated the citizens beyond endurance.
They were ready—but with exceptions—to transfer their allegiance
to John—always as the King’s representative. And here they saw
their opportunity for making terms with John to their own
advantage. Why not ask for the Commune? They did so. They made
the granting of the Commune the condition of John’s admission into
the City, and therefore of Longchamp’s disgrace. Should John refuse
they would close their gates and support the Chancellor. But John
accepted.
He rode from Reading into London accompanied by the
Archbishop of Rouen and a great number of Bishops, Earls, and
Barons. He was met by the citizens. The gates were thrown open;
and John’s army sat down to besiege the Tower from the City and
from the outside. This done, he called a council in the Chapel House
of St. Paul’s and there solemnly conceded the Commune, upon
which the citizens took oath of obedience to him, subject to the
rights of the King. The meaning of this concession will be found
more fully considered later on. At present it is sufficient to observe
that it was followed by the election of the first Mayor of London: that
other towns hastened to get the same recognition: and that the
Commune, though never formally withdrawn by Richard himself, was
never allowed by him.
Two Charters were granted to the City by Richard. The first, dated
April 23, 1194, was an exact copy of his father’s Charter, with the
same omission as to the election of Sheriff and Justiciar. It is not
addressed to the Mayor, because Richard never recognised that
office, but, as the Charter of Henry II. and that of Henry I., “To the
Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls, Barons, Justices, Sheriffs,
Ministers, and all others his faithful Friends and English people.”
The second Charter of July 14, 1197, authorised the removal of all
weirs in the River: “For it is manifest to us ... that great determent
and discommodity have grown to our City of London and also to the
whole realm by reason of the said wears.”
We now arrive at the first intimation of an articulate discontent
among the people. In all times those “who have not” regard those
“who have” with envy and disfavour; from time to time, generally
when the conditions of society seem to make partition possible, this
hatred shows itself openly. In the year 1195, there first arose among
the people a leader who became the voice of their discontent: he
flourished for a while upon their favour; in the end he met with the
usual fate of those who rely upon the gratitude and the support of
the people. (See vol. ii. pt. i. ch. vi.)
In the year 1198 the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex were
ordered by the King to provide standards of weight, length, and
measures to be sent into all the Counties.
Richard was received by the City, on his return from captivity, with
the greatest show of rejoicing; the houses being so decorated as to
move the astonishment of the “Lords of Almaine” who rode with the
King.
“When they saw the great riches,” Holinshed
writes, “which the Londoners shewed in that
triumphant receiuing of their souereigne lord and
king, they maruelled greatlie thereat, insomuch
that one of them said unto him:‘Surelie, oh King,
your people are wise and subtile, which doo
nothing doubt to shew the beautiful shine of their
riches now that they have receiued you home, CROSS OF KNIGHT
whereas before they seemed to bewaile their TEMPLAR
need and povertie, whilest you remained in
captiuitie. For verelie if the emperor had understood that the riches
of the realme had bin such, neither would he have beene persuaded
that England could have been made bare of wealth, neither yet
should you so lightlie have escaped his hands without the paiment of
a more huge and intollerable ransome.’” (Vol. iii. p. 142, 1586
edition.)
The whole period of Richard’s residence in London, or, indeed, in
England, was limited to a few weeks after his coronation and a few
weeks after his return from captivity.
 CHAPTER III
JOHN
John granted five Charters to the City.
By the first of these Charters, June 17, 1199, he confirmed the
City in the liberties which they had enjoyed under King Henry II.
By the third Charter, July 5, 1199,
he went farther: he gave back to the
citizens the rights they had obtained
from Henry I., viz. the farm of
Middlesex for a payment of £300
sterling every year, and the right of
electing their own sheriffs. This
seemed a great concession, but was
not in reality very great, for the
existence of a Mayor somewhat
lessened the importance of the
Sheriffs.
The second Charter confirmed
previous laws as to the conservation
of the Thames and its Fisheries.
The fourth Charter, March 20, 1202,
disfranchised the Weavers’ Guild.
The fifth Charter, May 9, 1215,
granted the right of the City to
appoint a Mayor. Now there had been KING JOHN (1167(?)-1216)
already a Mayor for many years, but From the effigy in Worcester Cathedral.
he had not been formally recognised
by the King, and this Charter recognised his existence. The right
involved the establishment of the Commune, that is to say, the
association of all the burghers alike for the purpose of protecting
their common interests. It was no longer, for instance, the Merchant
Guild which regulated trade as a whole; nor an association of Trade
Guilds: nor was it an association of City Barons: nor was it a tribunal
of Justice: it was simply the association of the burghers as a body.
We are now, however, approaching that period of the City History
in which was carried on the long struggle between the aristocratic
party and the crafts for power. In this place it is only necessary to
indicate the beginning of the strife. The parties were first the Barons
and Aldermen, owners of the City manors; secondly, the merchants,
some of whom belonged to the City aristocracy; and, lastly, the craft.
The Chief Magistrate of the Commune held a position of great power
and importance. It was necessary for the various parties to
endeavour to secure this post for a man of their own side.
 HENRY FITZAILWYN, KNT., FIRST LORD MAYOR OF LONDON
From an old print.

