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HISTORY OF SPECIAL
EDUCATION
ADVANCES IN SPECIAL
EDUCATION
Series Editor: Anthony F. Rotatori
Recent Volumes:
Volume 13: Intervention Techniques for Individuals with
Exceptionalities in Inclusive Settings – Edited by
Festus E. Obiakor, Sandra Burkhardt,
Anthony F. Rotatori and Tim Wahlberg
Volume 14: Autistic Spectrum Disorders: Educational and Clinical
Interventions – Edited by Tim Wahlberg, Festus E.
Obiakor, Sandra Burkhardt and Anthony F. Rotatori
Volume 15: Effective Education for Learners with
Exceptionalities – Edited by Festus E. Obiakor,
Cheryl A. Utley and Anthony F. Rotatori
Volume 16: Current Perspectives on Learning Disabilities –
Edited by Sandra Burkhardt, Festus E. Obiakor
and Anthony F. Rotatori
Volume 17: Current Perspectives in Special Education
Administration – Edited by Festus E. Obiakor,
Anthony F. Rotatori and Sandra Burkhardt
Volume 18: Autism and Developmental Disabilities: Current
Practices and Issues – Edited by Anthony F. Rotatori,
Festus E. Obiakor and Sandra Burkhardt
Volume 19: Current Issues and Trends in Special Education:
Identification, Assessment and Instruction – Edited by
Festus E. Obiakor, Jeffrey P. Bakken and
Anthony F. Rotatori
Volume 20: Current Issues and Trends in Special Education:
Research, Technology and Teacher Preparation –
Edited by Festus E. Obiakor, Jeffrey P. Bakken and
Anthony F. Rotatori
ADVANCES IN SPECIAL EDUCATION VOLUME 21
HISTORY OF SPECIAL
EDUCATION
EDITED BY
ANTHONY F. ROTATORI
Saint Xavier University, Chicago, IL, USA
FESTUS E. OBIAKOR
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Milwaukee,
WI, USA
JEFFREY P. BAKKEN
Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA
United Kingdom – North America – Japan
India – Malaysia – China
Emerald Group Publishing Limited
Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK
First edition 2011
Copyright r 2011 Emerald Group Publishing Limited
Reprints and permission service
Contact:
[email protected]No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any
form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise
without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting
restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA
by The Copyright Clearance Center. No responsibility is accepted for the accuracy of
information contained in the text, illustrations or advertisements. The opinions expressed
in these chapters are not necessarily those of the Editor or the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-0-85724-629-5
ISSN: 0270-4013 (Series)
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Limited, Howard House,
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Awarded in recognition of
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CONTENTS
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS vii
PREFACE ix
CHAPTER 1 HISTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL
CHANGES IN THE EDUCATION OF STUDENTS
WITH EXCEPTIONALITIES
Spencer J. Salend and Laurel M. Garrick Duhaney 1
CHAPTER 2 HISTORY OF LEGAL
AND LEGISLATIVE ACTS CONCERNED WITH
SPECIAL EDUCATION
Betty Y. Ashbaker 21
CHAPTER 3 HISTORY OF EARLY CHILDHOOD
SPECIAL EDUCATION
Sharon Doubet and Amanda C. Quesenberry 47
CHAPTER 4 HISTORY OF LEARNING
DISABILITIES
Carrie Anna Courtad and Jeffrey P. Bakken 61
CHAPTER 5 HISTORY OF INTELLECTUAL
DISABILITIES
Kagendo Mutua, James Siders and Jeffrey P. Bakken 89
CHAPTER 6 THE HISTORY OF SPEECH
AND LANGUAGE IMPAIRMENTS
Satasha L. Green and Christine M. Scott 119
v
vi CONTENTS
CHAPTER 7 HISTORY OF EMOTIONAL AND
BEHAVIORAL DISORDERS
Frederick J. Brigham and Brittany L. Hott 151
CHAPTER 8 HISTORY OF DEAFNESS
AND HEARING IMPAIRMENTS
C. Jonah Eleweke 181
CHAPTER 9 HISTORY OF VISUAL IMPAIRMENTS
Stacy M. Kelly and Christine Clark-Bischke 213
CHAPTER 10 HISTORY OF AUTISM SPECTRUM
DISORDERS
Julie A. Deisinger 237
CHAPTER 11 THE HISTORY OF PHYSICAL AND
HEALTH IMPAIRMENTS
Barbara M. Fulk, Emily Watts and Jeffrey P. Bakken 269
CHAPTER 12 THE HISTORY OF GIFTEDNESS AND
TALENT DEVELOPMENT
Michelle J. McCollin 289
CHAPTER 13 HISTORY OF TRAUMATIC BRAIN
INJURY
Anthony F. Rotatori and Sandra Burkhardt 315
CHAPTER 14 HISTORY OF BILINGUAL SPECIAL
EDUCATION
Fabiola P. Ehlers-Zavala 343
CHAPTER 15 HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY
CONTEXTS, CHALLENGES, AND PROSPECTS IN THE
EDUCATION OF STUDENTS WITH
EXCEPTIONALITIES
Festus E. Obiakor 363
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Betty Y. Ashbaker Counseling Psychology and Special
Education, Brigham Young University,
Provo, UT, USA
Jeffrey P. Bakken Department of Special Education, Illinois
State University, Normal, IL, USA
Christine Clark-Bischke Department of Special Education, Illinois
Sate University, Normal, IL, USA
Frederick J. Brigham Department of Human Development,
George Mason University, Fairfax, VA,
USA
Sandra Burkhardt Department of Psychology, Saint Xavier
University, Chicago, IL, USA
Carrie Anna Courtad Department of Special Education, Illinois
State University, Normal, IL, USA
Julie A. Deisinger Department of Psychology, Saint Xavier
University, Chicago, IL, USA
Sharon Doubet Department of Special Education, Illinois
State University, Normal, IL, USA
Laurel M. Garrick Department of Educational Studies, State
Duhaney University of New York at New Paltz, New
Paltz, NY, USA
Fabiola P. Department of English, Colorado State
Ehlers-Zavala University, Fort Collins, CO, USA
C. Jonah Eleweke Department of Communication Sciences
& Disorders, Texas Woman’s University,
Denton, TX, USA
Barbara M. Fulk Department of Special Education, Illinois
State University, Normal, IL, USA
vii
viii LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Satasha L. Green Exceptional Education Department, State
University of New York College at Buffalo,
Buffalo, NY, USA
Brittany L. Hott Department of Human Development,
George Mason University, Fairfax,
VA, USA
Stacy M. Kelly Department of Special Education, Illinois
State University, Normal, IL, USA
Michelle J. McCollin Department of Special Education, Slippery
Rock University, Slippery, PA, USA
Kagendo Mutua Department of Special Education and
Multiple Abilities, University of Alabama,
Tuscaloosa, AL, USA
Festus E. Obiakor Department of Exceptional Education,
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee,
Milwaukee, WI, USA
Amanda C. Department of Curriculum and Instruction,
Quesenberry Illinois State University, Normal, IL, USA
Anthony F. Rotatori Department of Psychology, Saint Xavier
University, Chicago, IL, USA
Spencer J. Salend Department of Educational Studies, State
University of New York at New Paltz,
New Paltz, NY, USA
Christine M. Scott Speech-Language Pathology Department,
State University of New York College at
Buffalo, Buffalo, NY, USA
James Siders Department of Special Education and
Multiple Abilities, University of Alabama,
Tuscaloosa, AL, USA
Emily Watts Department of Special Education Illinois
State University Normal, IL, USA
PREFACE
Individuals with exceptionalities have been present in society for thousands
of years, especially those with sensory and physical characteristics.
However, the way society has reacted to individuals with exceptionalities
has changed dramatically. The change has been positive, as society initially
viewed such individuals as burdens, worthless, demons and buffoons, then
exhibited more protective and humanitarian attitudes related to their
welfare and finally to the present day in which individuals with
exceptionalities are considered part of an inclusive society where all citizens
have value and merit and can make meaningful contributions. This journey
has not been easy for individuals with exceptionalities, their families or
those who have educated them; however, it has been colourful, innovative
and intriguing.
This volume in Advances in Special Education focuses on the History
of Special Education. The volume examines the historical journey of
special education by categorical areas (e.g. Learning Disabilities, Autism
Spectrum Disorders, Intellectual Impairment, Emotional and Behavioural
Disorders, Giftedness and Talent Development). Each categorical
chapter includes an examination of early foundations and conceptualiza-
tions, pioneers in the field, evolving definitions, impact of legislative acts on
the field, educational and intervention practices, assessment parameters,
working with families, and technology innovations for practice and
education.
The volume also includes chapters on the changing philosophy related to
educating students with exceptionalities as well as a detailed history of legal
and legislative acts that have influenced the development of special
education. The book concludes with an insightful chapter entitled Historical
and Contemporary Contexts, Challenges, and Prospects in the Education of
Students with Exceptionalities.
The volume is composed of 15 chapters written by university professors
who are actively involved in teaching special education courses and engaged
in research in their prospective fields. It should be used as a supplementary
ix
x PREFACE
text for advanced undergraduate special education majors and graduate
students who are looking for detailed and comprehensive historical
information for their research papers or theses.
Anthony F. Rotatori
Festus E. Obiakor
Jeffrey P. Bakken
Editors
CHAPTER 1
HISTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL
CHANGES IN THE EDUCATION
OF STUDENTS WITH
EXCEPTIONALITIES
Spencer J. Salend and Laurel M. Garrick Duhaney
Although the first public use of the term special education appears to have
occurred at a presentation by Alexander Graham Bell at a National
Education Association meeting in 1884 (Winzer, 1998), the historical and
philosophical underpinnings of the field of special education emerged long
before that event. Forged by a mixture of philosophical, political, economic,
legal, and sociocultural factors (Fleischer & Zames, 2001; Giordano, 2007;
Osgood, 2007; Reynolds, 1989), the history of special education is
characterized by ongoing challenges, successes, and debates related to: (a)
What are the goals and desired outcomes of special education? (b) Who
should be served by special education? (c) How can a specially designed
research-based pedagogy be best provided? and (d) Where should students
with exceptionalities be educated? Although different from the history of
people with disabilities, the field of special education has been inextricably
linked to the treatment of individuals with exceptionalities and the societal
perceptions and cultural and philosophical views of disability (Smith, 1998;
Winzer, 1993).
History of Special Education
Advances in Special Education, Volume 21, 1–20
Copyright r 2011 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 0270-4013/doi:10.1108/S0270-4013(2011)0000021004
1
2 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
THE EARLY ROOTS OF SPECIAL EDUCATION
The history of special education has been influenced by changing societal and
philosophical beliefs about the extent to which individuals with disabilities
should be feared, segregated, categorized, and educated. Prior to the 1700s,
individuals with exceptionalities were largely ignored or subjected to
inhumane treatment, ridicule, isolation, and at times put to death
(D’Antonio, 2004; Winzer, 1993, 1998). However, the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries ushered in rational philosophical beliefs about human
dignity, which led to changes in the treatment and societal perceptions of
individuals with exceptionalities (Winzer, 1998). These changes also were
supported by efforts of pioneering special educators and advocates who
began to experiment with various individually designed approaches to
educating individuals with exceptionalities and to disseminate their work to
others (Winzer, 1993).
In the 1500s and 1600s, the education of individuals with exceptionalities
was influenced by European intellectuals seeking philosophical knowledge
and a more egalitarian society (Winzer, 1993). In France, the Enlightenment
led to changes in core beliefs about human nature, human reason,
human rights and dignity, and self-sufficiency. These philosophical changes
led to calls for the questioning of long held views and established
socio-political structures and a society that recognized the rights of all of
its citizens (Knight, 1968; Safford & Safford, 1996; Winzer, 1986, 1993).
In England, developing philosophical beliefs combined with the
emerging research on language development conducted by scholars at the
Royal Society of London, contributed to the movement to provide
educational opportunities to individuals with exceptionalities (Winzer,
1993, 1998). For instance, John Wallis published a book examining the
origins of language which served as an important guide that fostered the
provision of educational opportunities to deaf individuals (Hoolihan, 1985;
Winzer, 1993).
Initial Focus on the Sensory Disabilities
The initial efforts to deliver special education and to develop specially
designed instruction were focused on individuals with sensory disabilities
(Best, 1930; Winzer, 1998). During the mid-sixteenth century, Pedro Ponce
de Leon, a Spanish Benedictine monk, created oralism, an alternative to sign
language that involved the teaching of lip-reading and speech, to teach
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 3
wealthy deaf individuals to speak in order to obtain their inheritance
(Buchanan, 1999; Burch & Sutherland, 2006; Lane, 1989; Winzer, 1998).
The work of Pedro Ponce de Leon was enhanced by the pedagogical efforts
of Jacob Rodrigue Péreire, who was considered one of the first educators of
the deaf. Subsequently, the use of oralism grew and became the dominant
mode of communication taught in schools for the deaf from the 1890s to the
1920s (Burch & Sutherland, 2006; Winzer, 1998). However, Michel Charles
de l’Épée, a French priest, challenged the use of oralism and fostered the
belief that the use of written characters and sign language was the most
effective way to educate the deaf, which resulted in the use of sign language
as the prevailing deaf education pedagogy during the first half of the 1800s
(Winzer, 1998).
Successful instructional practices for the deaf led to efforts to
develop effective specially designed approaches and techniques for blind
individuals (Winzer, 1998). In 1784, Valentin Haüy, the founder of a
school for the blind in Paris, devised a system of raised print and embossed
books to educate blind students (see Winzer, 1998). In 1829, Louis Braille,
a former student at the Paris Blind School, created a raised dot method
for reading and a stylus for writing, which led to the creation of a tactile
alphabet that provided blind individuals with access to reading materials
and allowed them to be more fully included in French society (Koestler,
1976).
As word of the successes of these efforts to educate individuals with
sensory disabilities spread outside of Europe, educators traveled to learn
about these effective special education practices and to implement and
expand on them in their countries (Winzer, 1993). For instance, in 1817,
after studying in Europe, Thomas Gallaudet established the first institution
for the deaf in Hartford, Connecticut, USA (Osgood, 2005). Similarly,
building on his studies in Paris, Dr. John D. Fischer, created the New
England Asylum for the Blind in 1829, which was later renamed the Perkins
Institute for the Blind and is now called the Perkins School for the Blind
(Fleischer & Zames, 2001; Winzer, 1993).
At the Perkins institute, Samuel Gridley Howe worked with Laura
Bridgman, a deaf–blind student. Employing an individually designed
approach based on her ability to identify letters by distinguishing shapes,
Howe showed that Laura Bridgman could be educated. The groundbreaking
work of Howe and Bridgman challenged accepted beliefs that deaf–blind
individuals could not learn and served as a forerunner for the ensuing
accomplishments of Helen Keller and her teacher Anne Mansfield Sullivan
(Osgood, 2005; Smith, 1998).
4 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
THE EMERGENCE OF SPECIALIZED
INTERVENTIONS, PROGRAMS, SCHOOLS,
AND INSTITUTIONS
Whereas initial efforts to design and provide specially designed instruction
were focused on individuals with sensory exceptionalities, the provision
of a special education began to be expanded to include individuals with
cognitive disabilities. Although this period in the history of special
education saw the development of specialized interventions for this group
of individuals, it also was characterized by the rise of institutions and
specialized schools.
