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Frontiers of Artificial Intelligence,
Ethics and Multidisciplinary Applications

Kavita Sharma
Padmavati Manchikanti

Artificial
Intelligence in
Drug Development
Patenting and Regulatory Aspects
Frontiers of Artificial Intelligence, Ethics and
Multidisciplinary Applications

Series Editors
Antorweep Chakravorty, Department of Electrical Engineering and Computer
Science, Faculty of S&T, University of Stavanger, Stavanger, Norway
Ajit Kumar Verma, Western Norway University of Applied Sciences, Faculty of
Engineering and Natural sciences, Haugesund, Norway
Pushpak Bhattacharya, Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay, India
Millie Pant, Department of Paper Technology, Indian Institute of Technology
Roorkee, Roorkee, Uttarakhand, India
Shubha Ghosh, Technology Commercialization Law Center, Syracuse University
College of Law, Syracuse, NY, USA
Artificial Intelligence is now present in numerous spheres of our everyday lives. It
is poised to lead new and efficient business models for effective and user-centric
services in the private and public sectors. Advances in AI in deep learning, (deep)
reinforcement learning, and neuroevolutionary techniques can pave the way forward
for artificial general intelligence (AGI). However, the development and use of AI also
present challenges. Inherent biases prevalent within data corpora used to train AI and
machine learning systems attribute to most of these challenges. In addition, multiple
instances have highlighted the need for privacy, fairness, and transparency in AI-
powered decision-making. This book series will provide an avenue for researchers,
leaders, decision-makers, and policymakers to share research and insights on the
forefronts of AI, including its use in an Ethical, Explainable, Privacy-Preserving,
Trustworthy, and Sustainable manner.
The series has relevance across disciplines and be multi-disciplinary. Advances
in AI, explainability AI, privacy-preserving AI, and ethical AI explored in this book
series are unexplored areas for research and competence building. Such developments
can reduce hesitancy for AI integration in many domains. The book series thus fits in
well as an essential and growing need among those who work on artificial intelligence
in academia, business and industry, and the public sector to exploit the opportunities
in the constantly evolving field of AI.
The series publishes research monographs, authored works by practitioners and
case studies to highlight innovative and best practices, and edited volumes putting
together varied perspectives.
Kavita Sharma · Padmavati Manchikanti

Artificial Intelligence in Drug

Development
Patenting and Regulatory Aspects
Kavita Sharma Padmavati Manchikanti
Rajiv Gandhi School of IP Law Rajiv Gandhi School of IP Law
Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur
Kharagpur, West Bengal, India Kharagpur, West Bengal, India

ISSN 2731-8125 ISSN 2731-8133 (electronic)

Frontiers of Artificial Intelligence, Ethics and Multidisciplinary Applications
ISBN 978-981-97-2953-1 ISBN 978-981-97-2954-8 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-2954-8

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Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024

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Preface

Access to medicines and healthcare is essential. Technological advances have assisted

doctors and the healthcare system to be able to better diagnose, predict, assess and
treat patients in a disease/disorder condition. The enormity of healthcare and practice
demands frontline approaches to promote safety and efficacy. New approaches and
tools continue to be required to address the challenges of accessibility and afford-
ability in healthcare. The justification provided for the development of tools and
services based on new technologies is to improve quality of care and address health-
care costs. Information technology developments have significantly impacted the
drug discovery process and development and healthcare documentation and manage-
ment. Advances in machine learning have helped in understanding causal relation-
ships and correlations. Predictive algorithms in the healthcare have the ability to
advance precision medicine. Supervised and unsupervised learning is used in the
drug discovery process. The ‘pseudopodic’ growth of artificial intelligence (AI) has
been phenomenal. As one of the disruptive technologies of the times, AI’s growth
trajectory indicates virtually implementation in all socioeconomic sectors vital for
human development. The attribution of ‘citizenship’ to humanoid robots just speaks
of the transformative value of AI. International and national discourse continues on
the various facets of AI and its impact.
This book is a continuing effort of the research on the analysis of how the twin
aspects of intellectual property rights and drug regulation affect industry and society.
The aim of the book is to inform the developments and implementation of intel-
lectual property laws, particularly patents and drug regulation. This book is divided
into five chapters. In Chap. 1, the evolution of AI/ML applications in drug discovery
and development and healthcare is discussed. The growth of individual tools to
AI expert systems is discussed in definite time periods to analyse the nature and
scope of AI applications. The type of collaborations for development of AI tools is
discussed along with the widely used AI platforms in drug discovery and health-
care. Technology-rich businesses consider patents important to restrict competition.
The granting of patents creates monopoly rights for companies to either own the
patent or create licencing opportunities for the use of the patent. In Chap. 2, the
interpretation of patent legislation with respect to AI inventions from the perspective