The disfranchisement of the weavers certainly marks a point of

importance in this conflict. It shows that the aristocratic party was
for the time victorious. The Weavers’ Guild, as we have seen, had
become very powerful. Their Guild united in itself all the tradesmen
belonging to the manufacture, or the use, of textile fabrics; such as
weavers, clothmakers, shearmen, fullers, cloth merchants, tailors,
drapers, linen armourers, hosiers, and others, forming a body
powerful by numbers, wealth, and organisation. To break up this
body was equivalent to destroying the power of the crafts for a long
time.
The domestic incidents of the City during this reign are not of
great importance.
A very curious story occurs in the year 1209. The King’s Purveyor
bought in the City a certain quantity of corn. The two Sheriffs, Roger
Winchester and Edmund Hardell, refused to allow him to carry it off.
King John, who was never remarkable for meekness, flew into a
royal rage on this being reported to him, and ordered the Council of
the City to degrade and imprison the said Sheriffs—which was done.
But the Council sent a deputation to the King, then staying at
Langley, to intercede for the Sheriffs. Their conduct, it was
explained, was forced upon them. Had they not stopped the carrying
off of the corn there would have been an insurrection which might
have proved dangerous. This makes us wonder if the Commonalty
resented the sending of corn out of the City? If so, why? Or was
there some other reason for preventing it?
After the King’s return from his Irish expedition the Parliament or
Council held at St Bride’s, Fleet Street, took place. John wanted
money. He insisted on taking it, not from the City but from the
Religious Houses. It was an act worthy of an Angevin. The fact, and
the way of achieving the fact, are thus narrated by Holinshed:—
 “From hence he made hast to London, and at his comming
thither, tooke counsell how to recover the great charges and
expenses that he had beene at in this journey and by the advice
of William Brewer, Robert de Turnham, Reignold de Cornhill, and
Richard de Marish, he caused all the cheefe prelats of England
to assemble before him at St. Bride’s in London. So that thither
came all the Abbats, Abbesses, Templars, Hospitallers, keepers
of farmes and possessions of the order of Clugnie, and other
such forreners as had lands within this realme belonging to their
houses. All which were constreined to paie such a greevous tax,
that the whole amounted to the summe of an hundred thousand
pounds. The moonks of the Cisteaux order, otherwise called
White Moonks, were constreined to paie 40 thousand pounds of
silver at this time, all their privileges to the contrarie
notwithstanding. Moreover, the abbats of that order might not
get licence to go their generall chapter that yeere, which
yeerelie was used to be holden, least their complaint should
moove all the world against the king, for his too too hard and
severe handling of them.” (Holinshed, vol. iii. p. 174, 1586
edition.)

This act of spoliation belonged to the period of the six years’

Interdict. The Interdict was pronounced on Passion Sunday, March
23, 1208, “which,” says Roger of Wendover, “since it was expressed
to be by authority of our Lord the Pope, was inviolably observed by
all without regard of persons or privileges. Therefore, all church
services ceased to be performed in England, with the exception only
of confession; the viaticum in cases of extremity; and the baptism of
children: the bodies of the dead, too, were carried out of cities and
towns, and buried in roads and ditches without prayers or the
attendance of priests.”
 KING JOHN HUNTING
From MS. in British Museum—Claudius D2 (Cotton).

