Graying Matters: Aging in Contemporary Philippine Society

Author(s): JUSTINE KRISTEL A. VILLEGAS

Source: Philippine Sociological Review , 2014, Vol. 62 (2014), pp. 139-157
Published by: Philippine Sociological Society

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Research Report

JUSTINE KRISTEL A. VILLEGAS

Graying Matters:
Aging in Contemporary
Philippine Society

This article examines the challenges elderly Filipinos face today. Based on 15
in-depth interviews, I characterize how senior citizens, especially women, aspire
to play a productive role in their families in spite of their physical frailties and
financial limitations. Contrary to the continuity approach in sociology of aging,
this article argues that the elderly wish to redeem their independence - not to
pursue an individualized identity but to fulfil obligations to their family. The
article also aims to add more nuances to the political economy and dependency
accounts of aging by illustrating the different ways the elderly negotiate their
roles and aspirations in their current life phase.

Keywords: sociology of aging, gerontology, elderly, life courses

Philippine Sociological Review (2014) • Vol. 62 • No. 1 • pp. 139-158 1Ï9

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Still Busy. (Photo By: Maita Sevilla)

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 INTRODUCTION

of human life. In the past decades, the world has witnessed

Mortality of an human unprecedented and trend
an unprecedented life. aging In thelifetrendexpectancy
of increasing are pastwhilesome of decades, increasing of the the most life world profound expectancy has witnessed puzzles while
populations in the so-called global north are now described to have a "grey
population" (Settersen and Angel 200 l:v). As a consequence, sociology
of aging as well as critical gerontology studies have become among the
most important fields of inquiry today. Demographic impact of an aging
society, working class identities after retirement and gendered patterns of
caregiving are some of the pertinent issues that have been the subject of
close sociological investigation (Willson 2007).
In the Philippines, however, there are only a handful of systematic
studies about the concerns of elderly Filipinos (Racelis, Abrigo, and Salas
2012; DSWD and DOH 2007; Ogena 2007; Gaston-Mills 2005; Somera
1997; Sorita 2004; Abejo 2004; Cruz 1999, 2005, 2007; and Carlos 1999).
Aging remains an "under theorized subject in the country" (Villegas
2013) because most studies focus on younger age groups (Gaston-Mills
2005). It is only in recent years that research on the elderly population
has received considerable attention because "the research community
has perceived the Filipino population as a young one" (Carlos 1999:37).
Furthermore, the challenges brought about by a rapidly increasing elderly
population are not yet experienced in the Philippines compared to other
countries already tending to a large elderly population (Peterson 1999).
This article aims to contribute to the emerging conversation about
the challenges elderly Filipinos face today. These challenges, while often
depicted as "natural" difficulties people face as they move through their
life courses, are largely shaped by social structures. Drawing on my
empirical research in three communities in Laguna, I characterize the
tensions elderly respondents face in terms of their economic dependence,
obligations, as well as their felt displacement in social life. Contrary to
the continuity approach in sociology of aging, this article argues that the

Justine Kristel A. Villegas graduated BA Sociology, Summa Cum Laude,

last April from the University of the Philippines-Diliman. This research report

is based on her undergraduate thesis. Contact the author at

[email protected].

Philippine Sociological Review (2014) • Vol. 62 • No. 1 141

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elderly wish to redeem their independence not to pursue an autonomous
and individualized identity but to fulfil obligations to their family.
I develop my argument in three sections. In the first part of this article,
I provide a literature review of aging studies in the Philippines, followed
by an overview of my research methodology. The second section presents
the empirical findings and analysis. The final section discusses the
implications of my study and identifies directions for future research.