v
vi Preface

of eligible subject matter, patentability criteria are discussed. The cross-jurisdictional

judicial precedents are analysed. The definitional considerations related to AI, devel-
opment of guidelines at patent offices and patent prosecution are explained. The
analysis of the patenting activity of Indian companies and identification of the chal-
lenges based on the survey of the selected companies provide important insights. The
analysis of patent family information indicates how companies utilise patenting in
several jurisdictions as an important strategy to leverage markets. IP and regulation
are both equally important for industry with respect to manufacturing and marketing
products. While patent rights are held and are exclusive rights, industry requires clear-
ance under relevant drug regulation to bring AI-based medicines or medical devices.
The area of AI-based medical devices has witnessed a tremendous growth, and there
are already several such devices used in healthcare. While innovations are rapidly
being developed, their deployment is subject to the country regulation. In Chap. 3,
the focus is on the analysis of how existing drug regulation retains the flexibility to
accommodate the various types of AI-based medical devices. The development of
international norms and how they impact country-based regulation, cross-country
developments in regulation of these devices in the context of the USA, EU and India
and the legislative basis are discussed. Regulation of these devices is necessary as it
could affect doctors, patients and consumers alike. The emergence of the approval
system is examined from the regulatory developments when initially few devices
(software as medical devices or SaMD) were approved to the current times when
several of them have not only been approved but are already in use. The analysis
of the drug regulatory process from the substantive and procedural aspects indicates
to the development of norms and their applicability. All AI-based software may or
may not be considered as medical devices. Cross-country comparison of regulations
indicates varied levels of application and differences in certain norms. It becomes
clear, hence, that there are technical, legal, social and normative aspects. This book
does not deal with the liability as well as the data protection regime. There are several
approaches for AI policy development from international and national perspectives.
These policies provide a platform for engagement of the government, stakeholders
and society to discuss implementation, capacity building, standards development,
governance and guidance. In examining the emergence and current discussions in
relation to AI policies, Chap. 4 provides an account of several international organisa-
tions that are framing ethical guidelines for use of AI and governance mechanism for
the wide adaptability of AI in multiple sectors. The Indian central and state policies
that support healthcare start-ups and companies through various initiatives under
different ministries are discussed. The conclusion chapter, Chap. 5, summarises the
discussion on how technology leads, intellectual property protection and regulatory
changes inform on the path forward. It also discusses what kind of policy and law
changes could assist in the development and deployment of AI-based products and
improved the trust in their use.
Preface vii

This book would not have been possible without the support of family, colleagues
and friends. The support of the editorial and production staff at Springer for the
review and production process is gratefully acknowledged.

Kharagpur, India Padmavati Manchikanti

Contents

1 Artificial Intelligence in Drug Development

and Healthcare—Nature and Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Definitional Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.3 Evolution of AI in Drug Discovery and Development . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.3.1 Drug Discovery and Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.4 Development of AI-Based Medical Device . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.5 Role of AI in Healthcare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
1.5.1 Precision/Personalised Medicine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
1.5.2 Robot-Assisted Surgeries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.5.3 Diagnosis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.5.4 Administrative Assistance for Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.6 Growth in Collaboration for Drug Discovery
and Development and Healthcare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.7 Widely Used AI Healthcare Tools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.7.1 IBM Watson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.7.2 Benevolent AI Platform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
1.7.3 Atomwise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
1.7.4 GE Edison Platform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
2 Analysis of AI-Related Patents in Healthcare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
2.2 Cross-Country Legal Disputes on Inventorship of AI . . . . . . . . . . . 38
2.3 Examining Artificial Intelligence Related Patents—PTO
Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
2.4 Applications of AI in Healthcare—Patent Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
2.4.1 Cross-Country Growth in Patent Filing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
2.4.2 Technology Clusters and Patent Representation . . . . . . . . 44
2.4.3 Cited Patents Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

ix
x Contents

2.4.4IPC and CPC Spread of Patents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

2.4.5AI and Health Care Inventions in India—Patent
Office Prosecution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
2.5 Survey of the AI-Based Entities in India—Patent Protection
and Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
2.5.1 Collaborative Aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
3 AI-Based Medical Devices and Regulations: A Cross-Country
Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
3.2 Need for Regulation on Artificial Intelligence Tools
in Healthcare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
3.2.1 Software As a Medical Device . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
3.3 Regulation of Medical Devices in the USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
3.3.1 Definition and Classification of Medical Devices . . . . . . . 75
3.3.2 Basic Requirements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
3.3.3 Approval Pathway for Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
3.3.4 The Food and Drug Administration Safety
and Innovation Act (FDASIA), 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
3.3.5 The 21st Century Cures Act (Cures Act) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
3.4 Regulation of Medical Devices in the European Union . . . . . . . . . . 100
3.4.1 Definition and Classification of Medical Device . . . . . . . . 101
3.4.2 Authorised Representative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
3.4.3 Notified Bodies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
3.4.4 European Database on Medical Devices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
3.4.5 Quality Management System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
3.4.6 Declaration of Conformity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
3.4.7 UDI System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
3.4.8 Software Medical Devices Approval . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3.5 Regulation of Medical Devices in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
3.5.1 Approval of Software Medical Devices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
4 Artificial Intelligence and Policy in Healthcare Industry . . . . . . . . . . . 117
4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
4.2 Setting the Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
4.3 Ethics and Policy Framework Relating to AI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
4.4 The Organisation for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) Artificial Intelligence Principles . . . . . 121
4.5 World Health Organisation (WHO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
4.5.1 Ethics and Governance of Artificial Intelligence
for Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
4.5.2 Recommendations on Digital Interventions
for Health System Strengthening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
Contents xi