At the beginning of the Interdict, the solemn silence of the church

bells, the closing of the church gates, the cessation of all religious
rites at a time when nothing was done without religion taking her
part, struck terror into the minds of all folk. But as time went on and
the people became accustomed to live without religion, this terror
wore itself away. One understands very plainly that an Interdict too
long maintained and too rigorously carried out might result in the
destruction of religion itself. We must also remember, first, that the
Interdict was in many places only partially observed, and in other
places was not observed at all. Some of the Bishops remained on the
King’s side; some of the clergy were rewarded for disobeying the
Interdict. And in London and elsewhere there were relaxations.
Thus, marriages and churchings took place at church doors; children
were baptized in the church; offerings might be made at the altar: in
the Monastic Houses the canonical hours were observed, but there
was no singing. In a word, though the close connection of religious
observances with the daily life made the Interdict grievous, there
can be no doubt that its burden was felt less and less the longer it
was maintained. Moreover, the King afforded the City a proof that
the longer the Interdict lasted the richer and more powerful he
would become: a fact which would certainly weaken the terror of the
Church, while it might make the King’s subjects uneasy as to their
liberties; for John confiscated all the property of the Church that he
could lay his hands upon. “The King’s agents,” says Roger of
Wendover, “converted the property of the Bishops to the King’s use,
giving them only a scanty allowance of food and clothing out of their
own property. The coin of the clergy was everywhere locked up and
distrained for the benefit of the revenue: the concubines of the
priests and clerks were taken by the King’s servants and compelled
to ransom themselves at great expense. Religious men and other
persons ordained, of any kind, when found travelling on the road,
were dragged from their horses, robbed, and basely ill-treated by
the satellites of the King, and no one could do them justice. About
that time the servants of a certain sheriff on the confines of Wales
came to the King, bringing in their custody a robber with his hands
tied behind him, who had robbed and murdered a priest on the
road: and on their asking the King what it was his pleasure should
be done to the robber in such a case, the King immediately
answered,‘He hath slain an enemy of mine. Release him, and let him
go!’”
In the year 1210 the Town Ditch was dug for the greater
strengthening of the City.
 A PORTION OF THE GREAT CHARTER
From the copy of original in British Museum. Rischgitz Collection.

A larger image is available here.

In 1213 the Standard Bearer of the City, Robert FitzWalter, one of

the malcontent Barons, fled to France rather than give a security of
his fidelity to John the King, whereupon John ordered his castle—
Baynard’s Castle—to be destroyed. This castle stood at the angle in
the junction of Thames and Fleet. The second Baynard’s Castle,
erected by the Duke of Gloucester, was some little distance to the
east, also on the bank of the river.
The leader of the Barons was this Robert FitzWalter, “Marshal of
the Army of God and of Holy Church.” He was Castellain of London,
Chief Banneret of the City, Baron of Dunmow, owner of Baynard’s
Castle, and of a soke which now forms the parish of St. Andrew by
the Wardrobe. As Castellain and Banneret it was his duty to direct
the execution of traitors by drowning in the Thames. At the Court of
Husting his place was on the right hand of the Mayor. In time of war
the Castellain proceeded to the western gate of St. Paul’s, attended
by nineteen knights mounted and armed, his banner borne before
him. The Mayor and Aldermen came forth to meet him, all in arms,
the Mayor carrying the City banner, which he placed in FitzWalter’s
hands, at the same time giving him a charger fully caparisoned
valued at £20. A sum of £20 was also given to FitzWalter for his
expenses. The Mote bell was then rung, and the whole party rode to
the Priory of the Holy Trinity, there to concert measures for the
defence of the City.
The events which led to the concession of Magna Charta belong to
the history of the country. But the part played by London in this
memorable event must not be passed over.
The Barons, under FitzWalter, were besieging Northampton when
letters arrived from certain citizens of London offering their
admission into the City, no doubt on terms and conditions. The
chance of getting the chief city of the country into their power was
too good to be refused. A large company of soldiers took back the
Barons’ answer. They were admitted within the walls secretly;
according to one Chronicle, at night and by scaling the wall;
according to another, by day, and on Sunday morning, the people
being at mass; according to another, openly and by Aldgate. Once in
the City, however, they seized and held the gates and proclaimed
rebellion against the King, murdering his partisans. Then the Barons
themselves entered London. From this stronghold they threatened
destruction to such of the Lords as had not joined their confederacy.
And for a time all government ceased; there were no pleas heard in
the Courts; the Sheriffs no longer attempted to carry out their
duties; no one paid tax dues, tolls, or customs. The King, at one
time reduced to a personal following of half a dozen, found himself
unable to make any resistance; and on the glorious June 15, 1215,
Magna Charta was signed.
The Barons, who retained London by way of security, returned to
the City and there remained for twelve months, but in doubt and
anxiety as to what the King would do next. That he would loyally
carry out his promises no one expected. He was sending
ambassadors to Rome seeking the Pope’s aid; and he was living with
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