SOCIOLOGY OF AGING IN THE PHILIPPINES

The literature on aging in the Philippines revolves around three
interrelated themes - political economy, dependency, and continuity. A
political economy analysis depicts aging as a "difficult process" because
of the high cost of living in the country (Carlos 1999). The Filipino
elderly population ranks sixth among eight sectors with the highest
poverty incidence rate in 2003 and 2006 and eighth among the nine
sectors in 2009 (see Table 1). Specifically, poor elderly Filipinos number
to 1,035,089, which is 4.7% of the total population of poor Filipinos
(Virola 201 lb)1.
There are various reasons for the economic poverty of the elderly
population. Early developments in the sociology of aging have identified
the loss of economic independence as one factor as retired workers
move from factories and office buildings into their homes (see Willson
2007:149).
Needless to say, poverty is unevenly distributed across elderly
populations. Minkler and Stone's (1985) pioneering study, for example,
illustrates the "triple jeopardy" of being old, poor, and female in the
United States considering the country's track record in the feminization
of poverty and sexual division of labor. This study underscores the impact
of policy in contributing to old women's economic conditions, given that
the rollback of the welfare state directly impacts the well-being of old,
underprivileged women.

1 The "poor" according to the poverty estimation methodology "are those

whose income is not sufficient to pay for the basic (minimum) requirements,

which include food and nonfood (e.g., clothing, medical care, fuel, light,

water, and housing maintenance) needs" (Virola 2011b and Bureau of Labor
and Employment Statistics 2011).

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Table 1: Poverty Incidence for the Basic Sectors: 2003. 2006 and 20092
POVERTY INCIDENCE
SECTOR
2003 2006 2009

Philippines* 24.9 26.4 26.5

Fishermen 35.0 41.4 41.4

Farmers 37.0 37.2 36.7

Children 32.7 34.8 35.1

Self-employed and Unpaid Family Workers 28.0 29.4 29.0

Women 24.0 25.1 25.1

Youth 19.0 20.8 21.8

Senior Citizens 15.1 16.2 15.8

Migrant and Formal Sector 14.6 15.7 16.7

Urban 11.1 12.5 12.8

Source: National Statistical Coo

* Based on the 2009 Official Po

The same argument

Philippines. Econom
savings and investm
subsidies on health e
Ubalde 2011; Virola
scheme, however, is
society - those who h
informal sector (Uba
Philippines in 2010,
of the Government S
or 1 1 .9%are covered
Lago, Viajar, and Ca
monthly GSIS pensio
increasing prices of

2 Poverty estimates of
released on 25 June 2009

official poverty estima

Board on 1 February 20

VILLEGAS • Aging in Contemporary Philippine Society 14Î

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in pensions in 2010 while the prices of commodities, on the average,
increased by 3.6% for all households (Virola 2011a; Ubalde 2011). This
situation places the relevance of existing laws protecting senior citizens
in perspective. For example, Republic Act 9994 or the Expanded Senior
Citizens Act of 2010 provides privileges to the elderly in the form of
discounts. While there is merit in this law, this presupposes that the
elderly have purchasing power. Poor provision of services targeted to
vulnerable elderly populations continues to perpetuate poverty among
the elderly population (Abejo 2004; Cruz 1999).
One consequence of poverty in old age relates to the theme of
dependency. Most elderly Filipinos depend on their families and extended
social or credit network for financial support (Cruz 1999). However,
families' capability of caring for the elderly is now threatened by rural-
urban and/or overseas labor migration (Cruz 2007:14). The "increasing
labor participation and migration of women who are the traditional
caregivers of the elderly" force the elderly to act as "substitute parents"
to their grandchildren when they might be needing rest and assistance
already due to declining health (Cruz 2007:14; Ogena 2007).This poses
new problems in terms of the social safety nets available to old people.
The concept of dependency, however, does not have to be viewed as a
"natural" part of an aging person's life course. Sociological research has
taken a critical understanding of "agism," which perpetuates a world-view
that the elderly are necessarily weak and therefore a "burden" to society.
Dependency narratives and old age stereotypes have been promoted since
the 1 940s where the old are viewed as disengaged from mainstream society
and only becomes visible when they seek the assistance of professionals
and relatives (Tulle- Winton 2000:75). Baltes (1996) argues that as the
society imposes negative stereotypes about physical decline in old age,
the more the elderly people would fulfill these social expectations and act
according to the imposed stereotyped "social role" (Baltes 1996). Rather
than portraying dependency as a natural progression in one's life course,
there is a need to unpack the political economy of dependency among
the elderly. As argued earlier, dependency occurs due to poor policy
interventions such as rolling back of the welfare state and unsustainable
pension schemes.