Institutional Settings
Influenced by negative stereotypes and perceptions and fears of individuals
with disabilities, especially toward those with cognitive and emotional and
behavioral challenges, the mid-nineteenth century saw the growth of
institutions and asylums for individuals with disabilities (Armstrong,
2002). Although some institutions viewed their purpose as providing
educational and vocational programs and fostering moral and religious
development (Giordano, 2007), many of them saw their role as delivering
medical, vocational, and custodial care and serving as a vehicle to separate,
mend, and control disabled and ‘‘defective’’ individuals who were perceived
as deviant and threatening (Armstrong, 2002; Humphries & Gordon, 1992;
Winzer, 1998). As a result of the humanitarian, legal, and economic issues
associated with institutional settings, community-based day care and
occupation centers that offered custodial care and limited levels of
vocational preparation also began to emerge (Giordano, 2007; Read &
Walmsley, 2006).
Specialized Interventions for Individuals with Cognitive Disabilities
In the early 1800s, the work of Jean-Marc-Gaspard Itard with Victor, who
was referred to as the wild boy of Aveyron, served as a seminal event in the
field of special education (Safford & Safford, 1996). Itard developed a
specially designed pedagogy that enhanced Victor’s language and cognitive
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 5
development, which showed that individuals previously considerable
uneducable could learn (Safford & Safford, 1996). Itard’s work served
as a springboard for other European scholars and educators (Hinshelwood,
1900; Ireland, 1877; Morgan, 1896) to disseminate their efforts to study
and validate a collection of effective special education instructional
practices. The most prominent of these efforts was Édouard Seguin’s
publication, Treatise on Idiocy, which presented a set of specialized
instructional principles, techniques, and devices that provided others with
a pedagogical model for teaching individuals with cognitive disabilities
(Giordano, 2007).
Specialized Programs, Schools, and Classes
The success of and attention received by the specialized pedagogies of Itard,
Seguin, and other European educators helped to change societal viewpoints
with respect to whether individuals with cognitive disabilities could learn
and gave rise to laws and efforts to educate these students in specialized
schools and classes (Giordano, 2007; Read & Walmsley, 2006). In the early
1900s, France established a law that created special improvement classes for
students with learning difficulties that were associated with schools that
educated students without disabilities (Armstrong, 2002). In 1913, Great
Britain passed the Mental Deficiency Act which promulgated policies for
defining and educating students with exceptionalities and mandated that
educational and governmental agencies be responsible for administering
them (Giordano, 2007).
Advocacy Groups
The rise of specialized schools and classes and the legislation in Europe led
families and professionals to form advocacy groups that called for greater
inclusion of individuals with exceptionalities into all aspects of society
including providing them with increased educational opportunities (Yell,
Rodgers, & Rodgers, 1998). These groups included the Council for
Exceptional Children, a professional organization that was founded in
1922, and the Cuyahoga County Ohio Council for the Retarded Child, one
of the initial groups of families who banded together to advocate for their
children in 1933.
6 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
THE IMPACT OF INTELLIGENCE TESTING
AND EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH
Intelligence Testing
While initially designed to help identify individuals who needed special
assistance to learn, the advent of intelligence testing in the early twentieth
century hindered efforts to deliver a special education to students with
exceptionalities (Armstrong, 2002; Safford & Safford, 1998). The movement
toward universal intelligence testing resulted in intelligence being seen as a
fixed, inherited, and highly desired scientific concept that guided schools in
planning, delivering, and evaluating their instruction. The emphasis on
intelligence testing also prompted rigid societal beliefs of normality and
aptitude which led to individuals with lower IQs being viewed as ‘‘feeble-
minded,’’ ‘‘mentally defective,’’ ‘‘ineducable,’’ and the cause of societal
problems, and therefore segregated from society via placement in institutions
and exempted from compulsory education laws (Read & Walmsley, 2006;
Yell et al., 1998).
These fixed and genetic notions of intelligence also were used to establish a
cultural and racial basis for the learning potential of different groups and
fostered the promulgation of the Eugenics movement in the early twentieth
century (Bursztyn, 2007; Humphries & Gordon, 1992). A social movement
which called for the selective reproduction of humans with the purported goal
of enhancing the species, the Eugenics movement led to limits on immigration
and the sterilization of individuals viewed as ‘‘defective’’ (Gould, 1981).
Furthermore, the Eugenics movement coupled with the misuse of intelligence
testing led to the segregation of ‘‘feebleminded’’ individuals in institutions and
state schools where they were subjected to forced labor, abuse, and
experimental surgical procedures (D’Antonio, 2004). Eventually, the Eugenics
movement fell out of favor and was abandoned by the end of World War II
(Black, 2003).
Educational Research
The setbacks of the intelligence testing movement started to be countered by
groundbreaking educational research showing that the learning of students
with exceptionalities was enhanced when they were provided with a
stimulating environment (Skeels & Dye, 1939). Starting in the 1930s,
scholars and researchers such as Orton, Monroe, Kirk, and Myklebust
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 7
experimented with and applied clinical teaching practices to examine and
document effective instructional practices that contributed to the field’s
legacy of empiricism (Fuchs, Fuchs, & Stecker, 2010). These studies helped
alter the purpose of special education from providing custodial care to
educating students. These pioneering educational research studies also
demonstrated the benefits of early intervention and helped establish the
commitment of the field of special education to the development and
dissemination of research-based interventions (Morse, 2000).
THE LEGALIZATION AND INTEGRATION
OF SPECIAL EDUCATION
Since the 1960s and 1970s, special education has undergone significant
growth and changes that has been marked by the legalization of the field. In
addition, special education has gone from being a separate system to being
integrated into the general education system and serving an important role
in advocating for and ensuring the inclusion of individual with disabilities
into the larger society.
The Civil Rights Movement and Brown v. Topeka Board of Education
The growth, purpose, and legal precedents for the field of special education
were established in the early 1950s by the civil rights movement and the 1954
Supreme court decision in the case of Brown v. Topeka Board of Education
(Blanchett, Brantlinger, & Shealey, 2005). This landmark civil rights case,
establishing that ‘‘separate but equal is not equal,’’ became the foundation
for legal actions brought by families of children with disabilities to guarantee
that their children had the right to a free appropriate public education
(FAPE). The Supreme Court decision also contributed to the inclusive
education movement, which sought to educate students with disabilities in
general education classrooms (Blanchett, Mumford, & Beachum, 2005;
Morse, 2000; Salend, 2011).
Special Education-Related Court Cases
Following Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, court decisions have upheld
and expanded on the educational rights of student with exceptionalities.
Table 1 provides a brief summary of court decisions that impacted special
8 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
Table 1. Historical Court Decisions that Impacted Special Education
(Litton et al., 1989; Schwenn, 1991).
1919 Beattie v. State Board of Education – Court ruled that students with physical
impairments could be excluded from school if their presence was deemed depressing
and nauseating to other students.
1967 Hobson v. Hansen – Court ruled that the track system of placing students based upon
standardized test scores was unconstitutional because it discriminated against African-
Americans and poor children.
1970 Diana v. State of California – Court ruled that students must be assessed in their primary
language to avoid overrepresentation of minorities in special education.
1972 Pennsylvania Association for Retarded Children v. Pennsylvania – Court ruled that a free
appropriate education must be provided for all children with exceptionalities
regardless of severity of their disability.
1972 Maryland Association for Retarded Citizens v. Maryland – Court ruled that all children
with intellectual disabilities have a right for a free and appropriate education.
1972 Frederick v. Thomas – Court ruled that children with learning disabilities are not
receiving an appropriate education if their teachers are not qualified.
1972 Mills v. Board of Education in the District of Columbia – Court ruled that the district
must provide a free and appropriate education for children with exceptionalities
regardless of the severity. Recommended timely reevaluations. Listed rights of parents
to appeal, be notified of testing and placement, and have access to child’s records.
1972 Guadlaupe v. Tempe Elementary District – Delineated standards for placing students with
mild cognitive impairments into special education classes such as: scores two standard
deviations below the mean; the need to assess adaptive functioning of students; and
the testing of students in their primary language.
1972 Larry v. Riles – Court ruled that some IQ tests discriminated against African-American
children as they were not validated procedures to accurately assess these children’s
cognitive abilities resulting in their misplacement into special education classes.
1973 LeBanks v. Spears – Court ruled that Louisiana schools must educate its students with
exceptionalities appropriately, and these students have the right to be educated with
their peers without disabilities, if appropriate.
1975 Lora v. Board of Education of City for New York – Court ruled that students with
emotional impairments must be educated with their peers without disabilities.
1982 Rowley v. Hendrik Hudson School District – Court ruled that each child with a disability
has a right to an individualized instructional plan and necessary supports.
1984 Irving Independent School District v. Tatro – Court ruled that the school must pay for
catherization which was necessary for a student with a physical impairment.
1984 Smith v. Robinson – Court ruled that the state had to pay for a student with a disability
for placement in a residential school.
1988 Honig v. Doe – Restricted suspension for students with disabilities even for violent and
disruptive behavior to ten days. Schools had to prove why these students should not
be in school.
1989 Timothy v. Rochester School District – Court ruled that schools must provide an
educational program and services that meet the needs of the child regardless of the
extent of the disability and even if the child appears unable to profit from existing
programs.
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 9
education prior to and after the passage of Education for All Handicapped
Children Act in 1975.The historic outcomes in Pennsylvania Association for
Retarded Children (PARC) v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in 1972
established the right of students with exceptionalities and their families
regarding the delivery of an appropriate education that included special
education services (Hulett, 2009; Yell, 2006).
Several court cases focused on the inclusion of students with exception-
alities in general education settings including Daniel R. R. v. State Board of
Education (1989), Sacramento City Unified School District v. Rachel H.
(1994), and Oberti v. Board of Education of the Borough of Clementon School
District (1993) (Hulett, 2009; Murdick, Gartin, & Crabtree, 2007; Yell,
2006). In addition to encouraging school districts to educate all students in
general education settings, these cases provided guidelines for placing
students in the least restrictive environment (LRE). These guidelines
involved: (a) comparing the anticipated educational, behavioral, social, and
self-concept outcomes of being taught in inclusive classrooms to the
anticipated outcomes associated with special education classrooms; (b)
examining the impact of students with disabilities on the education of their
general education peers and on teachers; and (c) considering the costs of
educating students in inclusive classrooms and the effect of these costs on
the district’s resources for educating all students.
Advocacy and the Disability Rights Movement
In addition to the Brown decision, the triumphs of the civil rights movement
ushered in a time of greater acceptance and possibilities, which strengthened
efforts by groups of individuals with disabilities, family members, and
professionals to form coalitions to advocate against discrimination,
segregation, and marginalization, and to seek equity, opportunity, and
greater inclusion into all aspects of society (Giordano, 2007). Guided by the
principle of normalization, which originated in Scandinavia, these advocacy
groups lobbied for educational, housing, employment, social, and leisure
opportunities for individuals with disabilities that paralleled those available
to people without disabilities (Wolfensberger, 1972). The actions of these
advocacy groups also provided the underpinnings of the disability rights
movement and the creation of a disability culture and disabilities studies,
which affirmed and celebrated disability, and challenged society’s traditional
beliefs about disability and whether, where, and how to educate students
with exceptionalities (Fleischer & Zames, 2001; Burch & Sutherland, 2006).
10 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
Special Education-Related Legislation
Advocacy groups succeeded in lobbying for legislative actions that ensured
and directed the delivery of special education services and gave students
with exceptionalities increased access to society and educational opportu-
nities (Giordano, 2007; Yell et al., 1998). The passage of the 1970 Education
(Handicapped Children) Act in England, the Loi d’Orientation en Faveur
des Personnes Handicapées in France in 1975, and the Education for All
Handicapped Children Act in the United States in 1975 (which was renamed
the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) and reauthorized
numerous times) provided students with exceptionalities with access to
public schools (Armstrong, 2002). The IDEA also mandated that students
with exceptionalities be taught in the LRE and have an individualized
educational program (IEP) that guides the delivery of special education
services, addresses academic and functional goals, and fosters students’
education, postsecondary options, employment, and independent living
(Ferretti & Eisenman, 2010; McLaughlin, 2010).
As a result of research starting in the 1960s and continuing today that
demonstrates the effectiveness of early intervention for infants and young
children with exceptionalities, programs, services, and interventions for
infants, toddlers, and preschoolers have become an integral part of special
education with the passage of P.L. 99-457, Infants and Toddlers with
Disabilities Act of 1986 (Bruder, 2010). P.L. 99-457 extended many of the
rights and safeguards of the IDEA to children with exceptionalities from
birth to 5 years of age and encouraged the delivery of early intervention
services and the development of an individualized family service plan.
THE RISE OF SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED
DISABILITY CATEGORIES
The mandates and movements to educate students with exceptionalities
contributed to a concomitant increase in the numbers of students identified,
and changes in the types of students with exceptionalities served by special
education. Whereas special education initially focused on serving students
with sensory disabilities and then cognitive disabilities, students with
socially constructed disabilities now make up the vast majority of students
served by special education. These changes were fostered by the creation of
such socially constructed disability categories as emotionally disturbed
and learning disabilities (Armstrong, 2002). In particular, the category of
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 11
learning disabilities, a term that was initially used by Kirk and Bateman
(1962) that related to students who performed poorly but did not have
sensory, physical, or severe cognitive disabilities, led to a significant growth
in the number of students served by special education and the thrust toward
a noncategorical approach to structuring the delivery of special education
services (Brownell, Sindelar, Kiely, & Danielson, 2010). There also has been
a surge in the number of students receiving special education services who
are identified as having an autism spectrum disorder, or an attention deficit
disorder (Salend, 2011).
THE PERSISTENT PROBLEM OF
DISPROPORTIONATE REPRESENTATION
The creation of socially constructed disabilities and the use of unreliable and
invalid procedures to identify students with exceptionalities, as well as the
intersection of issues of class, gender, age, language background, and
geography contributed to growing concerns about the overidentification of
students in special education, and the persistent problem of disproportionate
representation of students from culturally and linguistically diverse back-
grounds (Artiles, Kozleski, Trent, Osher, & Ortiz, 2010; Black, 2010; Dyches
& Prater, 2010; McCall & Skrtic, 2009; Obiakor, 2007). The ongoing
overrepresentation of students of color in special education as well as their
underrepresentation in programs for gifted and talented students have raised
concerns about the racialization of disability, and special education as a
program that resegregates students, lowers expectations for students and
denies them access to the general education curriculum, and undermines the
1954 Brown decision (Artiles, 2009; Ferri & Connor, 2005; McCall & Skrtic,
2009; Waitoller, Artiles, & Cheney, 2010).
Response-to-Intervention (RtI)
The overidentification of students in socially constructed disability
categories and the disproportionate representation of students from
culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds has led to the creation of
new models for identifying students in need of special education such as
Response-to-Intervention (RtI) (Fuchs & Fuchs, 2006; Wheeler & Mayton,
2010). The RtI process seeks to lessen the number of students identified in
need of special education by ruling out poor instruction or lack of
12 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
instruction as causes of their poor school performance by using a multitiered
instructional model for examining the extent to which students respond to
and need more intensive and individualized research-based interventions
to learn. Although a relatively new methodology, RtI has the potential to
dramatically alter the field of special education (Brownell et al., 2010; Fuchs
et al., 2010).
