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Ethnography, Superdiversity
and Linguistic Landscapes
CRITICAL LANGUAGE AND LITERACY STUDIES
Series Editors: Professor Alastair Pennycook, University of Technology, Sydney,
Australia; Professor Brian Morgan, Glendon College/York University, Toronto, Canada
and Professor Ryuko Kubota, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada

Critical Language and Literacy Studies is an international series that encour-

ages monographs directly addressing issues of power (its flows, inequities, dis-
tributions, trajectories) in a variety of language- and literacy-related realms.
The aim with this series is twofold: (1) to cultivate scholarship that openly
engages with social, political and historical dimensions in language and liter-
acy studies, and (2) to widen disciplinary horizons by encouraging new work
on topics that have received little focus (see below for partial list of subject
areas) and that use innovative theoretical frameworks.

Full details of all the books in this series and of all our other publications can be
found on http://www.multilingual-matters.com, or by writing to Multilingual
Matters, St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.
Other books in the series
Collaborative Research in Multilingual Classrooms
Corey Denos, Kelleen Toohey, Kathy Neilson and Bonnie Waterstone
English as a Local Language: Post-colonial Identities and Multilingual Practices
Christina Higgins
The Idea of English in Japan: Ideology and the Evolution of a Global Language
Philip Seargeant
Gendered Identities and Immigrant Language Learning
Julia Menard-Warwick
China and English: Globalisation and the Dilemmas of Identity
Joseph Lo Bianco, Jane Orton and Gao Yihong (eds)
Language and HIV/AIDS
Christina Higgins and Bonny Norton (eds)
Hybrid Identities and Adolescent Girls: Being ‘Half’ in Japan
Laurel D. Kamada
Decolonizing Literacy: Mexican Lives in the Era of Global Capitalism
Gregorio Hernandez-Zamora
Contending with Globalization in World Englishes
Mukul Saxena and Tope Omoniyi (eds)
ELT, Gender and International Development: Myths of Progress in a Neocolonial World
Roslyn Appleby
Examining Education, Media, and Dialogue under Occupation: The Case of Palestine and Israel
Ilham Nasser, Lawrence N. Berlin and Shelley Wong (eds)
The Struggle for Legitimacy: Indigenized Englishes in Settler Schools
Andrea Sterzuk
Style, Identity and Literacy: English in Singapore
Christopher Stroud and Lionel Wee
Language and Mobility: Unexpected Places
Alastair Pennycook
Talk, Text and Technology: Literacy and Social Practice in a Remote Indigenous Community
Inge Kral
Language Learning, Gender and Desire: Japanese Women on the Move
Kimie Takahashi
English and Development: Policy, Pedagogy and Globalization
Elizabeth J. Erling and Philip Seargeant (eds)
Ethnography, Superdiversity
and Linguistic Landscapes
Chronicles of Complexity

Jan Blommaert

MULTILINGUAL MATTERS
Bristol • Buffalo • Toronto
 In memory of Jens Normann Jørgensen

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Blommaert, Jan.
Ethnography, Superdiversity and Linguistic Landscapes: Chronicles of Complexity/Jan
Blommaert.
Critical Language and Literacy Studies: 18
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Multilingualism–Belgium–Antwerp. 2. Languages in contact–Belgium–Antwerp. 3.
City dwellers–Language–Belgium–Antwerp. 4. Linguistic minorities–Belgium–Antwerp.
5. Ethnicity–Belgium–Antwerp. 6. Sociolinguistics–Belgium–Antwerp. 7. Antwerp
(Belgium)–Languages. I. Title.
P115.5.B4B56 2013
306.44'609493222–dc23 2013022862

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN-13: 978-1-78309-040-2 (hbk)

ISBN-13: 978-1-78309-039-6 (pbk)

Multilingual Matters
UK: St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.
USA: UTP, 2250 Military Road, Tonawanda, NY 14150, USA.
Canada: UTP, 5201 Dufferin Street, North York, Ontario M3H 5T8, Canada.