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 Some sociologists refer to the final theme in the literature as continuity.
Atchley (1989) argues that aging individuals do not simply retreat from
social life but seek to maintain lifestyles that conform to one's identity.
However, both the "body" (Clarke 2001), and "culture" stifle the
elderly 's efforts to preserve their identities (Gulette 1997 cited by Twigg
2004:59). The aging of the body upsets elderly women in particular. As
demonstrated in Clarke's study (2001), respondents perceive their bodies
as a "prison" or "mask" that constrains or conceals their true selves
(Clarke 2001). Moreover, youth culture promoted in a consumption-
driven society propagates ageist assumptions and stereotypes, which
leads to apprehensions about growing old especially among women
whose social acceptance lies in looking youthful even in old age (Twigg
2004; Coupland 2003).
In contrast, a study conducted by Kaufman (1986) shows that the
body and culture fully hinder the elderly from maintaining their identities.
Kaufman (1986) argues that life meanings and values enable the elderly
find purpose in aging despite the constraints and loss of independence
inflicted on them by their aging bodies and the predominant consumer
culture (Kaufman 1986:6). Most of Kaufman's respondents perceived
themselves as aging only outwardly but never changing inwardly. The
term "ageless self' is coined to refer to the elderly's perceived continuous
identity even in old age.
On a macro level, the continuity approach illustrates how senior
citizens remain as "resources" rather than dependent social actors. Cruz's
study (1999) illustrates how grown-up children of elderly parents still
ask for financial support despite their parents' low income and declining
health. On the other hand, Sorita's (2004) study shows how elderly parents
willingly support their grown-up children despite their physical and
financial vulnerabilities. This practice, according to Sorita's respondents,
were positively received - they "regard themselves highly" - for their
ability to continue to contribute in family life. This also takes the form
of contributions in terms of services such as taking on caregiving roles
to grandchildren.
In summary, political economy, dependency, and continuity are
among the main themes in the discussion of aging in the Philippines.

VILLEGAS • Aging in Contemporary Philippine Society 145

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These themes capture the trends on the shared issues and the challenges
accompanying such life phase. One gap in the literature, however,
relates to the ways in which aging is experienced. Indeed, growing old
is a deeply personal process. It is necessary to have a better sociological
understanding of the elderly 's narratives, their anxieties, coping strategies,
and articulations of human agency. This is important because the elderly's
experiences are untapped sources of sociological knowledge that needs
to be fiirther explored. Furthermore, most of the available literature in
the country tends to emphasize and reify the negative aspects of aging.
Hence, it is timely to examine how elderly people themselves view and
perceive aging. By letting the elderly's voices heard, the perception and
construction of aging in society today can be unpacked and critically
examined. This not only benefits the current elderly population but also
the future generations of senior citizens.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

I have been involved in the study of aging for the past year as part of my
research requirements for the University of the Philippines-Diliman's BA
Sociology program. Personally, the topic of aging is close to me because
I have lived most of my life with my grandmother. My grandmother often
expresses mixed emotions about growing old. She feels lonely that she
has become weaker and that all her children have their own lives now.

She is also thankful that "she grows even wiser as her hair continues
to turn grey." Her stories made me curious about growing older in the
Philippines. They sparked a sociological curiosity to better understand
what she is currently going through, since in the future, I figured I will be
experiencing the same thing too.
This article is part of a larger research project on the Sociology of
Aging prepared for my undergraduate thesis (Villegas 20 1 3). In my thesis,
I compared the life conditions of elderly people in three different home
settings (elderly living alone, elderly living with children or relatives,
and elderly living in care homes) and how their lives are directly affected
by their families, immediate communities, and the state (in terms of the
currently implemented senior citizen's law: Republic Act 9994 or the
Expanded Senior Citizens Act of 2010). The findings presented in this
article are derived from this project.