THE MOVEMENT TO INCLUSIVE EDUCATION
Concerns about the growth and segregated nature of special education
initially expressed by Lloyd Dunn (1968) and supported by the ongoing
research questioning the efficacy of special education programs (McLeskey,
2007), legislative and judicial actions, the persistent problem of dispropor-
tionate representation of students of color, and the work of advocacy groups
led the field of special education to initially focus on mainstreaming during the
1970s and early 1980s. Litton, Rotatori, and Day (1989) stressed that
mainstreaming was concerned with the integration of students with disabilities
into the general education schools and classes, however, for mainstreaming to
work successfully, the student’s program needed to be individualized, and
supportive services were necessary. Litton et al. stated that while mainstream-
ing greatly impacted and increased the number of students with disabilities
receiving education in general education classrooms, the following problems
arose: the special education programs were poorly designed; the students were
confronted with competing sets of instructional goals; there was a lack of
coordination between general and special education personnel; negative
attitudes of general education teachers and peers toward students with
disabilities sometimes developed, leading to students with disabilities being
poorly accepted; the curriculum for the students with disabilities was too
difficult; and the students with disabilities began having problems with their
self-concept and self-image.
Due to problems with mainstreaming, the Regular Education Initiative
(REI) movement started in the late 1980s and continued into the 1990s (see
Rotatori, Schwenn, & Litton, 1994). The REI, which was attributed to
Madeline Will, assistant secretary for the Office of Special Education and
Rehabilitation Services (Will, 1986), advocated that general education should
assume unequivocal and primary responsibility for all students including
those with disabilities and other special needs (Rotatori et al., 1994).
Proponents of the REI emphasized that the dual system of education
should be dissolved because it was cost inefficient and ineffective, and it
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 13
discriminated against students with disabilities (Schwenn, 1991). In contrast,
opponents of REI stressed a more cautious approach in which evaluative
research would be conducted to assure that regulating classroom education is
appropriate for all students (Schwenn, 1991). A prime emphasis of the REI
was the reduction in pull-out or resource room classes in which students with
disabilities were given instruction in small groups outside their classroom.
The REI movement was the major special education controversy of the
1990s and led to the implementation of Inclusive education programs that
educate all students together in the general education classroom (Obiakor,
Harris, Rotatori, & Algozzine, 2010; Osgood, 2005; Salend, 2011; Valle &
Connor, 2010). In general, the research findings suggest that inclusive
education can benefit students with and without exceptionalities when their
teachers use differentiated instruction and assessment as well as curricular
and teaching accommodations within the general education setting (Black-
Hawkins, Florian, & Rouse, 2007; Cushing, Carter, Clark, Wallis, &
Kennedy, 2009; Salend & Garrick Duhaney, 2007). Because inclusive
education is a relatively new philosophy and inclusion programs are
multifaceted and varied in their implementation and the services provided
(Ainscow, 2008; Idol, 2006), research and models that enhance its
implementation, effectiveness, and long-term impact continues to be a
focus for the field (Sindelar, Shearer, Yendol-Hoppey, & Liebert, 2006).
THE INTERNATIONALIZATION
OF SPECIAL EDUCATION
The work of advocacy groups, the passage of special education-related
legislation, and the movement toward inclusion also served as a framework
for an increased global commitment to disability rights, and the education
of students with exceptionalities and inclusive education (Bui, Fletcher, &
Keller, 2010; Forlin, 2008). In 1994, the Salamanca statement was adopted
by 92 countries and 25 international organizations. This groundbreaking
statement called upon all countries to educate all of their students together
in inclusive classrooms. As a result, nations throughout the world have
established inclusive education initiatives tailored to their country’s
educational philosophy and history as well as a range of social, political,
cultural, and economic factors (Alur & Bach, 2008; Brown, 2005; Fletcher &
Artiles, 2005; Heng & Tam, 2006; Mitchell, 2005; Mitchell & Desai, 2005).
The implementation of inclusive education in many countries has expanded
beyond disability to also address individual differences related to race,
14 SPENCER J. SALEND AND LAUREL M. GARRICK DUHANEY
linguistic ability, economic status, gender, learning style, ethnicity, cultural
and religious background, family structure, and sexual orientation
(Mitchell, 2005; Slee, 2005; Verma, Bagley, & Jha, 2007). In 2008, the
United Nations expanded on the Salamanca statement and adopted a
groundbreaking international agreement that called upon nations through-
out the world to take efforts to provide individuals with disabilities with
equal access to educational, employment, and social opportunities.
THE ONGOING COMMITMENT
TO RESEARCH-BASED PRACTICES
Consistent with the field’s inception and continuing efforts to develop and
disseminate empirically based interventions, the commitment to create
and use research-based practices that fosters equality, quality instruction,
and educational opportunities for all students continues to be a hallmark of
the field of special education (Anderson, Marchant, & Somarriba, 2010;
Crockett, Gerber, Gersten, & Harris, 2010). The 1960s and 1970s was
characterized by debates over effective models (e.g., the medical model,
diagnostic-prescriptive teaching model, and the behavioral model), pedago-
gical approaches (e.g., perceptual and modality training, dietary changes,
motor patterning, and aptitude-by-treatment interaction (ATI) approach)
(Mostert & Crockett, 2000; Van Acker, 2006), and the emergence of the
precision teaching model that was predicated on examining teaching
effectiveness by collecting data related to students’ mastery of specific
behavioral objectives (Brownell et al., 2010).
The inclusive education movement has led researchers to continue to
conduct and share research regarding the efficacy of general education
placements for students with exceptionalities (McLeskey, 2007; Salend, 2011).
The growing body of research has resulted in the development and validation
of innovative practices that have become integral parts of general education
such as universal design for learning, collaborative teaching arrangements,
cooperative learning, family involvement and empowerment techniques,
learning strategy instruction, positive behavioral supports, self-management
strategies, and culturally responsive teaching (Salend, 2011). The technolo-
gical advances of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have also
led to widespread use of a range of assistive and instructional technologies
that enhance student learning and socialization, foster individualized
instruction, expand access to all aspects of society, and transform views of
Changes in the Education of Students with Exceptionalities 15
exceptionality (Beard, Bowden Carpenter, & Johnston, 2011; Blackhurst,
2005; Bouck, 2010; Brownell et al., 2010; Parette & Peterson-Karlan, 2010).
SUMMARY
This chapter presented some of the important historical and philosophical
events, factors, and movements that have influenced the development of
special education. Linked to the treatment of individuals with disabilities and
marked by ongoing debates about purposes, groups served, effective
practices and programmatic models, and desired outcomes, special education
today has become an integral part of the educational system that is based on
providing and monitoring the effectiveness of a set of specially designed,
coordinated, comprehensive, and research-based instructional, social, beha-
vioral, curricular, and assessment practices and related services (Heward,
2009). From its initial focus on providing custodial care in segregated settings
to students with sensory and cognitive exceptionalities, special education
today has been transformed into a program that seeks to educate students
with learning, behavioral, emotional, physical, health, and sensory dis-
abilities in inclusive settings with their peers. Consistent with its empirical
legacy, special education today strives to identify a distinctive research base
that shapes its policies, practices, and procedures and addresses where, when,
and how students with exceptionalities should be educated. While special
education also has evolved into a program that seeks to foster equity and
access to all aspects of schooling, the community and society, challenges
remain. Eliminating disproportionate representation, expanding posts-
econdary options, closing achievement gaps, helping all students access and
succeed in the general education curriculum, improving the implementation
of inclusive education, and becoming a cohesive international movement
continue to exist and have future implications for enriching the vibrant and
dynamic field of special education.
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Remedial and Special Education, 19, 219–229.
CHAPTER 2
HISTORY OF LEGAL
AND LEGISLATIVE ACTS
CONCERNED WITH SPECIAL
EDUCATION
Betty Y. Ashbaker
This chapter addresses the history of legal procedures and legislation content
concerned with special education. It reviews relevant aspects of the governing
structure of the United States of America and leads the reader through the
legal processes concerning civil rights, human rights, and rights of education
for individuals with disabilities. Examining the U.S. Constitution, it discusses
the amendments which lead to federal involvement in providing education,
especially to students with disabilities in the Individuals with Disabilities
Education Act (IDEA) (34 C.F.R. y 104.36 (2005)).
Other statutory measures have also affected special education, such as
Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act (RA) of 1973 (29 U.S.C. y 794(a)), the
1974 Families Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) (20 U.S.C. y
1232g), and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) (42 U.S.C.
y 12101 et seq.). These are discussed along with the well known No Child
Left Behind (NCLB) legislation (20 U.S.C. y 6301 et seq. (2002)).
History of Special Education
Advances in Special Education, Volume 21, 21–45
Copyright r 2011 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 0270-4013/doi:10.1108/S0270-4013(2011)0000021005
21
22 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS:
BACKGROUND AND PROGRESSION
Promise and Hope
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. (Declaration of Independence, 1776)
A century after the Declaration of Independence affirmed that all men are
equal, people with disabilities still had exceedingly poor treatment and few
rights. Through the 1800s and early 1900s, physicians usually advised parents
who gave birth to a child with a disability to let the child die or place him/her
in an institution (Chesterton, 2000). Those children allowed to live were
usually committed to institutions so that the disfigured and ‘‘different’’
children were rarely seen in public. The 1880 U.S. Federal Census offers an
example of the social context of the time as it refers to a category of people as
‘‘insane, idiots, deaf-mutes, blind persons, homeless children, prisoners,
paupers, and the indigent’’ (Ancestry. Com, p. 1). These records, called the
1880 Schedules of Defective, Dependent, and Delinquent Classes, include the
person’s name and residence and in the cases of ‘‘insane, deaf-mute, blind,
and idiotic persons’’ lists details about their affliction. For those on the insane
schedules, information has been recorded about the onset of the disability,
when the difficulty first occurred, and the number of ‘‘attacks of insanity.’’
This census noted if restraints were necessary; whether the person was
suicidal, homicidal, or epileptic; and whether or not he had been an inmate in
an asylum (Ancestry.com, n.d.). Institutions were custodial – dealing only
with basic needs – and crowded, with the main purpose to control people
with disabilities in order to protect the public. Education was not an option
for the disabled, and attendance in public schools was prohibited.
Social Advocacy Movement
Public awareness of the potential of education for individuals with disabilities
was raised by the highly publicized story of Helen Keller, which began in
March 1887 when Anne Mansfield Sullivan refused to give up on a deaf–
blind five-year-old and found success in teaching Helen to communicate.
Miss Keller later called her breakthrough ‘‘the most important day I can
remember in my life’’ (American Federation for the Blind, Helen Keller
Biography, para. 4). Building on successes in teaching the deaf–blind, a few
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 23
Table 1. Synopsis of Events as Human Rights Began to Evolve for
People with Disabilities: Those Who Are Deaf, Blind, Intellectually
Disabled, or Have Learning Disabilities.
1817 The Connecticut Asylum at Hartford for the Instruction of Deaf and Dumb Persons
opens. It is the first permanent school for the deaf in the United States
1829 The Perkins School for the Blind (then called the New England Asylum for the Blind)
opened in Massachusetts – the first school in the United States for children with visual
disabilities
1840 Rhode Island became the first American state to mandate compulsory education for
children
1848 Dr. Samuel Howe secured funding for the ‘‘Massachusetts School for Idiotic and
Feebleminded Youth,’’ the first school of its kind in the United States
1864 Edward Miner Gallaudet helped to start Gallaudet University, the first college
specifically for deaf students
1876 Edouard Seguin became the first president of the organization that eventually would
evolve into the American Association on Mental Retardation
1905 Alfred Binet published an article with Theodore Simon describing the development of a
measurement instrument that would identify students with intellectual disabilities: the
Binet-Simon scale
1916 Louis M. Terman and a team of Stanford graduate students completed an American
version of the Binet-Simon scale. This development initiated the widespread use of
intelligence testing used over the course of the next century as part of the procedure
for identifying students with learning and intellectual disabilities
1918 By this time, all states in the United States had established compulsory education for
children. However, education for all children was not actually an option: Children
with disabilities were not included in public schools
Sources: Adapted from McConnell (2007) and Philpot (n.d.).
social reformers began to advocate for people with other types of disabilities.
Dr. Samuel Howe was noted for his lobbying efforts to deinstitutionalize
people with mental retardation and provide training for them. In 1848, he
persuaded the legislature of Massachusetts to appropriate public funds to
establish the first state school in the United States to educate persons with
mental retardation. Incidentally, Julia Ward Howe, the anti-slavery social
reformer who penned the ‘‘Battle Hymn of the Republic,’’ did so while
on a trip to Washington with her husband, Samuel Howe (Schwartz, 1956).
Table 1 summarizes many of the important events occurring during the social
advocacy movement, which advanced the recognition of and rights for
people with disabilities.
The social advocacy agenda for people with disabilities received impetus
when politically and financially influential people such as the Kennedy family
became involved. In 1946, Ambassador and Mrs. Joseph P. Kennedy (parents
24 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
of U.S. President John F. Kennedy) established the Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr.,
Foundation in honor of their eldest son and in public recognition of the
mental disabilities of one of their daughters. This public acknowledgment was
a surprise to the American people which led many to rethink their biases
concerning people with disabilities. The foundation continues today, working
with and on behalf of individuals with intellectual and developmental
disabilities and their families (Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr., Foundation, n.d.).
In 1961, when John F. Kennedy became the U.S. President, he organized
the President’s Panel on Mental Retardation; he formally established the
panel in 1966 and directed the members to review and report on mental
retardation. The panel found (1) the quality of care given to people with
mental retardation varied widely among state institutions and (2) institu-
tions were overcrowded and had inadequate budgets and staff shortages.
Based on these results, the panel identified a need for change in the staff’s
attitudes toward patients at the facilities. They also recommended changes
in the administrative practices that were leading to widespread abuse, along
with improvement in the programs available to people with mental
disabilities. In response to the Panel’s findings, President Kennedy signed
into law the Mental Retardation Facilities Construction Act. This Public
Law specified that the federal government (1) make federal monies available
for the construction of mental health centers and (2) provide grants to assist
in the construction of public or nonprofit clinical facilities with the purpose
of working with individuals with mental retardation (Public Law 88-164,
MR Facilities Act 1963). This lead to a positive system change building on
the capacity of local and state services with several goals: (a) make
institutions safe, (b) train professionals across disciplines, (c) use expertise
found in universities, (d) build interdisciplinary services, and (e) support
research in mental retardation (now called intellectual disabilities).
Although it was not until later that education was mandated for persons
with disabilities, the social advocacy movements made progress in providing
better services for them.
Civil Rights Movement
The social advocacy movement slowly morphed into the civil rights
movement, which was a hard-fought struggle to bring civil rights and
equality to all Americans. The term civil rights refers to the efforts to end
racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans. The
movement increased the public’s acceptance of people’s civil rights by
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 25
exposing the prevalence of discrimination. The results of the fight for civil
rights had a lasting, positive effect on U.S. African Americans, and through
their struggles they opened the avenues of social change for other subgroups
– such as women and people with disabilities – to obtain their rights under
the law. ‘‘Long before the civil rights movement ever crystallized the plight of
African Americans, Negro lawyers had identified the inequities in the legal
order and begun to lay the foundation for social change’’ (Thurgood
Marshall in McNeil, 1983, p. iv).
Post-Civil War Legislation
After the Civil War of 1865, Vice President Andrew Johnson became U.S.