Copyright © 2013 Jan Blommaert.

All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means
without permission in writing from the publisher.

The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are
natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable for-
ests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, prefer-
ence is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certification. The FSC
and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted
to the printer concerned.

Typeset by Techset Composition India (P) Ltd., Bangalore and Chennai, India.
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Short Run Press Ltd.
Contents

Preface and Acknowledgements vii

Series Editors’ Preface ix

1 Introduction: New Sociolinguistic Landscapes 1

Superdiversity 4
Complexity 6
Chronicles of Complexity 14
Introducing Berchem 18

2 Historical Bodies and Historical Space 23

The Problem of Synchrony 24
Historical Bodies in Historical Space 27
The Zebra Crossing 34

3 Semiotic and Spatial Scope 38

Signs in Public 39
Scope and Demarcation 41
High-Octane LLS 49

4 Signs, Practices, People 50

Who Lives Here? 52
Forms of Organization 61
The Synchronic Picture 68

5 Change and Transformation 70

The Transformation of the Turkish Community 70
Unfinished Transitions 75
Ecumenical Dutch as a Diagnostic 77
The Historical Image of the Neighborhood 82
Infrastructures for Superdiversity 85

v
vi Ethnography, Superdiversit y and Linguist ic L andscapes

6 The Vatican of the Diaspora 90

Worshipping in 16 Places 90
Visibility and Invisibility 92
Fully Globalized Churches 98
The Functions of Churches 103
The Vatican 105

7 Conclusion: The Order of Superdiversity 107

The Order of Superdiversity 111
On Structure 115
The End of Synchrony 117
On Interdisciplinarity 119

References 121
Index 126
Preface and Acknowledgments

It took me a long time to write this small book, and the reasons for this will
be discussed in the pages of this study. One has a tendency to assume that
one’s everyday habitat is a well-known place that holds few, if any, mysteries
to its inhabitants. I believe I held this silly idea when I formed the plan,
several years ago, of devoting a book-length study to my own neighborhood
in Antwerp. I had to abandon that idea rather quickly, for my neighborhood
proved to be astonishingly complex and impossible to ‘describe’ in a tradi-
tional sense – that is, using the synchronic descriptive stance that provides
the bread and butter of sociolinguistics.
Thus, while I tried to study something very local – the streets around my
house – I began to see the wider, indeed fundamental relevance of the exer-
cise. In order to study my own space adequately, several major methodologi-
cal and epistemological interventions were required. I had, for instance, to
shift from a focus on mobility, articulated in several earlier works of mine,
to what I now see as its logical extension: complexity. And in a way, strangely,
this brought me back to some very old interests I had, in my student years,
in chaos and complexity theory. It sometimes takes a decade to move from
one intellectual position to another, even if the distance between these posi-
tions appears to be minimal after the fact. And then, one finds oneself in a
familiar place – a new intellectual position that is in effect a very old one. It
has been a sobering experience indeed.
Getting there was entirely a matter of teamwork. The work on sociolin-
guistic superdiversity that I have been doing over the past handful of years has,
from day one, been part of the activities of what became INCOLAS – the
International Symposium for Language and Superdiversity. Themes and
approaches to them were discussed on a regular basis, since 2009, with that
wonderful troupe of colleagues and friends who collaborate with me under the
INCOLAS umbrella: Ben Rampton, Roxy Harris, Sirpa Leppänen, Adrian
Blackledge, Angela Creese, Marilyn Martin-Jones, Jens Normann Jørgensen,