4.6 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organisation (UNESCO) Recommendations on the Ethics
of Artificial Intelligence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
4.7 Partnership on AI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
4.8 Foundation for Responsible Robotics (FRR) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
4.9 Montreal Declaration for Responsible Development
of Artificial Intelligence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
4.10 International Labour Organisation (ILO) and AI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
4.11 European Union—AI Act and Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
4.12 United States of America—AI Act and Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
4.13 Indian Policies on Artificial Intelligence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
4.13.1 Artificial Intelligence Task Force Report, 2018 . . . . . . . . . 137
4.13.2 NITI Aayog Report on AI, 2018 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
4.13.3 National Artificial Intelligence Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.13.4 Ministry of Electronics and Information
Technology (MeitY) and Promotion of AI . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
4.13.5 Pradhan Mantri Digital Health Mission (PM-DHM)
2020 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
4.13.6 State-Based AI Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
5 Way Forward for AI in Healthcare . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
About the Authors

Kavita Sharma is currently pursuing her doctoral studies in patenting and regulation
related to AI in health care from Rajiv Gandhi School of Intellectual Property Law,
Indian Institute of Technology, Kharagpur. She has also completed her LL.M. from
the same institute in 2017. She completed her B.A. LL.B. from Dibrugarh University,
Assam. She worked as Assistant Professor prior to joining IIT Kharagpur for her
Ph.D. studies. She had worked on standard essential patents as a part of her LL.M.
dissertation. Her research interests primarily include IP Law. She has presented her
research papers in various national and international seminars and conferences. Her
articles have been published in renowned journals. She has also gained experience
through internships in inter-governmental organizations such as AALCO.

Padmavati Manchikanti is Professor in Rajiv Gandhi School of IP law, Faculty

of Interdisciplinary Sciences and Engineering, Indian Institute of Technology
Kharagpur. With more than fifteen years teaching and research experience, she
specializes in patents. She teaches the subjects of patent law, patent procedure and
drafting, biodiversity law, and TK protection among other subjects to undergraduate
and master students of law. Her primary area of research includes intellectual prop-
erty and commercialization of recombinant and herbal drugs and drug regulation,
biodiversity law, studies on implementation of IP. Prior to joining IIT Kharagpur,
she was Senior Scientist at Monsanto Research Center, Bengaluru, where she coor-
dinated invention disclosure filing. She has many research as well as consultancy
projects, from Ministry of Human Resource Development, DST etc. She has been
awarded the Microsoft–Young Faculty Scholarship in Intellectual Property. She is
Advisor to the IPR Cell, IIT Kharagpur.

xiii
Chapter 1
Artificial Intelligence in Drug
Development and Healthcare—Nature
and Scope

1.1 Introduction

Technology continues to impact human life; from small inventions like needles to
as big as space shuttles. As rightly pointed out by the Greek philosopher Hera-
clitus of Ephesus, ‘change is the only constant in life.’ Technology has shaped and
reshaped human life and lifestyles in many ways. The twenty-first century is cate-
gorised as the information age with growth of several technologies. The diffusion
of several technologies has led to economic and social changes across the globe.
Of particular relevance is the convergence of technologies that has led to important
developments in science and engineering. The emergence of digital technologies
has enabled several advances in terms of processing vast amount of data, improving
performance and considerable gains in speed, size and cost. Newer developments in
computational methods have led to their utilisation in all spheres of human activity.
Truly, the knowledge economy has opened several opportunities. Greater diffusion
of innovations and development of markets has been realised with technological
trends such as the 5G, 3D printing, genomics, Internet of Things (IoT), robotics,
blockchain and so forth. New names of technologies continue to be coined. Digital
interventions have blurred local, regional and national borders and expanded the
scope of collective work in several areas. Globalisation has connected individuals
and societies in an unprecedented manner. Six important areas have been identified
as important enablers that would impact the future for humans. They are technolo-
gies related to genetics, energy, materials, brain, information technology and those
related to environment. Decoding the structure and function of the brain opens up
an enormous advantage of developing solutions for various behavioural and genetic
disorders (Coates 1998).
The intersection of information technology and genome sequencing has paved
the way for developments in gene therapy, gene editing and solutions not only for
common, lifestyle diseases but also rare diseases/disorders. Improved diagnostic
tools have helped in early assessment of the health problems. On the other hand,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2024 1
K. Sharma and P. Manchikanti, Artificial Intelligence in Drug Development, Frontiers of
Artificial Intelligence, Ethics and Multidisciplinary Applications,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-2954-8_1
2 1 Artificial Intelligence in Drug Development and Healthcare—Nature …