President when Abraham Lincoln was assassinated. Loyal to the South,
Johnson was reported to have said, ‘‘This is a country for white men and by
God, as long as I am president, it shall be a government for white men’’
(PBS: American Experience, n.d.). During his tenure as President, a bill was
introduced to grant citizenship with the same rights enjoyed by white citizens
to ‘‘all male persons in the United States y without distinction of race or
color, or previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude’’ (http://
www.ourdocuments.gov). President Johnson vetoed the bill, but a two-thirds
majority in both houses of Congress, passed it into law as the Civil Rights
Act of 1866. This law reflected the movement favoring increased intervention
in the South and providing aid to former slaves (PBS: American Experience,
n.d.). The Civil Rights Act of 1871 was a continuation of the Civil Rights Act
of 1866, including more information on nondiscrimination toward persons of
minority race and color.
Even though earlier discrimination laws had passed, discrimination was
still prevalent involving housing, land ownership, education, voting, and
other aspects of life. The civil rights movement affected only males of
different races, but had little effect on women or persons with disabilities. It
was not until the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that the right of education was
granted. This law prohibited discrimination in public places, provided for
the integration of schools and other public facilities, and made employment
discrimination illegal. The needs and equality of persons with different racial
backgrounds and color were addressed sooner than the needs and equality
of persons with disabilities. The civil right movements had a significant
indirect impact on persons with disabilities, even though the Civil Right
Acts did not specifically address funding or provide education equality for
persons with disabilities (Congress and the Civil Rights Act, 1964).
Although laws were passed, appropriate actions did not always happen.
For example, equality regardless of race was part of the Constitution and
26 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
was rewritten in laws numerous times through different civil rights acts, but
even by the 1960s, separate but equal procedures were still practiced.
Moreover, even though discrimination was officially unlawful and the
Fourteenth Amendment addressed freedom of life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness, persons with disabilities were still institutionalized and
provided only minimum amounts of food, water, and assistance (Latham,
Latham, & Mandlawitz, 2008).
Charles Hamilton Houston
A lawyer often unrecognized as a leader of the civil rights movement, Charles
Hamilton Houston is credited with defeating the separate but equal doctrine
from the Supreme Court’s decision in the Plessy v. Ferguson case. Houston’s
brilliant plan was to attack and defeat segregation by demonstrating the
inequality in the ‘‘separate but equal’’ status for African Americans.
Houston’s target was broad, but the evidence was overwhelmingly obvious:
facilities, education, treatment, and accommodations were inferior to those
provided for white Americans (McNeil, 1983). Public schools, public places,
and public transportation, such as trains and buses, had separate (and
inferior) facilities. Southern states spent less than half the amount allotted for
White students on education for Blacks. Even greater disparities were found
in individual school districts. Black schools were equipped with castoff
supplies from white schools, built with inferior materials, and taught by
instructors paid disparagingly less than teachers of white students (NAACP,
Legal History, n.p.).
Houston’s legacy was as the ‘‘man who killed Jim Crow’’ because he had a
role in nearly every civil rights case that went before the Supreme Court
between 1930 and 1954. Houston was the mastermind who brought about
the landmark Brown decision, demonstrating the failure of states to even try
to provide an equal education as required by the 1896 rule of ‘‘separate but
equal.’’ Houston hoped to finally overturn the Plessy v. Ferguson ruling that
had given birth to that phrase (NAACP, Legal History, n.p.).
Plessey v. Ferguson. In 1892, Homer Plessy, who was only one-eighth Black,
boarded a car of the East Louisiana Railroad designated for white patrons
only. When he refused to leave the white car, he was arrested and jailed. Why?
Because under Louisiana law he was still considered an African American and
therefore required to ride only in cars for African Americans. The case upheld
the practice of separating the two races as a matter of social policy,
establishing the separate but equal policy for another half-century. On appeal,
Plessy’s team argued that he had been denied his constitutional rights under
the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Constitutional Amendments (Lofgren, 1987).
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 27
However, the state supreme court upheld Ferguson’s ruling. Plessy’s team
took the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, where Plessy v. Ferguson became
one of the most famous court cases in American history (Medley, 2003).
Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. In the mid-1940s,
Americans danced to the mellow tones of Nat King Cole, the first African
American to host a radio variety show, and cheered Jackie Robinson, who
joined the Brooklyn Dodgers to become the first African American to play
major league baseball in the twentieth century. These high-profile men
helped to raise public awareness of African Americans and the challenges
they faced. Meanwhile, Charles Hamilton Houston and his legal team – that
included Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP – worked to expose the
effects of the separate but equal laws on education by bringing legal
challenges to school segregation. They took the landmark of all school cases
before the U.S. Supreme Court. A new milestone was reached when the
‘‘separate but equal’’ racial segregation case of Plessy v. Ferguson (163 U.S.
537 1896) was overturned.
The Supreme Court decision in the Brown v. the Board of Education (1954)
initiated reform in educational practices. Through this case the legal team
dismantled the legal basis for racial segregation in schools and other public
facilities, handing down a 9-0 decision that ‘‘separate educational facilities are
inherently unequal’’ (347 U.S. 483 1954). By declaring that the discriminatory
nature of racial segregation violates the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, which guarantees all citizens equal protection of the laws,
Brown v. Board of Education shaped future national and international policies
regarding human rights and education. Recognizing the need for every citizen
to receive an education, Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote,
Today, education is perhaps the most important function of state and local governments.
Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for education both
demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our democratic society. It
is required in the performance of our most basic public responsibilities, even service in
the armed forces. It is the very foundation of good citizenship. Today it is a principal
instrument in awakening the child to cultural values, in preparing him for later
professional training, and in helping him to adjust normally to his environment. In these
days, it is doubtful that any child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is
denied the opportunity of an education. Such an opportunity, where the state has
undertaken to provide it, is a right that must be made available to all on equal terms.
(Chief Justice Earl Warren. Decision on Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954,
Document 29.3.1; para. 8)
The Brown case not only banned segregation in schools, but also helped
pave the way for the gradual end of segregation in other aspects of
28 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
American society (Branch, 2007). The concept of educating children with
disabilities in regular public schools is an extension of the civil rights
movement, which was strongly influenced by social developments and court
decisions in the 1950s and 1960s. Following Brown v. Board of Education
were several new cases that addressed the rights of children with disabilities
to be educated in regular public schools. The cases continue to define the
rights of schoolchildren with disabilities.
Rights for People with Disabilities
I made up my mind that I would never get caught again without knowing something
about my rights; that if luck was with me, and I got through this war, I would study law
and use my time fighting for men who could not strike back. (Charles Hamilton Houston
in the Pittsburg Courier, 24 August 1940, n.p.)
Perhaps those least able to strike back were children with disabilities, who
at this time were not afforded their rights to an education, receiving different
(and inferior) treatment from their nondisabled peers. The Brown decision,
which extended public school education to black and white children on equal
terms, initiated a period of intense concern and questioning among parents of
children with disabilities. Parents asked, ‘‘Why do the same principles of
equal access to education not apply to our children?’’ They pressed legal
cases, showing their growing dissatisfaction with school procedures that
denied access or promoted segregation of students with disabilities. States
and federal agencies took notice and passed a series of laws granting rights
and supports to the disabled.
Free Public Education and Due Process Rights
Court cases challenged the actions of school districts and states in denying
the due process rights of children with disabilities to receive a free
appropriate public education in the least restrictive environment, along with
their due process rights. Before these cases, they had been excluded from
certain education programs or been given what was called a ‘‘special’’
education in segregated settings. In basic terms, the courts examined
whether or not such treatment was rational and whether or not it was
necessary. One of the most important cases to examine these questions
concerning children with disabilities is Pennsylvania Association for Retarded
Children v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (1972).
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 29
The Pennsylvania Association for Retarded Children (PARC) brought a
lawsuit on behalf of children with retardation against the state of
Pennsylvania. In their case, the Pennsylvania Association for Retarded
Children v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (1972), the Association
challenged a state law that denied public school education to certain
children who were at that time considered unable to profit from public
school attendance. The lawyers and parents supporting PARC argued that,
though the children had intellectual disabilities, it was neither rational nor
necessary to assume that they were ineducable and untrainable. The state
could not demonstrate a rational basis for excluding these children from
public school programs. The court decided that the children were entitled to
receive free public education, that the children’s parents had the right to be
notified before any change was made in their child’s educational program,
and that certain procedures known as due process of law must be followed
to ensure that parents were fully and fairly informed (Pennsylvania
Association for Retarded Children v. Commonwealth, 1972).
At about this time a 12-year-old Black student named Peter Mills was
excluded from the fourth grade because he allegedly was a ‘‘behavior
problem.’’ The principal approved his exclusion from school. This
precipitated the case of Mills v. Board of Education (1972), in which the
school district contended that it did not have enough money to provide
special education programs for such students. The court ruled that lack of
funds is no excuse for failing to educate children, and the court ordered the
school to readmit Peter and serve such students appropriately. Even if funds
are limited – as is often the case today – children with disabilities may not be
denied access to the public schools (Mills v. Board of Educ. 348 F. Supp. 866
(1972)). Among other things, the PARC and Mills cases ruled that children
with disabilities have a right to a free public education, and due process,
especially in support of parent rights.
In 27 states, an additional 36 court decisions affirmed the right to
education for students with disabilities, demonstrating the need for a federal
standard. A bill was introduced in the U.S. Senate in 1972 that emerged in
1975 as Public Law 94-142, the Education for All Handicapped Children
Act. From the beginning, the law provided hope for people with disabilities
and their families, as it included the important concepts of free access to
public education and equal rights to due process procedures to ensure equal
protection under the law. In addition to a free and appropriate public
education and due process, the law provides for education in the least
restrictive environment. Table 2 identifies laws affecting the education of
children with disabilities.
30 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
Table 2. Laws Supporting People with Disabilities.
1943 Barden-LaFollette Vocational Rehabilitation Act made persons with cognitive impairments
or mental illness eligible for vocational rehabilitation services (P.L. 78-113)
1958 National Defense Education Act provided funds for training professionals to train teachers
of students with cognitive impairment (P.L. 85-926)
1965 The Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) provides a detailed plan for
redressing some of the unequal conditions in the nation’s schools. Several amendments to
this law authorize the federal government to provide grants to states to operate schools
devoted to the education of children with disabilities (P.L. 89-10 and 89-313)
1966 Congress approves several amendments to the ESEA. These include the creation of a federal
grant program for the education of children with disabilities at local schools and the
formation of the Bureau of Education of the Handicapped (BEH) and the National
Advisory Council (P.L. 89-750)
1973 Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act is enacted. It requires any recipient of federal financial
assistance (such as school districts and state education agencies) to provide
accommodations to eligible students with disabilities (Rehabilitation Act 34 C.F.R. y 104.5)
1974 The Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) is enacted. Among other
provisions, it allows parents access to all personally identifiable information collected,
maintained, or used by their school district concerning their children (P.L. 93-280)
1975 The Education for All Handicapped Children Act (EAHCA) ensures the due process rights
of children with disabilities and their parents or guardians. This law also mandates
individual education programs for students with disabilities and establishes in law that all
children must receive services in the least restrictive environment (LRE) in which it is
possible for them to attend school (P.L. 94-142)
1983 The EAHCA is amended. Among other provisions are (a) services to facilitate school-to-
work transition through research and demonstration projects, (b) parent training and
information centers, and (c) funding for demonstration projects and research in early
intervention and early childhood special education (P.L. 98-199)
1986 The EAHCA is amended with the addition of the Handicapped Children’s Protection Act.
The amendment makes clear that students and parents have rights under the IDEA and
Section 504 at the same time; previously, some school districts had treated the two laws as
mutually exclusive (P.L. 99-457)
1990 The EAHCA is reauthorized and renamed the Individual with Disabilities Education Act. It
expands funding of programs for students with disabilities, mandates transition services,
defines assistive technology devices and services, and adds autism and traumatic brain
injury to the list of categories of children and youth eligible for special education and
related services (P.L. 101-476)
1997 The IDEA is amended with changes to strengthen the role of parents, ensure parent access to
the curricula of schools, and encourage parents and educators to resolve differences
through mediation or other nonadversarial means (P.L. 105-17)
2001 The 1965 Elementary and Secondary Education Act is updated and renamed the No Child
Left Behind Act of 2001. Among its many provisions, this law requires school districts to
demonstrate that students are achieving ‘‘adequate yearly progress’’ through their
performance on standardized tests. Students with disabilities are generally required to
take these tests; if their performance is not adequate, changes may be mandatory for
individual schools and districts (20 USC y 6301) (2002)
2004 IDEA of 2004 eliminates the need for students to display a discrepancy between intelligence,
typically measured by IQ tests, and achievement, generally measured by standardized tests
in areas such as reading and math (U.S.C. y 1400 et seq.) (2005)
Sources: Adapted from McConnell (2007) and Philpot (n.d.).
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 31
INDIVIDUALS WITH DISABILITIES
EDUCATION ACT (IDEA)
PARC, Mills, and other cases lead to a legislative bill, signed into law as the
Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, which has had a
major influence on education. Reauthorized numerous times it is known
today as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act
(IDEIA) and shortened to Individuals with Disabilities Education Act ’04
(IDEA). This law is classified as an entitlement law, meaning that everyone
who meets the eligibility requirements for the program is entitled to the
program’s services. The new name recognized the social importance of
acknowledging people first and considering their disability afterward.
Public Law 94-142 had been the basis for assuring that all children with
disabilities have available a free appropriate public education, assuring that
rights of parents and their children are protected, providing financial
assistance to states, and assessing the effectiveness of those efforts. Before
the enactment of this law, the education needs of millions of children with
disabilities were not being fully met (especially those with mental retardation
and mental illnesses, who were excluded from schools). Because of this law,
all students are now entitled to a free and appropriate public education; they
cannot be excluded from school solely because of disability. Students must
receive the special education and related services that they need, but for a
child to get a free appropriate public education (FAPE), several provisions
must be in place. The following are basic principles: (a) child find and zero
reject, (b) nondiscriminatory identification and assessment, (c) individualized
education program (IEP), (d) least restrictive environment, (e) procedural
safeguards – such as due process, parents’ rights to participate in the
educational decision-making process for their child, and mediation when
there are disagreements, (f) parental participation, and (g) transition.
Subsequent reauthorizations of the Act brought greater clarification and
enhancements to these significant principles.
Central Concepts of the IDEA
Child Find and Zero Reject
The first action of IDEA includes both child find and zero reject. Child find
means that the school district must locate, identify, and evaluate unserved
and underserved children with disabilities. IDEA 2004 amendments
expanded the requirements to find children with special needs in private
schools as well as among homeless students and students who are wards of
32 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
the state. All teachers are obligated to watch for disabilities among their
students and make every effort to ensure the students are receiving a free
appropriate public education.
Zero reject means a school district cannot exclude a child with a disability
(regardless of the severity of the disability) from receiving a free appropriate
public education. In the past, children with disabilities received different
treatment than their nondisabled peers: being excluded from certain
education programs or given a ‘‘special’’ education in segregated settings.
This type of ‘‘special’’ was often less than adequate, with low teacher
standards and low or no goals for the students.