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 The main research methods used to gather data are in-depth interviews
with fifteen respondents from two communities in Laguna: Barangay
Banay-Banay in Cabuyao; and Barangay Santo Tomas in Calauan.
Barangay Banay-Banay is a suburban community. Its residents are from
lower to the middle socioeconomic classes. On the other hand, Barangay
Santo Tomas is a rural area largely inhabited by people from the lower
socioeconomic classes.

I selected my respondents using purposive sampling. Since I

conducted the project as an undergraduate student, I had to make the most
of my limited time, resources and connections. The feasible choice was
to select communities that are familiar and accessible to me. Although
employing the said sampling method limited the scope of my research,
it enabled me to have a focused understanding of elderly residents in
the said communities. This sampling technique helped me account for a
number of cases that allowed me to "make logical generalizations" about
Filipino aging (Teddlie and Yu 2007).
My interview methodology was semi-structured. I prepared questions
beforehand to help me direct the flow of my conversations with my
respondents. My questions revolved around the daily activities of
the elderly, their health, and their awareness of the benefits provided
for them by the Expanded Senior Citizens Act of 2010. Some of the
respondents also opened up about their relationships with their children
and grandchildren. All the interviews were conducted in a combination
of English and Tagalog. The interviews were digitally recorded and
transcribed by myself.
I identified the dominant themes from interviews through qualitative
coding. I then compared responses in terms of the salient themes and
issues that concern the daily lives of the elderly residents. Drawing
from the most prominent themes and issues in the study, I observed two
resonant themes about how the elderly characterize the tensions and
challenges they face in their everyday lives. I changed the names of my
respondents to protect anonymity.

BECOMING A BURDEN VERSUS A SENSE OF OBLIGATION

The dependency-continuity debate discussed in the literature review is
resonant among the narratives of my respondents. Some respondents

VILLEGAS • Aging in Contemporary Philippine Society 147

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articulated their financial and physical dependency to their children. Nanay
Porcia, 78, told me "she does not have her own money" [wala naman
akong sariling pera]. She depends on her children financially, especially
for purchasing medicines [Nakaasa lang naman ako palagi sa mga anak
ko, lalo na sa pambili ng gamot! I am always dependent on my children,
especially for my medicines]. She is also partly dependent on her family
members physically. Although she can walk and eat on her own, she
occasionally asks assistance from her daughter and grandchildren. Nanay
Porcia is grateful for her children's financial support. She acknowledges
the advantage that her children are "doing well in their jobs" [okay ang
mga anak ko sa kanilang trabaho ]. Her daughter owns a lucrative scrap
metal business while her three other children live abroad. However, her
relatively good financial position does not preclude her from feeling
shame or hiya. Relying on her children to pay for her medical bills
diminishes her esteem given her dependency to her adult children who
also have their own families to raise.

Nanay Carmela, 74, feels the same way about dependency. She is
physically debilitated and visually impaired due to her cataract. She lives
in a small house with a sarisari store. Like Nanay Porcia, she spends
her time watching television and sleeping in a hammock [duyan'. She is
also financially dependent on her children, although their family is in a
tighter financial situation compared to Nanay Porcia. " Binibigyan ako ng
pagkain araw-araw ng mga anak ko, tapos kapag kailangan ko ng pera,
humihingi ako sa kanila. Nagbibigay naman sila nang paunti-unti" [My
children provide food every day and whenever I need money, I ask them.
They shell out small amounts]. One outcome of this condition is an implied
negotiation between a dependent elderly and responsible family members.
While Nanay Carmela's children realize their obligation to provide food
and shelter to their aging mother, it is understood that they cannot provide
further financial support for her cataract operation. In turn, Nanay Carmela
accepts the inevitability of her going blind, unless she finds help elsewhere.
" Kaya kung may mahihingan ako ng tulong... ' pag wala... hahayaan ko
nang mabulag ako " [If I can find help (elsewhere)... if none... I'll just
let myself go blind]. This statement illustrates a form of agency, albeit a
constrained one. Saying " hahayaan ko na lang mabulag ako " implies an
apparent but limited sense of control. She understands her future as a choice

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between finding help elsewhere or allowing herself go blind. Framing her
future in this manner departs from the standard notion of dependency. As
Nanay Carmela acknowledges the limitation of her children's financial
capacity to support her needs, her decision-making set transforms to finding
other ways to take responsibility over her future.
Nanay Julia, 60, experiences the same situation. She and her aging
husband live with their daughter, son-in-law, and two grandchildren.
Perhaps because she is more than ten years younger than Nanay Porcia
and Nanay Carmela, Nanay Julia articulates a stronger sense of agency
in overcoming her dependency. She tries to make herself a productive
member of the family by taking care of her grandchildren and performing
household chores. She also wants to get a job.