advances in brain computing and developments in brain-computer interface help in

identification the signal pathways and how they control human metabolism. The
development of brain signal recording techniques has unravelled the complexity of
neural functions. In this backdrop, mimicking human intelligence became possible.
Artificial intelligence (AI) technologies began to be developed to better utilise and
steer human functions and hence serve to augment human capabilities. Artificial
Intelligence and its developments are a set of disruptive technologies that have
impacted several sectors worldwide, such as education, agriculture, banking and
finance, healthcare and manufacturing.
Modern drug discovery and development have been impacted by new technolo-
gies. There are five stages of drug development; target selection, validation, screening
of compounds and optimisation of lead compounds, preclinical stage and clinical
trials. The analysis of the large-scale correlation between targets and processes,
which hitherto was burdensome, is now easily possible due to the use of AI algo-
rithms. Further, AI-based recognition technologies assist in finding data similar-
ities. The analysis of fifteen pharma and biotech companies (with equal number
of small, medium and large companies) in relation to the impact of AI on their
business revealed effects that included research and developments among others.
Large companies emphasise on the development and use of internal AI-based drug
developments and have a greater capacity to use and develop AI tools. The analysis
of interviews revealed opportunities for use of AI in identifying individual patient
factors for development of personalised drugs, assessment of compatibility of several
drugs for an individual patient, identification of solutions for rare diseases, improving
patient care and also in the selection of the best candidates for clinical trials. Small-
and medium-sized companies tend to use AI developments at the R&D stage unlike
large companies that use them more for forecasting. Reducing steps in routine activ-
ities, introducing automation and use of AI in decision making is varied in the
companies. AI could affect change of business processes. So, the lack of successful
integration would affect its promotion. It was observed that medium sized compa-
nies had a greater need for AI specialists unlike large companies (Kulkov 2019).
High-throughput screening based on computer applications, molecular modeling,
utilising computational means to identify potential targets and develop rational drug
design are now routine in drug development. Automation of laboratories, robotised
screening facilities, increased outsourcing have reduced drug development time-
lines and costs. Computer modelling programs have been also useful in in silico
discovery of lead molecules (Eder and Herrling 2015). Analysis of the strategies in
the drug discovery process of the three major worldwide pharmaceutical companies
indicates the use of advanced information technology systems. The convergence of
genomics, genetics and proteomics has brought in a new technological paradigm in
medicine compared to erstwhile approaches. The study revealed that use of plat-
forms of strategic information technologies early in the drug discovery process is
essential for an integrated process of innovation (Coccia 2015). It was found that
the use of computational tools is a requirement in most cases for the optimisation of
compounds either from a random screening or from known drugs. The use of Quan-
titative Structure Activity Relationship (QSAR) method has been found to be more
1.2 Definitional Considerations 3

prevalent with larger data sets compared to smaller data sets in medicinal chemistry.
As a traditional machine learning (ML) technology, it has been used in predicting
properties of compounds. The analysis of convergence aspects of medicinal chem-
istry and computational methods indicates that there is a need to develop explainable
and auditable AI systems to improve decision making in the area (Griffen et al. 2020).
This chapter analyses the evolution of AI/ML technologies and their applica-
tions in drug discovery and healthcare, development of tools and the growth of these
technologies pre- and post-2000. In what ways AI programs advance therapy and
diagnosis and use of different types of neural networks that have been developed
so far are discussed. Deep learning tools predict chemical reactions between candi-
date compounds and target molecules in cheminformatics and decipher chemical
structures. The development of different de novo drug design tools based on deep
learning and machine learning techniques by AI-based companies are elaborated.
The development of AI platforms (such as IBM Watson, etc.) are discussed to under-
stand the pervasive nature of the current applications of AI. The expanding role of AI
in predictive analysis, clinical trials, robotic-assisted surgeries, telemedicine, drug
discovery and medical devices for diagnosis and radiological purposes and current
use of AI in healthcare are discussed in this chapter.