vii
viii Ethnography, Superdiversit y and Linguist ic L andscapes

Martha Karrebaek, Lian Madsen, Janus Møller, Christopher Stroud, Karel

Arnaut, David Parkin, Steven Vertovec and their collaborators. My own team
of colleagues in Tilburg was evidently the first critical audience throughout,
and the contributions of Sjaak Kroon, Max Spotti, Piia Varis, Jef Van der Aa,
Fie Velghe, Xuan Wang, Caixia Du, Kasper Juffermans, Dong Jie, Jinling Li, Jos
Swanenberg, Paul Post and April Huang have been crucial. People who are close
in our field but less close to home were also important providers of feedback
throughout the process: Alastair Pennycook, Adam Jaworski, Nik Coupland,
Gunther Kress, Michael Silverstein, Asif Agha, Lionel Wee, Rob Moore, Ron
Scollon, Pan Lin, Stephen May and Monica Barni all fed me with ideas and
insights that left traces in this book. And Frederik, Alexander and Pika, along
with several neighbors from Berchem, were continuously sharp and critical
listeners and readers of what I had to say about our neighborhood.
Some parts of this book have been previously published. An earlier version
of Chapter 2 was published as Blommaert and Huang (2010), ‘Historical bodies
and historical space’, Journal of Applied Linguistics 6 (3), 11–26. Important parts
of Chapter 3 appeared as Blommaert and Huang (2010), ‘Semiotic and spatial
scope: towards a materialist semiotics’, Working Papers in Urban Language and
Literacies 62. A version of Chapter 5 appeared as ‘Infrastructures of superdiver-
sity: Conviviality and language in an Antwerp neighborhood’, European Journal
of Cultural Studies (2013). An abridged version of Chapter 6, finally, appeared as
Blommaert (2011), The Vatican of the diaspora. Jaarboek voor Liturgieonderzoek
27, 243–259. I am deeply indebted to April Huang for allowing me to republish
the co-authored papers in this single-authored book, as well as to Equinox
Publishers, SAGE, and to the Instituut voor Christelijk Cultureel Erfgoed,
Groningen and the Instituut voor Liturgische en Rituele Studies, Tilburg, for
permission to use these published papers here.
A final word of thanks is due to my series editors Alastair Pennycook,
Brian Morgan and Ryuko Kubota, and to Tommi Grover, Anna Roderick and
Sarah Williams of Multilingual Matters for accepting this small book in
what I consider to be the most outstanding book series on language and
globalization, and for seeing me through the editing and production process.
I am very proud to join the ranks of authors in the exquisite Critical Language
and Literacy Studies series.
If readers find this a book worth reading, it is owing to the people I have
mentioned here; if not, I am happy to take the blame myself and accept that
it is a poor book in spite of the massive input and support of this large team.
It is for the reader to judge now.

Jan Blommaert
Berchem, March 2013
Series Editors’ Preface

Linguistic landscape research has taken off in the last few years. There seem
to be several reasons for this: first, an increased attention to space, location
and the physical environment. Some 10 years ago, Scollon and Scollon called
for ‘progressively more acute analyses of the ways in which places in time
and space come to have subjective meanings for the humans who live and act
within them’ (Scollon & Scollon, 2003: 12). This was a move aimed to under-
stand in much greater depth the role of space and place in relation to lan-
guage. Where previously a lot of sociolinguistic work had tended to operate
with a rather underexamined notion of ‘context’, this new orientation urged
us to explore the relation between signs and their place in space much more
carefully. Second, a growing interest in urban multilingualism, coupled with
a focus on linguistic ethnography, increased our awareness of the need to
explore the lived experience of languages in the city rather than the demolin-
guistic mapping of variety. Third, a focus on language policy in relation to
public signs started to draw attention to the ways in which different lan-
guages were represented in public spaces. The problem of English or other
dominant languages also became a focus here, with attention turning to the
ways in which advertising, for example, often thrust English into the public
domain at the expense of other languages.
The notion of linguistic landscapes has clearly resonated with research-
ers interested in social and political roles of languages (Shohamy & Gorter,
2009): it emphasizes that language is not something that exists only in
people’s heads, in texts written for institutional consumption or in spoken
interactions, but rather is part of the physical environment. At least in
urban contexts – as Coulmas (2009) points out, a better term might indeed
be linguistic cityscape – language surrounds us, directs us, hales us, calls for
our attention, flashes its messages to us. Linguistic landscapes take us into
the spatiality of language; we are invited to explore what Scollon and
Scollon (2003: 12) called geosemiotics: ‘an integrative view of these multiple