. . . Nakatira lang [kami] sa anak ko, wala kaming sariling tirahan, at gusto ko

sana... matulungan kami na magkaroon ng hanap-buhay... Hindi naman po

kami. . . pabigat sa sarili. . . kahit walang laman ang aking bulsa

[We live in our daughter's house, we don't have our own house and I
wish. . . we could get help finding a job. . .We're not. . . burdens to ourselves. . .

even though we don't have money in our pockets.]

Not wanting to be a burden or " pabigat " is crucial to Nanay Julia's

narrative. " Pabigat " is a negative term describing someone who makes
other people's lives difficult or "heavy" because of their dependence.
In her narrative, Nanay Julia uses the term burden not towards to her
children but to herself and her husband [pabigat sa sarili/ burdens to
ourselves]. This may be interpreted as an aspiration to regain autonomy
and overcome reliance, which weighs down their agency. Getting a job
is a way of surmounting one's status as a burden. Another respondent,
Nanay Lucy, 61, shares the same narrative. She expresses her desire to
have a permanent job to meet her family's needs ["gusto ko magkaroon
ng pirming trabaho... at magkaroon kami ng magandang kinabukasan " /
"I want to have a permanent job. . . and for us to have a good future"]. Her
aging husband is sick and wants to relieve her daughter of the burden of
providing for her ailing parents.
Taken together, these narratives provide nuance to the political
economy and dependency literature. While both perspectives are helpful

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in making sense of the impact of poverty on senior citizens, the narratives
presented in this section uncover the ways in which the elderly negotiate
their life conditions. Hiya and pabigat are terms used to articulate elderly
women's disparaging interpretation of their life conditions. By saying
that she feels a sense of shame due to her reliance on their children

[" nakaasa lang" / "just reliant"], Nanay Porcia acknowledges the lower
status accorded to dependent family members. The same is true for Nanay
Carmela who opts not to press her children to raise funds for her cataract
operation. Nanay Julia and Nanay Lucy - the younger respondents -
attempt to overcome their dependency by looking for a permanent job.
However, unlike the continuity approach, their desire to earn on their
own is not about personal pride or preserving their identities but about
lending a hand to their financially-challenged children (Atchley 1989).
Moreover, dependency is not a straightforward case of elderly women
passively receiving support but is constantly renegotiated by asserting the
elderly's role in family life. Taking on household responsibilities such as
caring for grandchildren, manning sarisari stores and cleaning the house
are some ways to contribute to the family in spite of their physical and
financial limitations. Fulfilling a function in a family setting is a resonant
aspiration - to make their and their children's lives easier hence fulfilling
a sense of obligation.
One of my respondents illustrates a different case as an elderly who has
maintained financial independence. For Nanay Jessie, 62, supporting her
family is a necessity to maintain good relations. Nanay Jessie lives alone
and has two dogs. Her children and grandchildren are all living in Manila.
She earns a living by sewing and selling rags and curtains. She said:

... kasi ako lagi akong may alas eh. Ako ang lagi...nagbibigay sa kanila.
Hindi sila ang nagbibigay sa akin. Ayokong dumating ang panahon, kasi kami

magpamilya, maganda ang... aming samahan. Ngayon ayaw kong dumating

4yung panahon na magkagal it-gal it kami, na magsamaan lang ng loob ng dahil

sa mal i it na bagay.

[... I always have an ace over them. I am always the one providing for
them and not them providing for me. We are a family and we have a good
relationship, and 1 don't want to reach a point that we misunderstand and hate

each other just because of petty matters.]