1.2 Definitional Considerations

Before discussing the evolution of AI and related developments, it is important to

understand the nature and scope of the term ‘artificial intelligence’. AI, in simple
terms, can be explained as the use of intelligent machines to replicate and augment
the intelligence of human beings.
The Association of Computing Machinery (ACM) announced a classification
system called the ACM computing classification. In this classification, artificial
intelligence is categorised under ‘Computing Methodologies’. Under Section I.2,
artificial intelligence covers applications and expert systems, automatic program-
ming, programming languages and software, natural language processing (NLP),
distributed artificial intelligence among others (2012 ACM Computing Classifica-
tion System). In 1950, Allan Turing proposed a test, the imitation game. The Turing
test was propounded to show what factors determine whether a machine operates on
artificial intelligence. This test is passed if the human judge cannot essentially distin-
guish between the human and the computer (Turing 1950). John McCarthy defined
AI as “the science and engineering of making intelligent machines, especially intel-
ligent computer programs” (McCarthy 2007). Another proposition has been that of
‘strong AI’ and ‘Weak AI’ suggested by Searle as an exception to the Turing Test.
‘Weak AI’ refers to a position in which computers could appear and behave intelli-
gently but not understand as opposed to ‘Strong AI’ which can actually have a mind
(Searle 1980).
The wide range of AI applications has made it easier and advantageous for use in
fields such as finance, education, healthcare, agriculture, law, manufacturing, urban
4 1 Artificial Intelligence in Drug Development and Healthcare—Nature …

planning, transportation, entertainment, and so forth. The role of AI is not limited to