ix
x Ethnography, Superdiversit y and Linguist ic L andscapes

semiotic systems which together form the meanings which we call place’.
As Shohamy and Gorter (2009: 4) explain, linguistic landscape (LL) ‘contex-
tualizes the public space within issues of identity and language policy of
nations, political and social conflicts . . . LL is a broader concept than docu-
mentation of signs; it incorporates multimodal theories to include sounds,
images, and graffiti’.
From these beginnings, attention to the LL has now become not only a
focus in itself but also part of a broader sociolinguistic toolkit to study
anything from graffiti (Jørgensen1, 2008; Pennycook, 2010) to Welsh
teahouses in Patagonia (Coupland, 2013), the semiotic landscape of airports
(Jaworski & Thurlow, 2013) or the Corsican tourist scene (Jaffe & Oliva,
2013). Despite this productive space that the idea of LLs has opened up, there
are nonetheless some more critical questions that need to be asked. One basic
concern – and another reason that has led to the growth of LL research – is
the ease of using digital cameras as research tools (no need for interviews,
ethnographies, field notes, transcriptions, translations: just press a button,
download, insert, and it’s done). Linguistic landscape research, therefore, has
perhaps at times been too easy. In this context, however, the benefits of LL
research as an accessible pedagogical strategy should also be appreciated.
Elana Shohamy’s accounts (many personal communications) of her students
heading out across Tel Aviv and other towns, cities and villages with their
cameras and smart phones, give strong testimony to its usefulness as the
students return with stories, images, new awarenesses and politicizations of
the LLs of Israel.
At the same time, the ways in which the study of LLs has often pro-
ceeded has constrained the possibilities of seeing LLs in more dynamic terms.
Both the concept of language embedded in the ‘linguistic’ and the concept of
context embedded in the ‘landscape’ have been commonly viewed from per-
spectives that limit the possibilities of thinking about language and place in
more vibrant ways. A common construction of language in this work, for
example, has been as an indicator of a particular language, with the focus
then being on the representation of different languages in public space as part
of an attempt to address questions about which languages are used for par-
ticular public duties, how official language policies are reflected in public
signs, how local sign-making may present other forms of diversity, and so on.
While interesting enough questions in themselves, this sort of LL research
leaves many other questions hanging: Can we so readily identify the lan-
guage of a sign and assume the consequences of using one language or
another (Pennycook, 2009)? Which signs are more salient and how do people
read them? Who writes the signs and why? How do we interact with the LL
we inhabit? Malinowski’s (2009) question ‘Who authors the landscape?’,
 Ser ies Editors’ Pref ace xi