Child find and zero reject also apply to children with serious behavior
problems. IDEA did not address discipline problems until the 1997
reauthorization. Then in 2004 Congress simplified the complex procedures
for dealing with discipline. In general terms, administrators may suspend
students with disabilities for up to 10 school days – although instances must
be reviewed on a case-by-case basis. However, procedures are in place to
assure that students with disabilities receive an FAPE, even if they have been
expelled from school as a disciplinary action.
Nondiscriminatory Identification and Assessment
Each student suspected of having a disability will have nondiscriminatory
evaluation in all areas of suspected disability. It must be conducted by a team
of evaluators who are knowledgeable and trained in the use of the tests and
other evaluation materials and capable of gathering relevant information
from a variety of sources. The evaluation materials and procedures selected
must be administered in ways that are not racially or culturally discrimina-
tory. The child cannot be subjected to unnecessary tests and assessments.
Nondiscriminatory identification and assessment are requirements put
into place by EAHCA, but some of the procedures have been refined over
the years by court rulings. The Larry P. v. Riles (1979) case highlighted
unfair placement based on identification, assessment, and evaluation
methods. A federal district court in California banned the use of
standardized IQ instruments to evaluate African-American students for
placement in classes for students with educable mental retardation (EMR).
The court ruled that such tests contained racial and cultural bias and
discriminated against students from racial minorities. Now local education
agencies must conduct a full individual evaluation before beginning to
provide special education and related services to a child with a disability
(IDEA, 20 U.S.C. 1414(a) (1)).
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 33
IDEA requires that assessment materials be administered in the child’s
native language or mode of communication (such as sign language) and that
the tests are validated for the specific purpose for which they are used. Tests
must be administered and interpreted by trained personnel, and more than
one test must be used to make a determination. Nondiscriminatory
evaluation means that students must be evaluated in ways that do not
discriminate based on language, culture, or race. This evaluation provides
information to be used to determine the child’s eligibility for special
education and related services, and the team must identify information that
is instructionally useful in planning for the child’s education needs. This
program is documented in the child’s written individualized education
program.
The Individualized Education Program (IEP)
Every child who receives special education services must have an
individualized education program (IEP). The IEP is a written document that
details the student’s strengths and needs in any area affected by the disability
and identifies the goals for improvement in those areas. The emphasis of the
IEP is on progress in the general curriculum, addressing special factors that
may influence a student’s ability to learn (e.g., behavior or communication
needs, or limited English proficiency). The IEP is the documentation that
shows that a student is receiving a free appropriate education.
The IEP is developed by a collaborative team including the regular and
special educators, a parent of the student, a representative of the school
administration (representative of the local education agency), and any
related service providers who may contribute to the process by knowing
about the student or about educational services for the student. In addition,
because the classroom teacher knows the curriculum and ways to help a
student access it, the teacher should participate in developing the IEP. This
team considers the student’s present levels of educational performance and
makes plans for improvement during the year. They then decide what
special education and related services are required to help the student
achieve the goals and objectives. The IEP team must also determine how to
measure progress and how to inform parents about the student’s progress
toward accomplishing the IEP goals. The team must meet at least annually
to update the IEP.
Board of Education of the Hendrick Hudson Central School District v.
Rowley (1982) was a landmark case in which parents challenged school
officials who refused to provide their hearing-impaired child with a
sign language interpreter. This case, which went to the Supreme Court,
34 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
established a standard for evaluation of an ‘‘appropriate education.’’ First,
all of the procedures (required under IDEA) must be followed. Second, an
appropriate education must be ‘‘sufficient to confer some education benefit’’
(Board of Ed. of the Hendrick Hudson Central School District v. Rowley 458
U.S. 176 (1982)).
Least Restrictive Environment
Students with disabilities are educated in the least restrictive environment, in
order to prevent them from being secluded because of their disability. The
least restrictive environment (LRE) requirement is often referred to as
‘‘mainstreaming.’’ Each case must be determined based on the individual
needs of the student, but the least restrictive environment is the one that, to
the greatest extent possible, satisfactorily educates disabled children
together with children who are not disabled, in the same school the disabled
child would attend if the child were not disabled. This mandate has been
interpreted to require that a disabled child be placed in the LRE that will
provide him with a meaningful educational benefit. Decisions about
placement are to be made after the child’s IEP is developed. Parents are
members of any team that develops the IEP and decides on placement.
Courts have held that schools may not predetermine placement. Placement
decision must be made by the team.
Procedural Safeguards
Due process is among the procedural safeguards specifying that parents
must be notified and given an opportunity to participate in developing their
child’s education program. Congress realized that grievances might occur
over the appropriate placement and special education services for students
with disabilities, so IDEA describes ways to address these grievances. Either
the parents or the school can initiate a grievance process if either feels the
needs of the student are not being met. States have adopted procedures for
resolving complaints. The complaint must be in writing to the appropriate
local education agent (LEA) (usually the district superintendent), and it
must both specify the alleged violation of IDEA and give the facts on which
the statement is based. A copy of the complaint is also sent to the State
Director of Special Education.
IDEA has designed the IEP as a means to afford parents and school
personnel the opportunity to work together to develop the plan for student
success. In case of disputation, procedures have been designated for
resolving differences. The law identifies procedures that allow the parent(s)
or the school district to resolve disputes over any matter relating to the
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 35
identification, evaluation, or educational placement of a child, or the
provision of a free appropriate public education. This process is referred to
as mediation. It is available whenever the parent(s) or school district requests
a hearing.
Parent and Student Participation in Decision-Making
Parents and students (when appropriate) are required to participate in the
special education process. They must be notified of all meetings and
included in the decision-making process.
Fundamental to the safeguards is the right of parents to participate in
decisions made about their child’s education. This section of IDEA
describes ways that the rights of students with disabilities and their parents
are protected. The law requires that parents and, when applicable, students
are to be notified and allowed to participate in any decision regarding the
special education of students with disabilities.
This important aspect of the legislation helps guard against past practices
of placing students in programs – or removing them from programs – without
the knowledge or involvement of parents. The law recognizes that schools
should involve parents as important partners in the special education process.
Thus the law requires not only that parents be notified, but also that they give
informed consent when the school proposes to evaluate, place, or change any
aspect of a student’s special educational program. In addition, parents are
members of the IEP team with the right to challenge or appeal decisions
about their child’s identification, evaluation, or education placement.
Students who reach the age of majority and are still in public schools have
rights similar to those of parents for making decisions about their program.
The following procedural safeguards are included in IDEA ’04:
Schools must obtain written consent from parents prior to conducting an
evaluation or placement of their child.
Parents must be given written prior notice so they can be involved in
proposed changes.
Parents may obtain an independent educational evaluation of their child –
to be paid for by the school district – if the district cannot or will not
provide an appropriate evaluation.
Parents may inspect and review their child’s educational records.
Parents may give – or refuse to give – consent for initial evaluation or
placement in special education.
Students may remain in their current placement while decisions are made
about future changes.
36 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
Several key provisions in Public Law 105-17 (1997), the Individuals with
Disabilities Education Act Amendments of 1997, were added to those
previously listed under the purposes of the act, including a new provision in
the identification of learning disabilities. The reauthorized version of the law
allows local education agencies to eliminate a criterion previously used for
students with learning disabilities to qualify for special education and
related services: the requirement that students display a discrepancy between
intelligence, typically measured by IQ tests, and achievement, generally
measured by standardized tests in areas such as reading and math (Klotz &
Nealis, 2005) – often referred to as the ‘‘ability–achievement’’ gap.
Transition Services
The current IDEA requires that by the time a student reaches the age of 16,
his or her IEP must address transition planning. This means the parent, the
student (if appropriate), and the rest of the IEP team collaborate to decide
what the student needs in order to prepare for the transition from school to
adult life. Transition planning includes any community agencies and work
experiences that will be part of the student’s school day. To be effective the
planning certainly should begin prior to the student’s 16th birthday.
Evolution of a New IDEA
Subsequent reauthorizations and amendments to EAHCA in 1978, 1983,
and again in 1986 have expanded or clarified procedural safeguards,
provided for awarding of attorneys’ fees, and expanded services to include
children with disabilities ages 3 through 5 (Part C). They have also provided
funding for early intervention programs for young children with special
needs.
Today referred to as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
(IDEA), this act provides funding for education and services to children
with disabilities, age 3 to 21. These funds must be used to provide a free
appropriate public education (FAPE). IDEA provides for and expects
schools to involve parents in the process. Schools and their local and state
education authorities (LEA and SEA) must make every possible effort to
include parents in each step of the process from identification through
transition to graduation.
Reauthorized in 1990, amended in 1991, and again reauthorized in 1997 –
the act was amended and renamed the Individuals with Disabilities
Education Act (IDEA). The new name recognized the social importance
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 37
of acknowledging people first and considering their disability afterward.
Each amendment added or refined new areas within the law, which are
discussed briefly.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act of 1990 and 1997
In 1990, IDEA (Public Law 101-476) confirmed the focus on the individual
and expanded services to children with disabilities ages 18 through 21. It also
added transition services, assistive technology, and related services such as
rehabilitation counseling and social work services. However, according to the
1997 IDEA, a student was to have a transition IEP by age 14. The
reauthorization moved the minimum age to 16. IDEA 90 expanded eligibility
for services to include children with autism and traumatic brain injury.
Moreover, the 1997 amendments made modification to improve educational
results and promote school safety. This amendment protected students with
disabilities who are violent or dangerous, while enabling educators to more
easily remove these students from their current educational placement. The
1997 amendment also addressed the cost of special education and revamped
the way schools receive funding.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of 2004
President George W. Bush signed the reauthorized Individuals with
Disabilities Education Improvement Act (IDEIA) into law on December 3,
2004. The provisions of the Act became effective on July 1, 2005, with the
exception of some of the elements pertaining to the definition of a ‘‘highly
qualified teacher’’ that took effect upon the signing of the Act. The final
regulations were published on August 2006. The statute allows for a short
title: ‘‘This Act may be cited as the ‘Individuals with Disabilities Education
Act’ ’’ (Section 601). The new IDEA maintained the basic principles of IDEA
and its civil rights guarantees.
Identified Children
Each state that receives federal special education funding is required to have
policies and practical methods to ensure that children with disabilities are
identified, located, evaluated, and, if eligible, receive special education or
related services. This includes groups of children who are
suspected of having a disability, regardless of whether they are advancing
from grade to grade, 3–9 years old and have a developmental delay (or a
38 BETTY Y. ASHBAKER
subset of this age range, depending on state definitions), homeless, wards
of the State, migrant or highly mobile, living on Native American
reservations, or attending private schools where they have been placed by
their parents (34 CFR y 300.111).
Procedures for Identifying Specific Learning Disabilities
IDEA (2005) added procedures for identifying specific learning disabilities.
The law required states to adopt criteria for determining whether a child has
a specific learning disability. Specifically, states could not require the use of
a severe discrepancy between intellectual ability and achievement for
determining whether a child has a specific learning disability. The law
specifies that Local Education Agencies
Must permit the use of a process based on the child’s response to
scientific, research-based intervention and
May permit the use of other alternative research-based procedures for
determining whether a child has a specific learning disability [34 CFR
300.307] [20 U.S.C. 1221e-3; 1401(30); 1414(b)(6)].
IDEA Aligning with No Child Left Behind (NCLB)
New Definitions
IDEA (2005) added new definitions in an effort to align with the definitions
and requirements of NCLB. Two discussed here are academic core subjects
and limited English proficient. IDEA defined academic core subjects to mean
‘‘English, reading or language arts; mathematics; science; foreign languages;
civics and government; economics; the arts; history; and geography’’ ([9101]
of ESEA); (602(4)] of IDEA). The IDEA specifically defines limited English
proficient. Please see the textbox.
IDEA defined limited English proficient as
a child who is aged 3 through 21;
who is enrolled or preparing to enroll in an elementary school or
secondary school;
who was not born in the United States or whose native language is a
language other than English;
History of Legal and Legislative Acts Concerned with Special Education 39
who is a Native American or Alaska Native, or a native resident of
the outlying areas; and
who comes from an environment where a language other than
English has had a significant impact on the individual’s level of
English language proficiency; or
who is migratory,
whose native language is a language other than English, and
who comes from an environment where a language other than
English is dominant; and
whose difficulties in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding the
English language may be sufficient to deny the individual; and the
ability to meet the state’s proficient level of achievement on state
assessments (Section 1111(b)(3) of ESEA).
Use of Funds
IDEA aligned more closely with NCLB and established provisions for the
use of funds at the state and local levels. For example, it provided use of
funds to support the development and provision of appropriate accom-
modations for children with disabilities, or the development and provision
of alternate assessments that are valid and reliable for assessing the
performance of children with disabilities (Sections 1111(b) and 6111 of
ESEA) and (611(e)(2)(C)(x)] of IDEA).
Performance Goals and Indicators
IDEA also required states to established goals for the performance of
children with disabilities in the state that support adequate yearly progress
(AYP), including the state’s objectives for progress by children with
disabilities (Section 1111(b)(2)(C) of ESEA).
It further requires states to address graduation rates and dropout rates.
Standards are to be consistent, to the extent appropriate, with any other
goals and standards for children established by the state, and IDEA requires
state to establish performance indicators it will use to assess progress toward
achieving the goals y including measurable annual objectives for progress
(Section 612(a)(15)(A and B) of IDEA and Section 1111(b)(2)(C)(v)(II)(c) of
the ESEA).
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Puolikymmentä henkeä riensi tarjoamaan Tommylle salaattia,
nousuruohoja ja kurkkuvoileipiä. Garth nyhtäisi ruohon ja ojensi sen
Janelle hyvin huolestuneen näköisenä, mutta Jane ei ollut
huomaavinaan.
"Ei mitään vastausta, Simmons", sanoi herttuatar. "Miks'ette
mene?… Voi, kuinka tuo mies tuupertaa! Eikö nyt kukaan voi opettaa
häntä kävelemään! Mutta nyt: mitä pitää tehdä? Puoli maakuntaa
tulee tänne kuulemaan Velmaa minun kutsustani, ja Velma on
Lontoossa sairastaen appendicitista muka — ei, minä tarkoitan sitä
toista. Oih, hiiteen koko nainen, kuten tuo viisas lintu sanoo."
"Suus kiinni!" kirkui Tommy. Herttuatar hymähti ja talttui
istumaan.
"Mutta, hyvä herttuatar", huomautti Garth mitä lauhkeimmalla
äänellä, "eihän maakunnassa tiedetä, että rouva Velman piti laulaa.
Sehän oli suuri salaisuus. Hänellähän teidän piti lopuksi yllättää.
Lady Ingleby sanoi häntä teidän 'yllätykseksenne'."
Myra kurkisti hattunsa alta ja herttuatar noikkasi hänelle
hyväksyen.
"Aivan niin", sanoi hän. "Siinähän koko hauskuus olikin. Hävytön!"
"Mutta hyvä herttuatar", jatkoi Garth vakuutellen, "ellei maakunta
tiennyt, ei maakunta petykään. He tulevat kuuntelemaan toisiaan ja
itseään ja nauttimaan teidän punaviineistänne ja jäätelöistänne.
Nauttivat kaikesta siitä ja lähtevät pois tyytyväisinä, puhellen, miten
taitavasti hyvä herttuatar keksii ja saattaa huomatuiksi paikalliset
kyvyt."