being used as a tool and has become a subject matter of recognition as a legal being. In
2017, the human-like AI robot Sophia was granted citizenship for the first time, which
makes the United Arab Emirates (UAE) the first country to give legal personhood
to AI. The far-reaching effects of AI have necessitated the need for the develop-
ment of international policy in relation to AI. Based on complementary mandates
on AI, the OECD along with eight international organisations has developed the
Global Policy AI platform which has two objectives. The objectives are to provide
a common platform for sharing of work related to AI from each organisation and
relevant resources and utilise the cooperation to develop common goals. The OECD
Principles on Artificial Intelligence were adopted in 2019 which take into consider-
ation. They include growth, sustainable development, transparency, explainability,
respect for human rights, security and safety and accountability.
There are several legislations enacted in relation to AI for promoting innovation
and regulating its use. The National AI Initiative Act of 2020 of the USA came into
force on January 1, 2021. This sets a framework for coordinating AI-related research
and policy across the federal government and national AI research institutes. Under
Section 5002 (3) the term “artificial intelligence” means a machine-based system that
can, for a given set of human-defined objectives, make predictions, recommendations
or decisions influencing real or virtual environments. Artificial intelligence systems
use machine and human-based inputs to—(A) perceive real and virtual environments;
(B) abstract such perceptions into models through analysis in an automated manner;
and (C) use model inference to formulate options for information or action. Further
under subsection 11, machine learning is defined as “machine learning” means an
application of artificial intelligence that is characterized by providing systems the
ability to automatically learn and improve on the basis of data or experience, without
being explicitly programmed. The Act also provides the administrative mechanism
for the various initiatives in relation to research and education, science and tech-
nology, commerce, energy and other areas. The Act establishes a National Artificial
Intelligence Initiative Office which provides technical and administrative support
to the Committee on AI, promote access to innovations, best practices and coor-
dinate interagency activities and public outreach activities. Under the AI Advisory
Committee, a subcommittee on AI and law enforcement is tasked with the work on
aspects such as ethical consideration, security of data, adoptability and legal stan-
dards. At least seventeen states in the USA have enacted AI-related legislations. In
early 2022, the Algorithmic Accountability Act has been introduced in the USA. This
legislation would empower the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to announce regu-
lations that would necessitate organisations using AI to perform impact assessments
among other compliances.
The draft AI Act 2021 of the EU sets forth the objectives of the regulatory frame-
work for harmonising rules, prohibiting certain practices, identifications of risks
and obligations, transparency, monitoring and surveillance in relation to AI. As per
Article 3 (1) ‘artificial intelligence system’ (AI system) means software that is devel-
oped with one or more of the techniques and approaches listed in Annex I and can,
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discovered, made him a present of the sheath as well, that he might
have something to put the knife in!
When they enter a church they do not care much for the images
of the Virgin, St. Peter, St. Paul, or other saints, but look about for a
picture of St. George on horseback. Before this they prostrate
themselves in adoration, and then kiss it all over, not omitting even
the horse’s shoes. They say that St. George was a brave soldier of
great renown, who fought several battles with the Evil Spirit on
equal terms, and always beat him, or at the worst was able to hold
his own.
I will now tell you something that will surprise you. Kings in the
East expect presents from their visitors. Dadian brought Solyman a
dish hollowed out of a ruby of such brilliancy that it would make the
road by night as clear as if it were noonday. You will say, ‘I do not
believe it.’ For the matter of that, I do not either, and what is more, I
do not ask you to believe it. I only tell you there are plenty who do.
More knowing people say it is a paten of garnet, and that it was
stolen from a son of the King of Persia, who was wrecked on that
coast as he was trying to escape to Constantinople. He likewise
brought twenty white falcons, or hawks, which are said to be found
in great numbers in Mingrelia. So much for my news about the
Mingrelians and their manners.
You ask about my pursuits, and the general routine of my life,
and whether I ever go out of my house. Well, I am not in the habit
of going out, unless when despatches are received from the Emperor
for me to present to the Sultan, or instructions come to remonstrate
about the raids made and mischief done by the Turkish garrisons,
and this happens only two or three times a year. Were I to express a
wish to take a ride occasionally through the city with my keeper, it
would in all probability be granted; but I do not care to have this
made a favour of, as I want to make them think that my rigorous
confinement is no punishment to me. Besides, what pleasure would
it give me to ride about with Turks all round me, making their
remarks or perhaps venting their abuse on me? The country and the
fields are what I enjoy, and not a town; least of all one that is
tumbling to pieces, and in which, with the exception of its
magnificent site, no relic of its original splendour is left. The former
rival of Rome is now crushed beneath the yoke of the most cruel
slavery. Who could see this proud city and not pity her fall, while
musing over the changes and chances of this fleeting world?
Besides, who knows how soon her fate may be ours?
I keep at home, where I hold converse with my old friends, my
books. They are at once my companions and my solace. For the
sake of my health I have built a tennis-court, where I play before
dinner. After dinner I practise the Turkish bow, in the use of which
weapon people here are marvellously expert. From the eighth, or
even the seventh, year of their age they begin to shoot at a mark,
and practise archery ten or twelve years. This constant exercise
strengthens the muscles of their arms, and gives them such skill that
they can hit the smallest marks with their arrows. The bows they
use are much stronger than ours, and being shorter, are also much
more handy; they are made not of a single piece of wood, but of the
sinews and horns of oxen fastened together with a quantity of glue
and tow. A Turk in good practice can easily draw the string of the
very stiffest of them to his ear. Without training, however, the
strongest man could do nothing with a Turkish bow. Indeed, if a coin
be set between the string and the bow close to the notch, none but
an adept could pull the string so far as would suffice to liberate the
coin. So sure is their aim, that in battle they can hit a man in the eye