therefore, becomes not only a question as to who has written what sign but
how our landscapes are made through language. In order to understand signs
in landscapes, we need signographies (ethnographies of signs) rather than
sign cartographies (maps of signs).
Which brings us to Blommaert’s work. He has long argued (e.g. 2005)
that in order to understand texts, signs or discourses, we cannot rely solely
on textual analysis: rather we need textual ethnographies. In a significant
critique of some of the textual and analytic myopias of critical discourse
analysis, therefore, Blommaert has suggested that critical analysis needs to
get beyond ‘the old idea that a chunk of discourse has only one function and
one meaning’ (2005: 34), and that ‘linguists have no monopoly over theories
of language’ (2005: 35). He goes on to suggest that there are therefore a range
of candidates to provide an understanding of how language works, and that
‘if we wish to understand contemporary forms of inequality in and through
language,’ we should look not only inside language but outside (in society)
as well (2005: 35). This comment echoes the earlier remark by Bourdieu: ‘As
soon as one treats language as an autonomous object, accepting the radical
separation which Saussure made between internal and external linguistics,
between the science of language and the science of the social uses of lan-
guage, one is condemned to looking within words for the power of words,
that is, looking for it where it is not to be found’ (1991: 107).
The need to understand signs, discourses and language ethnographi-
cally, from the outside as well as the inside, is one of the central arguments
of this new book, where Blommaert brings to the domain of LL research an
insistence on the need for ‘deep ethnographic immersion’. There are two
sides to this: on the one hand the need to grasp the situated and momentary
occurrence of a sign in this shop window, on this street, at this time; on the
other hand a need to situate these observations within a much longer his-
torical trajectory, so that we can also grasp the layers of history and mean-
ing at play in a sign, as well as its locational history and the broad array of
meanings it indexes across time and space. This brings us to the second
major focus of this work – in part an obvious result of (or precursor to) the
ethnographic focus – the idea of complexity. Here, linking to the theme of
superdiversity, Blommaert argues we need to try to account for the com-
plexity of forces and meanings that dynamically come to bear on the
instance of a sign and its interpretation, noting the simultaneous operation
of multi-scaled and polycentric systems of meaning, a conceptual approach
conveyed through his notions of ‘ordered indexicalities’ and ‘layered
simultaneity’.
The idea of complexity, in which non-linear, recursive and emergent
forms of meaning making are foregrounded, is crucially important not only
xii Ethnography, Superdiversit y and Linguist ic L andscapes

for understanding LLs, but also for how we teach and learn second/additional
languages, particularly in the super-diversifying, cosmopolitan spaces that
Blommaert details. Towards this goal, areas of complementarity and applica-
tion can be noted: for example, in Diane Larsen-Freeman’s (2012) work on
complexity and chaos theory in SLA, and her dynamic and emergent notion
of ‘grammaring’ for pedagogy; in Mark Clarke’s (2003) innovative adaptation
of Gregory Bateson’s systems theory for language teacher education; and in
the late, Leo van Lier’s (2004, 2011) ground-breaking work on the ecology and
semiotics of language learning and its possibilities for expanding the scope of
ELT practice: ‘It is clear that an ecological and semiotic stance on language
learning is anchored in agency, as all of life is. Teaching, in its very essence, is
promoting agency. Pedagogy is guiding this agency wisely’ (2011: 391). The
idea of complexity, so conceived, is not a loss of rigor but instead a source of
empowerment, an epistemology by which social agents may recognize and
re-imagine possibilities for change.
The Critical Language and Literacy Series is most fortunate to have
Ethnography, Superdiversity and Linguistic Landscapes on its list. Another impor-
tant aspect of this book is the intellectual trajectory of which it is a part, the
complexity of polycentric systems of meaning that dynamically come to
bear on this text. In a series of major works Blommaert (2005, 2008, 2010)
has drawn attention to the need to understand language ethnographically,
locally, historically, and in relation to mobility. As he argues, language is best
understood sociolinguistically as ‘mobile speech, not as static language, and
lives can consequently be better investigated on the basis of repertoires set
against a real historical and spatial background’ (2010: 173). This book there-
fore also needs to be read as the latest stage of a decade of key work bridging
sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology, drawing attention to the need
to understand local language practices such as grassroots literacy not only in
terms of their immediate surrounds but also in terms of how they got there,
historically and spatially. Ethnography, Superdiversity and Linguistic Landscapes
on the one hand takes Blommaert’s work forward though this detailed
examination of the LL of Oud-Berchem, an inner-city neighbourhood in
Antwerp, while on the other hand it takes work in LLs – and discourse analy-
sis and sociolinguistics more generally – forward by insisting on the impor-
tance of the ethnographic understanding of textual complexities.

Alastair Pennycook
Brian Morgan
Ryuko Kubota
 Ser ies Editors’ Pref ace xiii

Note
(1) Jens Normann Jørgensen died on 29th May, 2013, during the writing of this preface.
His inspirational work has had an enormous impact on the work of many of us in the
fields of sociolinguistics and education. A close collaborator of Jan Blommaert, too,
he will be very sadly missed.