"Niin, niin!" sanoi herttuatar, pieni välke terävissä silmissään ja
nostaen käyrää nenäänsä — jota rouva Parker Bang Chicagosta, joka
oli tavannut herttuattaren kerran tai pari, kuvasi 'oikeaksi
plantagenetlaiseksi — "mutta he lähtevät vakuuttuneina taidoistaan
ja tyytyväisinä omiin keskinkertaisiin esityksiinsä. Minun tarkoitukseni
oli antaa heidän esittää ja sitten näyttää heille, kuinka olisi pitänyt
esittää."
"Mutta, Gina täti", sanoi Jane sävyisesti, "te unohdatte varmaan,
että useimmat näistä ihmisistä ovat olleet Lontoossa ja kuulleet
paljonkin hyvää musiikkia, luultavasti Velman ja muitten suurten
laulajien esityksiä. Kyllä he tietävät, etteivät voi laulaa kuin joku
näyttämövalio; mutta he koettavat parastansa, kun te heitä
pyydätte. En minä ymmärrä, että he kaipaavat mitään havainto-
opetusta."
"Jane", sanoi herttuatar, "jo kolmannen kerran tänä iltapäivänä
minun täytyy pyytää sinua olemaan viisastelematta."
"Neiti Champion", sanoi Garth Dalmain, "jos minä olisin teidän
isoäitinne, lähettäisin teidät nukkumaan."
"Mitä on tehtävä?" jatkoi herttuatar. "Hänen piti laulaa
'Rukousnauha'. Siihen minä olen perustanut kaiken. Huoneen koko
koristelukin on suunniteltu laulun mukaiseksi — köynnöksiä valkeista
ruusuista ja suuri, pelkästään punaisista riipparuusuista tehty risti
lavan taustalla. Jane!"
"Mitä, täti?"
"Äh, älä sano niin värittömästi 'mitä tätiäsi'! Etkö voi ehdottaa
jotakin?"
"Hiiteen koko nainen!" kirkaisi Tommy yhtäkkiä.
"Kuulkaahan lintu kultaa", huudahti herttuatar, ja hyvä tuuli palasi
täydellisesti. "Antakoon joku sille mansikan. No, Jane, mitä sinä
ehdotat?"
Jane Champion istui leveä selkä puoleksi tätiin päin, toinen polvi
toisella ja isot, voimakkaat kädet ristissä niiden ympärillä. Hän irroitti
kätensä, kääntyi hitaasti ympäri ja katsoi suoraan teräviin silmiin,
jotka tattihatun alta tutkistelivat häntä. Kun hän luki niistä osaksi
katuvan, osaksi vetoavan pyynnön, pilkisti vieno hymy hänen
omistaankin. Hän odotti hetkisen tullakseen varmaksi herttuattaren
tarkoituksesta, ja sanoi sitten: "Kyllä minä laulan teille
'Rukousnauhan' Velman sijasta tänä iltana, jos te todella niin
haluatte, täti."
Jos puun alle kokoontuneet olisivat olleet "mukiinmeneviä", olisivat
he vetäneet henkeänsä. Jos he olisivat olleet "kirjavia", he olisivat
äänekkäästi ilmaisseet hämmästystänsä. Ollen "hienoja" he eivät
antaneet minkäänlaista ulkonaista merkkiä; mutta ilmassa tuntui
perinpohjaista hämmästystä. Herttuatar oli ainoa läsnäolijoista, joka
oli kuullut Jane Championin laulavan.
"Onko sinulla se laulu?" kysyi Meldrumin armo ja nousi, ottaen
sähkösanomansa ja tyhjän vasun.
"On", sanoi Jane. "Kun viime kuussa olin kaupungissa, olin
muutamalla tunnilla rouva Blanchen luona; ja hän, joka harvoin
ihailee uudenaikaisia lauluja, oli kovin ihastunut siihen. Hän lauloi ja
salli minun säestää. Kulutimme siihen melkein kokonaisen tunnin.
Sain sittemmin nuotit."
"Hyvä", sanoi herttuatar. "Minä luotan siis sinuun. Nyt minun
täytyy lähettää osaaottava sähkösanoma herttaiselle Velma paralle,
jota varmasti kirvelee, kun täytyi olla tulematta. Niin että au revoir
[näkemiin!], hyvät ihmiset. Muistakaa, me syömme päivällistä
täsmälleen kahdeksalta. Musiikkipuoli alkanee yhdeksältä. Ronnie,
ole kiltti poika ja kanna Tommy halliin. Se kirkuu niin hirmuisesti, jos
se näkee minun menevän ja jättävän sen. Se on niin
helläsydäminen, lintu kulta!"
Äänettömyyttä setrin alla.
Useimmat katselivat nuorta Ronaldia, joka kantoi telinettä käsi niin
suorana kuin mahdollista, Tommyn hiipiessä aivan hänen lähelleen
pysyen ihmeteltävästi tasapainossa ja ilmeisesti tehden
kahdenkeskisiä huomautuksia Ronnien pelokkaaseen korvaan.
Herttuatar meni edellä, sangen tyytyväisenä asiain käänteeseen.
Pari vieraista tarkasteli Janea.
"Teit uljaasti", sanoi Myra Ingleby viimein. "Minä tarjoutuisin
säestämään, mutta minä osaan vain laulut 'Illan kuutamolla' ja
'Kolme sokeaa rottaa' yhdellä sormella."
"Ja minä tarjoutuisin mielelläni säestämään," sanoi Garth Dalmain,
"jos te laulaisitte Lassenin 'Pyhäinpäivän', sillä minä soitan sen vallan
mainiosti kymmenellä sormella. On sangen opettavaista kuulla, millä
tavoin minä soitan hautakappelin kelloja koko laulun ajan. Mahtavan
crescendo-appassionato-fortissimon jälkeenkin, kun he huomaavat:
'Kas, tänään kylmät haudat kukkii, loistaa: on juhlapäivä,
pyhäinpäivä tää', minun kelloillani ei ole lainkaan pyhäpäivää. Enhän
minä tiedä, mitä tapahtui 'kerran kevätkuussa'. Minun säestäessäni
kellot soivat koko ajan vimmatun itsepintaisesti. Mutta minä olen
nähnyt 'Rukousnauhan' nuotit enkä tahtoisi edes yrittää moisia
sointuja. Heti aloitettava kaikki mahdolliset alennukset mielessä ja
ennen kuin on pitkällekään päästy, on kourat täynnä tuttuja ja
tuntemattomia ristejä, joihin takertuu uskaltamatta päästää niitä
käsistään, kun kukaties ovat hyvinkin tarpeen seuraavassa
silmänräpäyksessä. Kuinka ikävää! Mutta kun on puhe
'Rukousnauhan' säestyksestä, minun täytyy sanoa, kuten se vanha
lampuoti tuonoin alustalaispäivällisillä sanoi herttuattarelle, kun tämä
tyrkytti hänelle vanukasta kolmatta kertaa: 'Teidän armonne, minä
en jaksa.'"
"Älkää olko ilkeä, Dal", sanoi Jane. "Te osaisitte säestää
'Rukousnauhan' mainiosti, jos minä vain tahtoisin. Mutta näin ollen
pidän parempana säestää itse."
"Voi, sen minä ymmärrän vallan hyvin", sanoi lady Ingleby
myötätuntoisesti. "Onhan koko ajan turvallista tietää, että jos
rupeaisi menemään väärin, voisi lopettaa toisen käden soiton ja
ottaa oikean äänen itselleen."
Nuo kaksi ainoata todella soitannollista läsnäolijaa vaihtoivat
melkoista huvittuneisuutta ilmaisevan silmäyksen. "Kai se olisi hyvä,
jos tarve tulisi", sanoi Jane. "Minä kyllä 'lopettaisin toisen käden' ja
'antaisin teille äänen'", sanoi Garth vakavasti.
"Sen uskon", sanoi Jane. "Te olette aina niin kovin ystävällinen.
Mutta minusta on parempi tulla toimeen omin neuvoin."
"Oletteko ottanut huomioon, kuinka vaikeata on saada ääntä
kuulumaan niin suuressa huoneessa, ellette voi seisoa päin yleisöä?"
Garth Dalmain puhui huolestuneesti. Jane oli hänen erikoisen hyvä
ystävänsä, ja kuten miehistä ainakin, hänestä oli vastenmielistä
ajatellakin, että hänen ystävänsä julkinen esiintyminen jollakin tavoin
epäonnistuisi.
Sama rauhallinen hymy väikähti Janen silmissä ja siirtyi huulille
kuin silloinkin, kun hän huomasi tätinsä todella tarkoittavan häntä
Velman sijaiseksi. Hän katsoi ympärilleen. Useimmat seurueesta
olivat poistuneet kaksittain ja kolmittain, toiset päärakennukseen,
toiset takaisin joelle. Hän, Dal ja Myra olivat siis kolmisin. Hänen
rauhalliset silmänsä olivat täynnä salaista veitikkaa, kun hän
epäröimättä katsoi Garthia silmiin ja vastasi hänen kysymykseensä.
"On kyllä, tiedän sen. Mutta kaiku huoneessa on vallan mainio ja
minä olen oppinut sovittamaan ääntäni. Kenties te ette tiedäkään —
ja mitenkä te sen oikeastaan tietäisittekään — että minulla on ollut
erikoinen onni saada opiskella rouva Marches'n johdolla Pariisissa ja
jälkeenpäin verestää entistä oppiani satunnaisilla, mutta hauskoilla
tunneilla Lontoossa hänen tyttärensä luona, joka ei suinkaan ole
äitiänsä lahjattomampi. Niin että kyllä minun joltisestikin pitäisi osata
käytellä ääntäni, jos lainkaan olen osannut käyttää hyväkseni moisia
kultaisia tilaisuuksia."
Nämä sanat olivat Myralle hepreaa ja merkitsivät aivan samaa kuin
jos Jane olisi sanonut: olen opetellut äänentapaamista. Eivätkä
todenteolla niinkään paljon, koskapa lady Ingleby oli itse kerran
yrittänyt opiskella äänentapaamista johtaakseen palvelijainsa ja
palvelijattariensa kuorolaulua. Tämä tapahtui siihen aikaan, jolloin
hänellä oli erikoisen soitannollinen palvelijakunta. Toisella lakeijalla
oli kaunis barytoni. Hovimestari osasi 'hiukkasen vetää bassoa', toisin
sanoen, kun muut kohosivat korkeihin alueihin, hän pysyi alimmassa
äänessä ja piti sitä, jos käskettiin. Sisäkkö lauloi, kuten itse sanoi,
'toista ääntä'. Toisin sanoen hän oli aina tahdissa hiukan sopraanoa
jäljessä ja terssiä alempana korkeudessa. Emännöitsijä, suuri
tummaverinen ihminen, jolla oli haivenia ylähuulessa, tehosi vallan
merkillisesti arkailemattomana laulaessaan säveltä oktaavia alempaa
sopraanoa.
Pahaksi onneksi lady Ingleby ei aina erottanut hänen ääntänsä
hovimestarin äänestä. Myra itse ensimmäisenä myönsi, ettei hänellä
ollut 'paljon korvaa'. Mutta oli ehdottomasti kärsivällisyyttä
koettelevaa huutaa juuri, kun ei mitenkään olisi tohtinut nostaa
silmiään 'Hyvän kuningas Wenceslauksen' säestyksestä: "Pysähtykää
siihen, Jenkins!" ja sitten huomata, että rouva Jarmis se olikin
korkeuksiin menossa. Mutta kun uudella lakeijalla, jonka lordi
Ingleby, kiinnittämättä minkäänlaista huomiota hänen soitannollisiin
lahjoihinsa, pestasi, sattui olemaan oikein hieno kurkkutenori, niin
Myralla mielestään oli ainesta vaikka kuinka suuriin
aikaansaannoksiin, ja hän päätti itse opetella äänentapaamista. Hän
oppi helposti mi, re, do ja sol, fa, fa, mi äänet, sillä ne olivat 'Kolme
sokeata rottaa' laulun alkusävelet, mutta siihen se Myran taito
loppuikin. Kun päästiin 'Talon vaimoa he kaikin seurasivat' aiheen
monimutkaisiin juoksutuksiin, lady Ingleby oli hukassa, kun ei ollut
sanoja, mihin turvata, ja niin hän epätoivoisena herkesi koko
äänentapaamisesta.
Niinpä siis nykyajan kuuluisimman laulunopettajan nimikään ei
paljoa ilmaissut Myralle. Mutta Garth Dalmain kohottautui.
"Vai niin! Ihmekö, että olette niin kylmäverinen. Velmahan on
itsekin ollut kuuluisan rouvan oppilas."
"Sen vuoksihan minäkin tunnen hänet jokseenkin hyvin", sanoi
Jane.
"Minä olen tänään täällä, sillä minun piti säestää häntä."
"Minä ymmärrän", sanoi Garth. "Ja nyt teidän on tehtävä
molemmat.
'Varjelkoon!' sanoo rouva Parker Bangs, kun hänelle Marlborough
Housen puutarhajuhlissa selitetään, kuka kukin on. Mutta teistä on
mieluisampaa säestää muita kuin itse laulaa, niinkö?"
Janen sävyisä hymy pilkisti jälleen.
"Laulaminen on hauskempaa, mutta säestäminen on
hyödyllisempää", sanoi hän.
"Tietysti", virkkoi Garth. "Lukemattomat voivat laulaa hiukkasen,
mutta varsin harvat säestää kunnollisesti."
"Jane", sanoi Myra katsellen raukein silmin pitkien tummien
ripsiensä alta, "kun sinä kerran olet ottanut laulutunteja ja osaat
joitakuita lauluja, miksi ei herttuatar ole ennen pyytänyt sinua
laulamaan meille?"
"Surullisesta syystä", vastasi Jane. "Tiedättehän, että hänen ainoa
poikansa kuoli kahdeksan vuotta sitten? Hän oli kaunis, lahjakas
nuorukainen. Hän ja minä perimme rakkautemme lauluun meidän
isoisältämme. Serkkuni antautui musiikkialalle yliopistossa, harjoitti
innokkaasti opintoja ja aikoi ammattimusiikkimieheksi. Kerran
joululomalla hän oli luvannut laulaa eräässä
hyväntekeväisyyskonsertissa Lontoossa, ja täyttääkseen lupauksensa
hän lähti ulos, vaikka oli vasta toipumassa nuhakuumeesta. Tauti
uudistui, kääntyi keuhkokuumeeksi, ja siihen hän muutaman
vuorokauden kuluttua kuoli. Täti parka oli mieletönnä surusta, ja
siitä pitäen minun musiikinrakkauteni mainitseminenkin katkeroittaa
häntä. Minä myöskin aioin tykkänään antautua musiikkialalle, mutta
hän esti sen lujasti. Tuskin uskallan laulaa tai soittaa täällä."
"Mutta miksette muualla?" kysyi Garth Dalmain. "Me olemme usein
olleet samoissa perheissä, eikä minulla ole ollut hämärintä
aavistusta, että te laulatte."
"En tiedä", sanoi Jane hitaasti. "Mutta — musiikki on minulle niin
kallis asia. Se on jonkinlainen kaikkeinpyhin minun sisimmässä
olennossani. Eikä ole helppoa nostaa verhoa."
"Verho nostetaan tänä iltana", sanoi Myra Ingleby. "Niin", myönsi
Jane hymyillen hieman surunvoittoisesti. "Niin taidetaan tehdä."
"Ja me astumme kaikkein pyhimpään", sanoi Garth Dalmain.