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 By using the term "having an ace" or "alas", Nanay Jessie implies
some form of power relations where her children cannot disparage her
due to her ability to provide financial support. As a respondent, she was
noticeably assertive and confident in her narrative. She does not perceive
herself as a burden. By giving money to her grown-up children, she
maintains her esteem as the one holding the ace in the family. These,
according to Plath (2008) are indicators of independence - being able
to make one's own decisions, having the latitude in allocating resources
and maintaining one's standing in society. Nanay Jessie's form of
independence, however, remains inextricably linked to her relations with
her family. Within this context, practices of independence are tied to
concepts of obligation and role fulfillment of maintaining harmony in
the family.

EXPERIENCING DISENGAGEMENT
Another resonant theme relates to the manifestations of disengagement.
There are two articulations of disengagement that often feature in the
respondents' narratives. Disengagement is expressed using the language
of "being alone" and "loneliness."
Nanay Landa, 64, said that even though her two sons and grandchildren
are living with her, she is often left alone at home. She said, " ako namart
lagi mag-isa dito eh... dahil wala ka namang ibang maasahan " [I am
always alone here... there is no one you can depend on]. By saying this,
Nanay Landa implies that she still has to fend for herself in spite of her
physical proximity to her family. Similarly, Nanay Carmela is often left
alone at home even if her children and grandchildren are living nearby. She
said " ako nagsosolo rito... Balo na kasi ako eh... Anim na taon ng patay
ang asawa ko" [I am living alone here. . .It's because I am a widow. . . My
husband passed away six years ago]. She spends most of her time tending
to her sari-sari store, watching television or sleeping. These narratives
affirm the view that aging is more challenging for women because they
generally outlive their husbands and are therefore more predisposed to
being alone physically in their later lives (Twigg 2004).
Being alone is tied to loneliness due to disengagement with their
families. Nanay Porcia, for instance, expressed her loneliness over not
seeing her family and not having anyone to talk to. " Nakakalungkot lang

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kasi lahat sila abala na sa kani-kaniyang trabaho, o kaya sa eskwela .
Minsan wala ako makausap " [It just feels sad that all of them are now
busy with work or school. Sometimes I do not have anyone to talk to].
She expressed her desire to spend more time with her family, especially
those who are overseas. "'Yung mga apo ko ... sa tuhod sampung taon
ko ng hindi nakikita!... Biro mo... dalawampu't tatlo na ang apo ko sa
tuhod... malalayo lang... " [I have not seen my great grandchildren for
10 years already!... Would you believe it?... I have twenty three great
grandchildren. . .But they live far.]
The same is true for Nanay Jessie. In spite ofher independent lifestyle, she
laments her family's infrequent visits. "Ako lang mag-isa dito magdamag"
[I am alone here all the time], "paminsan-minsan nakakalungkot"
[sometimes, it gets sad], she states. Her children offered her to relocate
with them in Manila but she refused. She understands that her children

have their own lives now and finds it hard to fit in their lifestyle.

Sabi niya [ng anak ko], "Nanay umuwi ka na dito. Dito ka na." Eh ganoon

din. Uuwi ako diyan, ako lang din mag-isa maghapon. O papasok si Piolo [apo

ko]. Papasok din siya, uuwi minsan alas otso na ng gabi, kung minsan pasado

pa. O e 'di ganoon din para rin akong nag-iisa? E di dito na lang ako.

[She [my daughter] said, "Nanay, come home here. Stay here." But it would
just be the same. I'll stay there but I'll be left alone all the time at home. Piolo

[my grandson] would go to school. She [my daughter] would go to work and

come home late. It would just be the same, I'll always be left alone. That is
why it is better off that I stay here.]