References
Blommaert, J. (2005) Discourse: A Critical Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Blommaert, J. (2008) Grassroots Literacy: Writing, Identity and voice in Central Africa. London:
Routledge.
Blommaert, J. (2010) The Sociolinguistics of Globalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1991) Language and Symbolic Power. Oxford: Polity Press.
Clarke, M.A. (2003) A Place to Stand: Essays for Educators in Troubled Times. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press.
Coulmas, F. (2009) Linguistic landscaping and the seed of the public sphere. In E.
Shohamy and D. Gorter (eds) Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery. London:
Routledge, 13–24.
Coupland, N. (2013) Welsh tea: The centring and decentring of Wales and the Welsh
language. In S. Pietikäinen and H. Kelly Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and the Periphery
(pp. 133–153). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jaffe, A. and Oliva, C. (2013) Linguistic creativity in Corsican tourist context. In S.
Pietikäinen and H. Kelly Holmes (eds) Multilingualism and the Periphery (pp. 95–117).
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jaworski, A. and Thurlow, A. (2013) The (de-)centring spaces of airports: Framing mobil-
ity and multilingualism. In S. Pietikäinen and H. Kelly Holmes (eds) Multilingualism
and the Periphery (pp. 154–198). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jørgensen, J.N. (2008) Urban wall writing. International Journal of Multilingualism 5 (3),
237–252.
Larsen-Freeman, D. (2012) Complexity theory. In S.M. Gass and A. Mackey (eds) The
Routledge Handbook of Second Language Acquisition (pp. 73–87). New York:
Routledge.
Malinowski, D. (2009) Authorship in the linguistic landscape: A multimodal-performa-
tive view. In E. Shohamy and D. Gorter (eds) Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scen-
ery (pp. 107–125). London: Routledge.
Pennycook, A. (2009) Linguistic landscapes and the transgressive semiotics of graffiti. In E.
Shohamy and D. Gorter (eds) Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery (pp. 302–312).
London: Routledge.
Pennycook, A. (2010) Spatial narratives: Graffscapes and city souls. In A. Jaworski and
C. Thurlow (eds) Semiotic Landscapes: Language, Image, Space (pp. 137–150). London:
Continuum.
Scollon, R. and Scollon, S.W. (2003) Discourses in Place: Language in the Material World.
London: Routledge.
Shohamy, E. and Gorter, D. (2009) Introduction. In E. Shohamy and D. Gorter (eds)
Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery (pp. 1–10). London: Routledge.
xiv Ethnography, Superdiversit y and Linguist ic L andscapes

van Lier, L. (2004) The Ecology and Semiotics of Language Learning: A Sociocultural Perspective.
Boston: Springer.
van Lier, L. (2011) Language learning: An ecological-semiotic approach. In E. Hinkel (ed.)
Handbook of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning (vol. 2, pp. 383–394).
New York: Routledge.
1 Introduction: New
Sociolinguistic Landscapes

These days, sociolinguists do not just walk around the world carrying field
notebooks and sound recording equipment; they also carry digital photo
cameras with which they take snapshots of what has, in the meantime,
become known as ‘linguistic landscapes’. Such landscapes capture the pres-
ence of publicly visible bits of written language: billboards, road and safety
signs, shop signs, graffiti and all sorts of other inscriptions in the public
space, both professionally produced and grassroots. The locus where such
landscapes are being documented is usually the late-modern, globalized city:
a densely multilingual environment in which publicly visible written lan-
guage documents the presence of a wide variety of (linguistically identifiable)
groups of people (e.g. Backhaus, 2007; Barni, 2008; Barni & Bagna, 2008;
Barni & Extra, 2008; Ben-Rafael et al., 2006; Coupland & Garrett, 2010;
Gorter, 2006; Jaworski, 2010; Landry & Bourhis, 1997; Lin, 2009; Shohamy
& Gorter, 2009). Excursions into less urban and more peri-urban or rural
spaces are rare, even though they occur and yield stimulating results (e.g.
Juffermans, 2010; Stroud & Mpendukana, 2009; Wang, 2013; Juffermans also
provides a broad spectre of signs in his analysis of The Gambia). In just about
a decade, linguistic landscape studies (henceforth LLS) have gained their
place on the shelves of the sociolinguistics workshop.
I welcome this development for several reasons. The first and most
immediate reason is the sheer potential offered by LLS. This potential is
descriptive as well as analytical. In descriptive terms, LLS considerably expand
the range of sociolinguistic description from, typically, (groups of) speakers
to spaces, the physical spaces in which such speakers dwell and in which they
pick up and leave, so to speak, linguistic deposits, ‘waste’, signposts and
roadmaps. Note that older sociolinguistic traditions such as dialectology also
included space into their object – the typical scholarly product of dialectology