Viides luku.
USKOUTUMISTA.
Varjot nurmikolla yhä pitenivät.
Kotiin palajavat varikset kiertelivät ja vaakkuivat suurten jalavien
ympärillä.
Tiimapatsas osoitti kuutta.
Myra Ingleby nousi ja seisoi kädet ojennettuina pään yli vinojen
auringonsäteiden sattuessa suoraan silmiin. Taiteilija tarkasti hänen
norjan vartalonsa pehmeitä piirteitä.
"Ooh!" huudahti Myra. "Täällä ulkona on niin ihanaa ja minun
täytyy mennä sisälle kamarineitsyeni luo. Jane, minä varoitan
aikanaan. Älä milloinkaan rupea ottamaan kasvojenhierontaa.
Ihminen tulee sen orjaksi, ja se vie tuntikausia päivästä. Katsokaa
minua!"
He katselivat jo ilmankin. Myra oli katselemisen arvoinen.
"Tavallista pukeutumista varten minun olisi tarvinnut mennä sisään
vasta seitsemältä, mutta nyt minun täytyy menettää tämä viimeinen
ihana hetki."
"Mimmoista se sitten on?" kysyi Jane. "Minä en tiedä koko
puuhasta mitään."
"En minä voi yksityisseikkoja myöten selittää", vastasi lady
Ingleby, "mutta olethan nähnyt, kuinka kukkealta olen näyttänyt
koko päivän? No niin, ellen nyt menisi neitsyeni luo, näyttäisin
vähemmän kukkealta päivällisen päättyessä ja myöhemmin illalla
kymmentä vuotta vanhemmalta."
"Soma sinä olet aina", sanoi Jane vilpittömästi, "ja mitä se haittaa,
vaikka on ikänsä näköinen?"
"Kultaseni, mies tuntee ikänsä, nainen näyttää ikänsä", lainasi
Myra jonkun sanoja.
"Tunnen itseni nyt juuri seitsenvuotiaaksi", sanoi Garth.
"Ja näytätte seitsentoistavuotiaalta", nauroi Myra.
"Ja olen seitsemänkolmatta", selitti Garth, "niin ettei herttuattaren
pitäisi sanoa minua 'poikaviikariksi'. Ja jos tämän salaperäisen
toimituksen lyhentäminen vähentää rahtusenkaan teidän
tämäniltaista sulouttanne, niin minä rukoilen teitä: kiirehtikää
kamarineitsyenne luo, tai muuten te pilaatte koko iltani. Minä
purskahdan itkemään päivällisellä, ja herttuatar vihaa kaikkia
kohtauksia, kuten hyvin tiedätte!"
Lady Ingleby huitaisi häntä hatullaan ohimennessään.
"Olkaa vaiti, senkin poikaviikari", sanoi hän. "Ei teidän tarvinnut
lainkaan kuunnella, mitä minulla oli sanomista Janelle. Tänä syksynä
te maalaatte minut. Ja sen jälkeen minä jätän kasvojenhieronnan,
matkustan ulkomaille ja palaan oikein vanhentuneena."
Hän sinkautti tämän viimeisen uhkauksen olkansa yli ja asteli
hitaasti nurmikon poikki.
"Kuinka suloinen hän on!" lausui Garth katsellen hänen jälkeensä.
"Kuinka paljon te luulette kaikessa tuossa olleen totta, neiti
Champion?"
"Ei minulla ole aavistustakaan", vastasi Jane. "Kasvojenhieronta on
minulle tuiki tuntematon asia."
"Ei paljonkaan, minä luulisin", jatkoi Garth, "muuten hän ei olisi
siitä kertonut meille."
"Ei, siinä erehdytte", vastasi Jane nopeasti. "Myra on harvinaisen
rehellinen ja aina altis avoimesti puhumaan itsestään ja
heikkouksistaan. Hänen kasvatuksensa oli hiukan erikoinen. Heitä oli
suuri sisarusparvi, ja häntä pitivät muut aina syntipukkina, eivät
tosin veljet ja sisaret niinkään kuin äiti. Miten hän oli, mitä sanoi tai
teki, kaikki oli pahasti. Kun lordi Ingleby näki hänet ja luullakseni
huomasi hänen orastavat mahdollisuutensa, hän oli pitkä, kömpelö
tyttö, kaunissilmäinen, suu suloinen ja tunteikas ja kasvoilla
ihmettelevän kysyvä ilme. Lordi oli kaksikymmentä vuotta häntä
vanhempi ja rakastui auttamattomasti häneen, ja vaikka äiti tyrkytti
kaikkia muita tyttäriään vuoron perään, tämä tahtoi Myran tai ei
ketään. Kun lordi puhui asiasta Myralle, oli hänen aluksi mahdoton
saada tätä ymmärtämään, mitä hän tarkoitti. Lopulta tarkoitus
kuitenkin valkeni hänelle, eikä lordin tarvinnut kauan odottaa
vastausta. Minä olen hänen usein kuullut kiusoittelevan Myraa. Tämä
oli suloisesti hymyillen katsonut häneen silmät kyynelissä ja sanonut:
'Tietysti. Kiitollisena tulen teille, ja minusta te olette kovin herttainen,
kun pidätte minusta. Mutta mikä kolaus tämä on äidille!' He menivät
naimisiin niin pian kuin oli mahdollista, ja lordi vei nuorikkonsa
Pariisiin, Italiaan ja Egyptiin, piti kuusi kuukautta ulkomailla ja toi
takaisin — tällaisena. Olin kerran heidän luonaan, ja Myran äiti oli
myös siellä. Istuimme arkihuoneessa — ei ollut ketään herroja, vain
viisi, kuusi naista — ja hänen äitinsä moitti jotakin, sanoen: 'Eikö
lordi Ingleby ole usein huomauttanut sinulle siitä?' Myra katsoi
häneen herttaisesti, verkkaiseen tapaansa ja vastasi: 'Äiti kulta,
teistä mahtaa tuntua oudolta, mutta, tiedättekö, minun miehestäni
kaikki on erinomaista, mitä minä teen.' 'Sinun miehesi on typerä!'
sähähti äiti. 'Teidän kannaltanne katsoen, äiti kulta', sanoi Myra
herttaisesti."
"Vanha noita!" sanoi Garth. "Miksi moisten ihmisten sallitaan
omistaa itsellensä äidin nimi? Meidän, joilla on ollut hellät,
erinomaiset äidit, tekisi mieli säätää laki, että heitä on sanottava vain
kantajiksi tai annettava heille jokin muu kuvaava nimitys, eikä
halvennettava pyhää äidin nimeä." Jane oli vaiti. Hän tunsi kauniin
tarinan Garthin poikavuosista, jotka tämä oli viettänyt leskeksi
jääneen äitinsä kanssa. Hän tiesi, miten palavasti tämä jumaloi äidin
siunattua muistoa. Hän piti Garthista eniten silloin, kun sai kurkistaa
pinnan alle, eikä tahtonut laimentaa hänen lämpöänsä
muistuttamalla, ettei itse ollut koskaan saanut kuiskata tätä nimeä.
Garth nousi tuoliltaan ja oikaisi sorjaa vartaloansa laskevan
auringon hohteessa, melkein niinkuin Myrakin oli tehnyt. Jane katseli
häntä. Ruumiillinen kauneus vaikutti voimakkaasti häneen, kuten
useimmiten rumiin ihmisiin. Mutta hän ei antanut sen liiallisesti
vaikuttaa ystäväinsä arvioimiseen. Ei Garth Dalmain suinkaan ollut
ylimmäinen hänen erikoisista ystävistään. Hän oli vanhempi kuin
useimmat heistä, mutta eräissä suhteissa taas nuorempi kuin
kukaan, ja hänen huomattavasti nuorekkaan käytöstapansa ja
pursuavan hilpeytensä vuoksi Jane piti häntä toisinaan
poikamaisena, sillä hänen oman luonteensa leikillinen puoli oli paljon
sävyisämpää laatua. Mutta hänen ulkonainen kauneutensa oli niin
eittämätön, ettei siitä ollut mitään sanomista, ja Jane katseli häntä
ystävällisissä silmissään vilpitön ihailu, niinkuin varmaankin oma äiti
olisi häntä katsellut.
Garth oli vallan tietämätön omasta ulkomuodostaan, vaikka olikin
valinnut ylleen vaalean sinipunervan paidan ja sitonut kaulaansa
orvokinvärisen kaulanauhan, ja kun kultainen auringonvalo häikäisi
silmiä, ei hän liioin huomannut Janen katsetta.
"Kuulkaa, neiti Champion!" huudahti hän poikamaisesti. "Eikö
olekin mukavaa, että he kaikki ovat menneet sisään? Olen oikein
toivonut saavani hetkisen pakista teidän kanssanne. Tottakin, kun
olemme kaikki yhdessä, usein vain lörpöttelemme, jotta juttu olisi
käynnissä. Se on samanlaista kuin pienten leikkipallojen lentoon
laskeminen. Usein ne halkeavat ja paljosta puhelusta ei jää enempää
jäljelle kuin leikkipallostakaan: pieni, tyhjä ja kurttuinen
kelmunpalanen."
"Ostitteko te koskaan Brightonissa leikki-ilmapalloja? Muistatteko
sitä rajua ihastusta, kun nähtiin myyjän tulevan pitkin suurta
kävelykatua suunnaton kimppu niitä kädessään — sinisiä, viheriäisiä,
punaisia, valkoisia ja keltaisia, kaikki välkkyen päiväsessä,? Ja usein
minun täytyi ihmetellä, mitenkä tämä saattoi nyppiä niitä erilleen —
enkä vieläkään sitä tajua — ja miten olisi käynyt, jos hän olisi
laskenut ne kaikki maahan. Itse minä aina täsmälleen tiesin, minkä
niistä tahdoin, ja se oli tavallisesti sisimmässä nauhassa ja sen
irroittaminen kesti kauan. Ja kuinka saattoikaan harmittaa, jos
aikaihmiset väsyivät odotukseen ja lähtivät tiehensä penneineen.
Vaikka en minäkään olisi huolinut mistään, ellen olisi saanut juuri
sitä, johon olin iskenyt silmäni. Olisitteko te?"
"Minä en milloinkaan ostanut leikkipalloja Brightonissa", vastasi
Jane innottomasti. Garth tunsi olevansa taas seitsenvuotias, ja Jane
tunsi olevansa kiusaantunut.
Garth näytti huomaavan sen. Hän otti takkinsa tuolin
selkämykseltä, jolle sen oli heittänyt, ja puki ylleen.
"Tulkaa, neiti Champion", sanoi hän, "minä olen väsynyt työn
puutteesta. Mennään joelle ja otetaan pieni, kahdenistuttava vene.
Päivällinen on vasta kahdeksalta, ja minä olen varma, että te
ennätätte pukeutua — vaikkapa Velman sijaiseksikin — puolessa
tunnissa. Minä tiedän teidän hätätilassa tehneen sen kymmenessä
minuutissa. Aikaa on kyllin minun soutaa teidät niin pitkälle, että
näemme kirkon, ja saamme samalla puhella. Ajatelkaa, vanha,
harmaa kirkko, taustana tämä auringonlasku ja edustalla keto
täynnänsä esikoita!"
Mutta Jane ei noussut.
"Hyvä Dal", sanoi hän, "ei teillä olisi paljon innostusta jäljellä, ei
kirkkoon eikä auringonlaskuun, kun olisitte kiskonut minun runsasta
kahdeksaakymmentä kiloani vasten virtaa. Vaipuisitte uupuneena
sinne esikkojen keskelle. Pitäisihän teidän nyt jo tietää, etten minä
ole niitä ihmisiä, joita käsketään pikkuruisen veneen perään
istumaan ja pitämään perää. Jos minä olen veneessä, minä tahdon
soutaa, ja jos minä soudan, niin soudan mieluimmin peränpuoleisella
tuhdolla. Mutta nyt en halua soutaa, sillä olen pelannut golfia koko
iltapäivän. Ja tiedätte varsin hyvin, mitä nautintoa teille tuottaisi
katsella minua koko matkan, mennen tullen, tuntien koko ajan, että
minä itsekseni arvostelisin teidän huolimatonta soutamistanne."
Garth istuutui jälleen, heittäytyi takakenoon tuoliinsa, kädet
ristissä kiiltäväntumman pään takana, ja katseli Janea ystävällisin,
kirkkain silmin, aivan samoin kuin oli katsellut herttuatartakin.
"Tepä, veikkonen, nyreä olette", sanoi hän suopeasti. "Mikä teidän
oikein on?"
Jane naurahti ja ojensi kätensä. "Voi teitä, te hyvä poika! Minä
luulen, että teillä on maailman herttaisin luonne. En minä enää ole
nyreä. Ihan todella, minä vihaan herttuattaren konsertteja, eikä
minusta ole lainkaan hauskaa olla hänen 'yllätyksenään'."
"Minä ymmärrän", sanoi Garth myötätuntoisesti. "Mutta miksi siis
tarjouduitte laulamaan?"
"Ah, minun täytyi", sanoi Jane. "Vanha täti kulta. Harvoin hän
minulta mitään pyytää, ja hänen silmänsä olivat niin rukoilevat.
Ettekö te tunne, miten ihminen kaipaa saada tehdä jotakin sille, joka
on läheinen hänelle? Minä kiilloittaisin hänen kenkänsä, jos hän
toivoisi. Mutta on raskasta olla täällä viikkokausia ja aina sentään
määrätyn matkan päässä. Tämä on ainoa, mitä hän on pyytänyt
minua tekemään, ja hänen ylpeät vanhat silmänsä olivat liikuttavat.
Saatoinko kieltää?"
Garth oli pelkkää ymmärtämystä. "Ette, hyvä ystävä", sanoi hän
miettiväisenä, "ette todellakaan. Mutta älkää hautoko mielessänne
meidän typerää pilaamme tuosta 'yllätyksestä'. Ymmärrättehän, ettei
teistä ole semmoiseen. Uskon, että te laulatte paljon paremmin kuin
useimmat heistä, mutta eivät he sitä huomaa. Tarvitaan todellakin
joku Velma, jotta moiset kuulijat havahtuisivat. He pitävät
'Rukousnauhaa' sievänä lauluna ja taputtavat teille hieman käsiään,
ja siinä koko juttu. Niin että älkää pahastelko!"
Jane istui ja mietti hänen sanojaan. Sitten hän sanoi: "Dal, minua
inhoittaa laulaa sellaiselle kuulijakunnalle. On aivan kuin asettaisin
sieluni heidän katseltavaksensa, enkä soisi, että he sen näkevät. Se
tuntuu raiskaukselta. Minun mielestäni laulu ja soitto paremmin kuin
mikään muu kykenevät tuomaan ilmi kaiken. Minä värisen, kun
ajattelen tuota laulua, enkä sentään rohkene olla panematta
parastani. Sen hetken tullen minä eläydyn lauluun ja unohdan
kuulijat. Minä kerron teille eräästä tunnista rouva Blanchen luona.