In this statement, Nanay Jessie makes a distinction between physical

and emotional proximity. Here she weighs the advantage of living with her
family and ends up with the conclusion that she remains to be emotionally
disengaged [" eh ganoon din " / it would just be the same] even if she
lives in the same house. In effect, Nanay Jessie is not as different from
Nanay Porcia and Nanay Landa. Even though their living arrangements
with their family members vary, the quality of interaction they have with
their kin remain the same - they all feel lonely due to disengagement. As
Carr and Moorman (2011:153) put it, "the mere presence of proximate
relationships does not ward off loneliness." Instead, loneliness depends on

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one's personal standards as to what constitutes meaningful and fulfilling
social relationships (de Jong Gierveld and Havens 2004). The differing
lifestyle patterns between younger and elder family members put stress
on kinship ties and social relationships. As Nanay Jessie puts it:

Kahit na anong bait ng mga anak ko, 'pag may pamilya na, ang magulang
hindi na dapat sumama sa anak. . . High school pa 'yung mga anak ko, sinabi

ko, 'pag kayo nagsipaglaki at nagsipag-asawa na, isa man sa inyo wala akong

titirahan. . . Bibigyan ko sila ng laya.

[No matter how kind my children are, if they already have their own families,

the parent should not live with her children... When they were still in high

school, I told them, 'I will not live with either any of you once you all grow

up and already have your own families. . . I will give you freedom.]

" Bibigyan ko kayo ng layä " or "I will give you freedom" is a strong
and meaningful statement. Among the respondents, only Nanay Jessie felt
obliged to set her children "free." She puts forward the perspective that
parents should allow their children to live their own lives. Parents must
not interfere with their adult children's lives and understand the new roles

children take on as they raise their own families. This is reminiscent of

the literature on sociology of aging in western capitalist societies, where
elders prefer "intimacy at a distance" instead of desiring to maintain close
social relationships with their kin (Carr and Moorman 201 1 : 147).
Nanay Jessie's case is atypical compared to my other respondents
but her narrative illustrates how social relationships in old age is not a
monolithic experience (Carr and Moorman 2001:147). While all of my
respondents have a shared sense of disengagement - whether it is Nanay
Jessie who is relatively financially independent or Nanay Porcia, Carmela,
Landa and others who are reliant on their families for material support -
their articulations, justifications, and interpretations of disengagement
vary. Some like Nanay Jessie are more deliberate in their detachment
while others aspire to maintain close proximity with their relatives. In
any case, loneliness warrants closer attention, given that such states are
related to elders' health and well-being. Loneliness, as Chen, Hicks, and
While (2014) put it, "is a serious problem for older people which can
be alleviated by social support." The challenge is to identify the kind of

VILLEGAS • Aging in Contemporary Philippine Society 151

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social support that is necessary and possible, given the different needs of
each family member in their respective life phases.

CONCLUSION
In this article, I aim to contribute to the conversation on the sociology of
aging in the Philippines. Based on fifteen in-depth interviews of elderly
people in Laguna, I characterized senior citizens' experience in relation
to financial and physical dependence and disengagement. I observed
tensions between a sense of obligation and tendencies for dependency.
Most respondents are financially or physically dependent on their children
but they also expressed a desire and a sense of obligation to become
productive members of their families. All of them aspire to maintain
physical strength so as not to be a burden or a cause of concern among
their kin. Moreover, I observed that experiences of disengagement vary;
some are lonely while others are more deliberate in their detachment.
Physical distance and the loss of their traditional roles cause the elderly
to feel disengaged from their families.
The personal struggles of the elderly can be alleviated if the
government can intervene through better policies. Most of the respondents,
for instance, are from the lower socioeconomic classes and have needs,
which a better government support system can provide. Some of them
have difficulty accessing health services and purchasing medicines, and
an effective health care system could not only aid the elderly but also their
families who are also financially struggling. Some of the respondents
could also benefit from livelihood programs to promote a sense of esteem
and therefore well-being among the country's elderly.
There remains large gaps in the literature that still need to be
addressed. Indeed, it is more than word play to suggest that sociology of
aging is still very young. More research on the individualized ways by
which aging is experienced is needed to further understand the concerns
of the elderly and their families. Also worth examining are the gendered
ways by which aging is experienced (Twigg 2004), as well as how the
environment, urbanization, globalization, ageism, consumer culture, or
postmodernism shape the later lives of Filipinos.

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