1
Random documents with unrelated
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 [57] This constitutes part of the puberty initiation ceremonies.
[58] See illustration of Paiwan skull-shelf, at the side of
doorway of chief.
[59] See Formosa under the Dutch, by Campbell.
[60] See illustration of bachelor-house facing page 97.
[61] See Primitive Society, by Robert H. Lowie, Ph.D., Assistant
Curator in Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History.
[62] Some groups of the Taiyal use pounded ginger-root,
instead of salt, for flavouring their food.
[63] This duration varies among the different tribes, as will be
explained in the chapter dealing with Marriage Customs.
[64] A tribal group, or unit, usually consists of several villages
near together, under the same rulership, and having the same
organization and regulations.
[65] See map.
[66] Sometimes called the Story of Kaguya-Hime.
[67] See illustration.
[68] See illustration, p. 116.
[69] See p. 115.
[70] See p. 118.
[71] See map.
[72] The word “nation” is here used in the sense that it is
commonly used in connection with the tribal groupings of the
American Indians.
[73] See Totemism and Exogamy (vol. i), by Sir James Frazer.
[74] Even under “conditions of civilization,” however, eugenists
hold that more male infants than female are born, but fewer
reach maturity. Among primitive peoples the disproportion seems
greater; that is, except among those tribes where the women are
deliberately fattened—supposedly to enhance their beauty—as is
the case with certain of the African tribes; or except among those
where polygamy exists, which Frazer suggests may tend to
increase the proportion of females (see Totemism and Exogamy,
vol. i.).
 [75] This attitude of reverencing the priestesses as rain-
destroyers is in curious contrast with that of certain African tribes
(e.g. the Dinkas and Shilluks, according to Dr. Seligman), with
whom the king—who is also chief priest—is called “rain-maker”;
this difference of point of view of course being due to difference
of climatic conditions.
[76] The resemblance of certain members of the Yami tribe to
the Papuans—such as those of the Solomon Islands—has already
been noted (p. 103).
[77] See frontispiece.
[78] Melia japonica.
[79] Or “the low-born,” her words might also be translated.
[80] Hesiod, Works and Days, verse 825 (as translated by Miss
E. J. Harrison).
[81] The different methods of house-building will be dealt with
under Arts and Crafts.
[82] Among a few groups living in the eastern section of the
territory inhabited by the Taiyal, there is a special “bride-house,”
i.e. a hut erected on piles, some twenty feet above ground. In
this “bride-house” every newly married couple of the tribal group
must spend the first five days and nights after marriage. The
house is exorcised by the priestesses before the entrance of the
bridal pair.
[83] The newly married couple among the Paiwan—the tribe
adjoining the Piyuma—live for a short time only with the parents
of the bride, before building a home of their own. According to
tradition, this tribe was once altogether matrilocal, as the Piyuma
still are. Among certain groups of the Ami also, the newly married
couple live for a time with the parents of the bride.
[84] I have never heard that a woman was supposed to be
responsible for illness. Just what would happen in such a case—if
a living woman were suspected—I do not know.
[85] The bridge referred to on p. 147.
[86] See illustration.
[87] See illustration.
[88] See p. 124.
 [89] Rats and mice are a greater curse on Botel Tobago than
on the main island of Formosa, as on the former there are not—
or certainly were not, up to a very short time ago—either dogs or
cats. An opportunity for a twentieth-century Dick Whittington
suggests itself, although the reward of the modern Dick