Lauloin Bembergin 'Chant Hindou'a, hindulaisen naisen rukousta
Brahmalle. Aloin: 'Brahma, Dieu des croyants' [Brahma, uskovaistesi
Jumala], ja lauloin niinkuin olisin do, re, mi'ta laulanut. Brahma ei
ollut mikään minulle. 'Seis!' huusi rouva Blanche käskevästi. 'Voi teitä
englantilaisia! Ah, vous Anglais! Mitä te laulatte? Brahma, c'est un
Dieu! [Brahma on jumala!] Hän ei tosin ole teidän Jumalanne. Hän ei
tosin ole minun Jumalani. Mutta hän on jonkun Jumala. Hän on
laulun Jumala. Écoutez!' [Kuunnelkaa!] Ja hän kohotti päätään ja
lauloi: 'Brahma! Dieu des croyants! Maitre des cites saintes!'
[Taivasten valtias!] kauniit kasvonsa kirkastuneina ja sellaisella
pyhällä uskonnollisella hartaudella, joka tunki sydämeen. Sitä tuntia
en koskaan unohda. Ja, totta puhuen, sen jälkeen en ole laulanut
ainoatakaan laulua laimeasti."
"Hyvä!" sanoi Garth Dalmain. "Pidän haltioitumisesta kaikessa
taiteessa. Minä en välitä maalatakaan muotokuvaa, ellen ihaile
naista, jota maalaan."
Jane hymyili. Keskustelu oli kääntymäisillään juuri siihen suuntaan,
mihin hän oli toivonut mahdollisesti voivansa johtaa sen.
"Dal hyvä", sanoi hän, "te ihailette niin useita, toista toisensa
jälkeen, että me, teidän vanhat ystävänne, jotka todella tarkoitamme
teidän parastanne, pelkäämme, että te ette milloinkaan ihaile
ratkaisevasti."
Garth nauroi. "Helkkarissa!" sanoi hän. "Oletteko te samanlainen
kuin kaikki muutkin? Ajatteletteko tekin, että ihaileminen ja
jumaloiminen välttämättä merkitsee naimisiinmenoa? Minä olisin
odottanut teiltä järjellisempää ja miehisempää näkökantaa."
"Poika kulta", sanoi Jane, "ystävänne ovat päättäneet, että te
tarvitsisitte vaimon. Te olette yksin maailmassa. Teillä on kaunis koti.
Kaikki mielettömät naiset teitä liehakoivat, pilaavat teidät. Alku on jo
hyvä. Me oivallamme tietysti varsin hyvin, että teidän vaimossanne
täytyy maailman verrattomimman kauneuden yhtyä hienoon
persoonallisuuteen. Mutta jokainen uusi jumalatar, jonka te näette ja
jota maalaatte, vastaa sillä hetkellä teidän erinomaista ihannettanne,
ja kukaties, jos te jonkun heistä naisitte sen sijaan, että maalaatte,
hän pysyväisestikin täyttäisi vaatimuksenne."
Garth kuunteli miettiväisenä, säännölliset kulmakarvansa koholla.
Vihdoin hän sanoi: "Kauneus on jotakin pinnalla olevaa. Näen sen,
ihailen sitä. Minä haluan sitä ja maalaan sen. Kun olen sen
maalannut, on se minun, enkä piittaa siitä sen enempää. Kun
maalaan jotakuta naista, etsin koko ajan hänen sieluansa. Tahtoisin
ilmentää sen kankaalleni. Mutta tiedättekö, neiti Champion, minä
huomaan, ettei kauniilla naisella aina ole kaunista sielua."
Jane oli vaiti. Hänestä oli viho viimeistä puhua toisten naisten
sieluista.
"Tällä haavaa sentään eräs tuntuu minusta täydelliseltä", jatkoi
Garth. "Minä maalaan hänet syksyllä. Uskon, että silloin havaitsen
hänen sielunsa hänen ihanan ulkomuotonsa veroiseksi."
"Ja kuka hän on?" uteli Jane.
"Lady Brand."
"Flower!" huudahti Jane. "Oletteko te niin ihastunut Floweriin?"
"Oh, hän on suloinen", sanoi Garth kunnioittavan innokkaasti. "On
ihan väärin, että kukaan on niin perinpohjin suloinen, virheetön. Se
tekee minut sairaaksi. Oletteko te koskaan tuntenut, että täydellinen
kauneus tekee sairaaksi, neiti Champion?"
"En", sanoi Jane lyhyesti. "Eikä minusta muitten ihmisten vaimojen
niin pitäisi vaikuttaa teihinkään."
"Hyvä veikkonen", huudahti Garth hämmästyneenä, "eihän tällä
asialla ole mitään tekemistä vaimojen taikka ei-vaimojen kanssa.
Sinikelloketo aamuisessa auringonpaisteessa vaikuttaisi aivan
samoin. Minä aivan sairaalloisesti haluan maalata hänet. Kun olen
maalannut hänet ja todellakin päästänyt oikeuksiinsa hänen
verrattoman kauneutensa sellaisena kuin minä sen näen, olen taas
vallan ennallani. Toistaiseksi minä olen maalannut hänet vain
muistista, mutta lokakuussa hän istuu minulle mallina."
"Muististako?" kysyi Jane.
"Niin, maalaan aika paljon muistista. Jos minä saan nähdä tietyn
ilmeen jonkun kasvoilla hetkellä, jolloin voi tunkeutua pintaa
syvemmälle, minä voin sen maalata muistista viikkokausia
jälkeenpäin. Monet parhaista harjoitelmistani ovat siten syntyneet.
Oi, mikä nautinto! Kauneus — kauneudenpalvelus on minulle
jumalanpalvelusta."
"Mutta jumalatonta jumalanpalvelusta."
"Ei niinkään", vastusti Garth totisena. "Kaikki todellinen kauneus
tulee Jumalasta ja johtaa takaisin Jumalaan. Kaikkinainen hyvä anti
ja täydellinen lahja tulee ylhäältä valkeuden isältä. Tapasin kerran
erään vanhan, omituisen olion, joka sanoi, että kaikki sairaudet ovat
perkeleestä lähtöisin. En milloinkaan voinut uskoa sitä, sillä äitini oli
elämänsä loppuvuodet työhön kykenemätön, ja voin vakuuttaa, että
hänen sairautensa oli siunaukseksi monelle, ja Jumalan kunniaksi
hän sen kärsi. Vakaumukseni on, että kaikki todellinen kauneus on
Jumalan lahja, ja siksi kauneudenpalvelus on minulle eräänlaista
jumalanpalvelusta. Ei mikään paha ole koskaan todellisesti kaunista;
ei mikään hyvä ole koskaan oikeastaan rumaa."
Jane hymyili katsellessaan Garthia, joka loikoessaan tuolissaan
kultaisessa päivänpaisteessa oli oikea miehisen kauneuden perikuva.
Tämä täydellinen välittömyys sekä omaan itseensä että Janeen
nähden, mikä salli hänen näin puhua ulkonaisesti arkipäiväisimmälle
naistuttavalleen, sisälsi pisaran huumoria, mikä huvitti ystävätärtä.
Se ilmaisi hänelle enemmän kuin moniväristen ilmapallojen
ostaminen ja herttuattaren 'tattihatun' päivitteleminen.
"Ovatko rumat ihmiset sitten vallan osattomia jumaluudesta, Dal?"
kysyi hän.
"Ei kaikki rumuus ole rumuutta", vastasi Garth Dalmain
vilpittömästi. "Sen minä opin jo pienenä poikana. Äitini otti minut
mukaansa kuulemaan erästä kuuluisaa saarnaajaa. Istuessaan
alkutoimitusten aikana korokkeella hän näytti minusta jolsimmalta
mieheltä, minkä ikinä olin nähnyt. Hän muistutti jotakin
eriskummallista gorillaa, ja minä pelkäsin hetkeä, jolloin hän nousisi
ja aloittaisi selityksensä. Tuntui ihan siltä, kuin hänen olisi pitänyt
olla rautaristikon takana ja kuin meidän olisi saattanut yht'äkkiä
tehdä mieli heittää hänelle pähkinöitä ja appelsiinejä. Mutta kun hän
nousi puhumaan, hänen kasvonsa muuttuivat. Hyvyys ja innostus
loisti niistä, muuttaen ne enkelimäisiksi. En pitänyt häntä enää
koskaan rumana. Hänen sielunsa kauneus loisti läpi ruumiin,
kirkastaen sen. Vaikka olinkin lapsi, erotin sittemmin aina ruman
rumasta. Kun hän mainion saarnansa loputtua istuutui, en enää
pitänyt häntä minään simpanssinmuunnoksena. Muistin hänen
taivaallisen hymynsä kirkkauden. Tietysti olivat hänen rumat
piirteensä ennallaan. Eivätkä ne kasvot olleet sellaiset, joiden olisi
aina suonut olevan lähellä tai päivä päivältä vastapäätä pöydässä.
Mutta ei ihmiselle ollut toki pantu moista koetusta; minulle se olisikin
ollut sulaa kärsimystä. Sittemmin hän on aina pysynyt mielessäni
vahvistamassa totuutta, ettei hyvyys koskaan ole ruma ja että
taivaallisen rakkauden ikävöimisen loisteesta mitä rumimmat kasvot
muuttuvat hetkellisesti kauniiksi ja synnyttävät jotakin sellaista, jota
ainian onneksensa muistelee."
"Minä ymmärrän", sanoi Jane. "Se on varmaan usein auttanut teitä
oikeaan käsitykseen, kun niin varhain saitte sen selville. Mutta
palatkaamme tärkeään keskusteluumme kasvoista, jotka kerran ovat
joka päivä teitä vastapäätä pöydässä. Eivät ne voi olla lady Brandin,
eivät liioin Myran; mutta, kuten hyvin tiedätte, Dal, eräitä sangen
kauniita kasvoja ajatellaan sille paikalle."
"Ei mitään nimiä, pyydän", sanoi Garth nopeasti. "Minusta on
vastenmielistä, että nuorten naisten nimiä mainitaan tällaisissa
keskusteluissa."
"Aivan oikein, hyvä ystävä. Minä ymmärrän vastenmielisyytenne ja
kunnioitan sitä. Olette tehnyt hänet jo kuuluisaksi hänestä
maalaamallanne impressionistisella muotokuvalla, ja kuulin, että
aiotte maalata toisen, vielä viimeistellymmän. Niin, niin, Dal, kyllä
itsekin tiedätte, miten äärettömästi ihailette häntä. Hän on kaunis,
hän on rakastettava, kotoisin maasta, jonka naiset, jos ovat kauniita,
ovat samalla myös luonnonraittiita ja pirteitä, vertaisiaan vailla. Te
olette monessa suhteessa niin ainutlaatuinen, että teidän
vaimonnekin pitää olla joltisessakin määrin erikoinen. No niin, minä
en lainkaan tiedä, kuinka paljon te annatte ystäväinne mielipiteen
vaikuttaa tämäntapaisissa asioissa, mutta lienee teistä mieluista
kuulla, miten täydellisesti he hyväksyvät aikeenne, jos vannotte
uskollisuutta — sanotaan nyt vaikka — kauniille 'Tähtilipulle'."
Garth Dalmain otti taskustaan savukekotelonsa, valikoi huolellisesti
savukkeen ja pitäen sitä sormiensa välissä istui ajatuksiinsa
vaipuneena.
"Polttakaa vain", sanoi Jane.
"Kiitoksia", sanoi Garth. Hän raapaisi tulitikulla valkean ja sytytti
hyvin mietteissään savukkeensa. Kun hän heitti tikun pois, lennätti
tuuli sitä ja se putosi nurmikolle, missä leimahti iloisesti. Garth
hypähti pystyyn ja sammutti sen, veti tuolinsa vielä paremmin Janea
vastapäätä ja nojasi taaksepäin, polttaen aatteissaan ja katsellen,
miten pienet siniset savurenkaat, joita hän puhalteli, nousivat setrin
oksille, laajenivat, ohenivat ja hävisivät.
Jane katseli häntä. Erilaiset ja kuvaavat tavat, miten hänen
ystävänsä sytyttivät ja polttivat savukkeensa, olivat aina huvittaneet
Janea. Hän olisi voinut mainita ainakin kymmenkunnan nuoren
miehen nimen, jos hänelle olisi kuvailtu heidän polttamistapansa.
Hän oli sitä paitsi Deryck Brandilta oppinut vaikenemisen tärkeyden
tähdellisessä keskustelussa ja myös, ettei jälkilisäyksillä saa sanottua
laimentaa.
Vihdoin Garth puhui.
"Ihmettelen, miksi savu on kauniin vaaleansinistä, kun se renkailee
savukkeesta, mutta harmaanvalkoista, jos sitä suusta puhaltaa."
Jane tiesi niin olevan sen vuoksi, että siihen oli imeytynyt
kosteutta, mutta hän ei sanonut sitä, sillä hänelle ei ollut lainkaan
mieluisaa tämä ilmapallon liidätys eikä Garthin puheen suuntaaminen
turhanpäiväisiin asioihin. Hän odotti tyynesti, minkä vastauksen
antaisi Garthin syvempi luonne, johon hän oli vedonnut ja jonka hän
tunsi varmasti pääsevän vallalle. Pian se pääsikin.
"On sanomattoman ystävällistä, neiti Champion, että viitsitte
ajatella kaikkea tätä ja puhua siitä minulle. Saanko osoittaa
kiitollisuuttani selittämällä teille kerran, mikä tuottaa vaikeutta?
Tuskin olen siitä itsekään selvillä, mutta luulen silti voivani antaa
teille jonkinlaisen käsityksen siitä."
Jälleen pitkä vaitiolo. Garth poltti ja mietti. Jane odotti. Vaitiolo oli
täynnä ymmärtämystä. Garth huomasi hyräilevänsä erään vanhan
kuudennentoista-sataluvun laulun säkeitä:
Mua taivas vielä jos armahtais: moisen tupakan, tuolin ja
ystävän sois.
Joko savuke, tuoli tai Jane, tai kaikki kolme yhdessä kukaties,
herätti hänessä ylevän rauhan ja levon ja hyvänolon tunteen,
sellaisen mielialan kohoamisen, että kaikki hyvä näytti entistä
paremmalta, kaikki vaikeudet helpoilta ja kaikki ihanteet
saavutettavilta. Hiljaisuus oli kultainen kuin auringonlasku; mutta
lopulta hän sen keskeytti.
"Kaksi naista — ainoat naiset, jotka ovat todella jotakin elämääni
vaikuttaneet — ovat minulle mittapuuna, josta en voi tinkiä — toinen
äitini, kallis, siunattu muisto; toinen vanha Margery Graem,
lapsuusaikainen ystäväni ja hoitajani, nyt emännöitsijäni ja yleensä
hellijäni ja hoivaajani. Hänen uskollinen sydämensä ja alituinen
huolenpitonsa auttavat minua pysymään uskollisena sen suloisen
olennon juurruttamille ihanteille, joka viereltäni kuihtui pois, kun olin
miehuuteni kynnyksellä. Kotiin palatessani näen ensimmäiseksi, kun
eteisen ovi avautuu, vanhan Margeryn, musta satiiniesiliina vyöllä,
päässä härmemyssy lavendelinvärisine nauhoineen. Tunnen silloin
aina uudestaan olevani seitsenvuotias ja syleilen häntä joka kerta.
Te, neiti Champion, ette pidä minusta seitsenvuotisena, mutta
Margery pitää. No niin, mutta muutahan minun piti saada teidät
tajuamaan. Kun minä vien morsiamen Gleneeshiin ja esitän hänet
Margerylle, niin hänen vanhat, ystävälliset silmänsä koettavat nähdä
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