or in any other exposed part they choose. At the range where they
are taught, you may see them shooting with so sure an aim that
they surround the white on the target, which is generally smaller
than a thaler, with five or six arrows, so that every arrow touches
the margin of the white, but does not break it. They seldom use a
range of more than thirty feet. On the thumb of the right hand they
wear bone rings, on which the bowstring lies when they draw it, and
the arrow is kept in its place by holding the left thumb in an upright
position and joining it to the forefinger; so that their way of shooting
is quite different from ours. The butt they use as a target is raised
four feet more or less from the ground, and consists of a wooden
frame filled with sand. Pashas and men with large households
exercise their servants in this sort of practice at home, the more
skilful being told off to act as teachers. Some of them at the feast of
Easter194—for the Turks have an Easter (the feast of Bairam) like
ourselves—assemble in the great plain beyond Pera, where,
squatting on the ground in a line, with their legs crossed in the
Turkish manner like tailors, they try who can shoot the furthest. I
must mention that the contest, after the usual Turkish fashion, is
prefaced by prayer. Great order and silence prevail throughout,
however large the number of spectators. On these occasions they
use special bows and arrows; the former are very short and stiff, and
cannot be bent except by a man who has had a great deal of
practice. An embroidered handkerchief, such as we use for wiping
our faces, is the winner’s prize. The chief reward, however, is the
reputation which the successful archer acquires. The range they
attain with their arrows is almost incredible. The point reached by
the arrow of the longest shot in the year is marked by a stone. Many
such stones set up in former days are still standing, several paces
beyond those which are now erected. These they firmly believe are
the marks of their ancestors’ shots, to whose strength and skill, by
their own admission, they cannot aspire. Moreover, in various streets
and piazzas of Constantinople there are ranges of this sort, at which
there assemble not merely boys and young men, but also those of
more advanced age. A target-keeper is appointed, who has the
charge of keeping it in order and watering the butt every day, which
otherwise would get so dry that the blunt arrows which they use in
practice would not stick in it. It is also the keeper’s business to stand
by the target and draw out the arrows, and throw them back to the
shooters after cleaning them. In return everyone gives him a fixed
fee, which forms his salary. The front of the target is like a small
door, from which, perhaps, originated a proverb the Greeks have;
when a man has wholly missed the mark, they say ‘he is shooting
against a door.’ For I think the Greeks formerly used this sort of
target, and the Turks adopted it from them. I am well aware, of
course, that the use of the bow is very ancient among the Turks; but
that does not seem to me any reason why they should not have
gone on using the sort of target and butt which they found in the
Greek cities when they took them. For no nation in the world has
shown greater readiness than the Turks to avail themselves of the
useful inventions of foreigners, as is proved by their employment of
cannons and mortars, and many other things invented by Christians.
They cannot, however, be induced as yet to use printing, or to
establish public clocks, because they think that the scriptures—that
is, their sacred books—would no longer be scriptures if they were
printed, and that, if public clocks were introduced, the authority of
their muezzins and their ancient rites would be thereby impaired.
Even in the case of other nations, it is their habit to pay great
respect to ancient usages. This principle they carry so far as almost
to infringe the precepts of their own religion. Remember, in saying
this, I am speaking of the practice of the ordinary Turk. As an
example, of course everyone knows that they have not the slightest
sympathy with Christian worship, but notwithstanding, as the Greek
priests have a custom of opening, as it were, the closed sea at a
fixed time in spring by blessing the waters, before which the Greeks
are afraid to trust themselves to the waves, even the Turks have
some superstitious regard for this ceremony. Accordingly, as soon as
they have made their preparations for a voyage, they go to the
Greeks, and inquire if the waters have yet been blessed. It they say
no, they put off their voyage; if they are answered in the affirmative,
they embark and set sail.
It was also a custom among the Greeks that the cave in Lemnos
from which is extracted the earth they call ‘goat’s seal,’195 should not
be opened except on August 6, the feast of the Transfiguration of
our Lord. This custom the Turks observe to this very day; and they
think it proper that a service should even now be performed there by
a priest of the Greek Church in the same manner as it used to be,
while they remain at a distance as spectators of the sacred rites in
which they cannot join. But if one should ask why they do so, they
reply that there exist many customs ordained of yore, the advantage
of which is proved by long experience, though the reasons for them
are unknown. The ancients, they say, knew more and saw further
than they do, and what they had approved of ought not to be
abolished. They prefer to keep such customs rather than run the risk
of changing them. Some carry this way of thinking so far, that I have
known instances of Turks who had their children secretly baptised;
their notion being that there must be some advantage in this rite, or
otherwise it would never have been instituted.
But, by the way, I must not fail, when speaking of Turkish drill, to
mention a very ancient manœuvre which has been handed down
from the time of the Parthians; namely, for the cavalry to pretend to
fly, and to shoot down their unwary enemies when they attempt to
pursue. The following is the method by which they acquire the art of
rapidly executing this manœuvre. They put a brass ball on the top of
a very high pole, erected on level ground, and galloping past it at full
speed, they then turn suddenly, and bending back shoot an arrow at
the ball, without drawing bridle; and by practising this exercise
constantly they acquire such skill, that they can without any difficulty
shoot behind them, and send an arrow into their enemy when he
least expects it.
But it is time for me to return to our lodging, or my keeper will
be angry with me! Whatever time I have left unoccupied by the
exercises I mentioned, is spent in reading, or talking with the
citizens of Pera, who are Genoese by origin, or with other friends;
but for this the cavasses’ leave is necessary. Their temper is indeed
somewhat uncertain, but they occasionally have lucid intervals,
during which they prove more reasonable. Accordingly, when they
are in a good humour, Ragusans, Florentines, Venetians, and
sometimes also Greeks, and men of other nations come in numbers,
either to pay a visit or on some business. Hither flock also men from
yet more distant lands, whose conversation has great attractions for
me. A few months ago there came an amber merchant of Dantzic,