Whittington would probably consist of flowers and sweet potatoes
—possibly of boiled millet, wrapped in banana-leaves.
[90] See Part I, p. 41.
[91] See p. 125.
[92] See illustration of author in the dress of a woman of the
Taiyal tribe.
[93] Cloth thus ornamented with crimson yarn is reserved for
the making of coats and blankets for successful warriors and
hunters.
[94] See illustration of Ami woman making pottery.
[95] See illustration.
[96] The ear-plugs worn by men of the Paiwan tribe are
perhaps even larger than those worn by the men of other tribes.
For this reason the Chinese-Formosans call the Paiwan Tao-he-lan
(“Big Ears”).
[97] Needles obtained by barter from the Japanese are now
sometimes substituted for thorns.
[98] See Part I, p. 52.
[99] “In the early Cyprian tombs clay models of chariots have
been found; these are modelled with solid wheels; sometimes
spokes are painted on the clay; other models are almost certainly
intended to represent vehicles with block wheels....
“Prof. Tylor figures an ox-waggon carved on the Antonine
column. It appears to have solid wheels, and the square end of
the axle proves that it and its drum wheels turned round
together.... Tylor also says that ancient Roman farm-carts were
made with wheels built up of several pieces of wood nailed
together.” (Haddon, Study of Man.)
[100] Called by the missionaries “Lake Candidius,” after Father
Candidius, the Dutch missionary explorer, of the seventeenth
century, who discovered it.
 [101] It is possible, however, that if Mr. Russell had been in
Korea in March 1919, and had seen the hideous cruelty practised
at that time—cruelty which took the form of peculiarly ingenious
and diabolical modes of torture on the part of Japanese
officialdom towards unarmed Koreans, women and children as
well as men—he might have modified his statement to the extent
of saying that present-day Japan is copying Christian morals of
the age of the Inquisition. That Japan is not a “Christian country”
has no bearing on the question, since Buddhism, quite as much
as Christianity, enjoins forbearance and gentleness, and stresses
—as its key-note—“harmlessness.” But the teachings of Gautama,
like those of Christ, have little effect upon “the direction taken by
the criminal tendencies,” as Mr. Russell puts it, of the nominal
followers of these teachings—in Orient or Occident.
[102] In this connection I speak of the aborigines of this
particular island—Formosa. Among many of the Melanesian
aborigines of other islands of the South Pacific—as among many
tribes of equatorial Africa, and certain tribes of American Indians
—every form of torture is applied to the vanquished enemy
before death releases him from suffering.
[103] See Das Mutterrecht, by J. J. Bachofen.
[104] On this subject see Les Formes Élémentaires de la Vie
Religieuse, by E. Durkheim.
[105] See Sex and Character, by Otto Weininger.
[106] The Dora of Dickens’s David Copperfield.
[107] See The Female of the Species, by Kipling.
[108] A Japanese silver coin, equivalent to about a sixpence in
value.
[109] A Japanese coin, equivalent to about a shilling in value.
 Transcriber’s Notes
Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been retained. Original
capitalization and spelling has been retained except in the cases
of the following apparent typographical errors:
Page 23, “ANTROPOLOGICAL” changed to
“ANTHROPOLOGICAL.” (ANTHROPOLOGICAL MAP OF
FORMOSA)
Page 95, “Filippinos” changed to “Filipinos.” (resemblance
between Filipinos and)
Page 140, “prietesses” changed to “priestesses.” (elderly
women are priestesses)
Page 253, under Russia heading, “Mapz” changed to “Maps.”
(With 60 Illustrations and Maps.)
Page 46, “outcaste” changed to “outcast.” (the outcast class
of China)
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