who had bought up the whole supply of amber. As a great quantity
of this article is sent to Turkey, he was very curious to know what it
was used for here, or if exported, to what country it was taken. At
last he ascertained that it is conveyed into Persia, where it is highly
prized, and where they ornament their rooms, cabinets, and shrines
with it. He gave me a barrel of the beer they call Juppenbier
(sprucebeer), which is certainly capital stuff. But I had a hearty
laugh at my Greek and Italian guests, who, having never met with
such a beverage, could not find a name for it. At last, as they heard
from me that it was good for one’s health, they thought it a kind of
medicine, and called it Sirup; and as they kept on asking for ‘a little
more of the same mixture,’ by repeated tastings, like the lady in
Terence,196 they finally finished my barrel at one sitting.
My cavasses are changed from time to time, and sometimes I
have the good fortune to have men who are so considerate that they
not only would not object to my going out, were I to desire it, but
they actually invite me to take a ride. But, as I said, I make a point
of refusing to leave my quarters to prevent their thinking that they
have it in their power either to gratify or to annoy me. I excuse
myself on the plea, that by such a long stay in the house I have
grown a piece of the building, so that I can’t be torn away without
risk of its falling! I tell them I will go out once for all, when
permission shall be granted me to return home! I am glad my
household are allowed their liberty, as it may help them to bear their
long exile more patiently. In this, however, there is again the
inconvenience that quarrels often occur when they meet with
drunken Turks, especially if they are unattended by Janissaries; but
even if they are at hand, they cannot always prevent blows being
exchanged. All this causes me much annoyance, as I am obliged to
answer the accusations which are continually trumped up against my
people, though I must say that my cavasses in most cases save me
the trouble, they are so particular about keeping the gates shut. Of
this we had lately an instance, which I must tell you. There had
been sent to me by the Emperor one Philip Baldi, an Italian, a man
of about sixty, who had travelled too fast for a person of that age,
and had consequently fallen ill.197 When the apothecary brought the
clyster the doctor had ordered, the cavasse refused him admittance,
and would not allow him to take it to the patient, treating him most
uncivilly.
This cavasse had for a long while behaved kindly and courteously
towards us, but he suddenly turned savage, and even threatened to
beat my visitors with his stick. As I was much annoyed by his
conduct, I determined to show him he was wasting his trouble in
trying to intimidate us, as if we were a set of children. I ordered one
of my servants to keep the door bolted, and to undo it for no one
except by my orders. The cavasse came as usual in the morning to
open the gates, but, as the key proved useless, he perceived they
were bolted inside, and called out to my servant, whom he could see
through the chinks between the folding-doors, to let him in. My
servant refused, and the cavasse thereupon got angry, and began to
abuse him and swear at him. My servant replied, ‘Bluster to your
heart’s content; but neither you, nor any of your people shall get in
here. Why should I open the door for you any more than you do for
us? As you keep us shut in, we will keep you shut out. You may lock
the door on the outside as tight as you please; I will take care to
bolt it on the inside.’ Then the cavasse asked, ‘Is this done by the
Ambassador’s orders?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘But let me at least put my horse in the
stable.’ ‘I won’t.’ ‘At any rate give me hay and fodder for him.’ ‘There
is plenty to be had in the neighbourhood, if you are willing to pay for
it.’ I used to invite this cavasse to dine with me, or send him
something from my table; this day, however, his luck was changed,
and he was obliged to stay before the gate without breaking his fast,
and tie up his horse to the plane-tree which stands opposite. The
Pashas and most of the court officials pass this way on their return
home from the palace, and when they saw the cavasse’s horse,
which they knew well enough by its trappings, munching hay at the
foot of the plane-tree, they asked him why he kept it there instead
of in the stable, as he usually did? He then told them the whole
story; viz., that because he had shut us in, we had shut him out, and
not only himself but his horse, and that he got no food and his steed
no forage. The story reached the ears of the other Pashas, and
caused much laughter. From that time they could no longer doubt
how utterly useless it was to lock me up, and with what contempt I
treated such petty means of annoyance. Shortly afterwards the
cavasse was removed, and the rigour of our confinement was
somewhat relaxed.
This occurrence was noticed by Roostem a few days afterwards
in a way that deserves to be recorded. A man of reverend years and
great reputation for sanctity was paying him a visit, and asked him
in the course of their conversation, why, when the discord between
the Sultan’s sons was so apparent, and serious disturbances were
expected to arise from it, nay were imminent, he did not make a
regular peace with the Emperor, and so relieve Solyman of all
anxiety in that quarter? Roostem replied, there was nothing he
desired better, but how could he do it? The demands I made he
could not concede; and, on the other hand, I refused to accept what
he offered. ‘Nor does he yield,’ said he, ‘to compulsion. Have I not
tried everything to make him agree to my terms? I have now for
several years been keeping him immured, and annoying him in many
ways, and treating him roughly. But what good am I doing? He is
proof against everything. We do our best to keep him in the closest
confinement, but not content with our locking him up, he actually
bolts himself in. Thus all my labour is in vain; any other man, I
believe, sooner than endure these annoyances would ere now have
gone over to our religion; but he cares nothing for them.’ This was
related to me by people who were present at the conversation.
The Turks are a suspicious nation, and have got it into their
heads, that the Ambassadors of Christian princes have different
instructions, to be produced or suppressed according to
circumstances, and that they first attempt to get the most favourable
terms they can, and, if they fail, gradually come down and accede to
harder conditions. Consequently they think it is necessary to
intimidate them, to flaunt war in their faces, to keep them shut up
like prisoners, and to torment them in every way, as the best means
of breaking their spirit and making them sooner produce the set of
instructions, which specify the minimum they are empowered to
accept.
 Some think that this notion was much encouraged by the
conduct of a Venetian Ambassador, when there was a dispute
between the Venetians and Turks about restoring Napoli di Romania
to the Sultan.198 The instructions he had received from the Venetian
Senate directed him to do his best to make peace without giving up
Napoli, but, if he failed, at last to agree to surrender the town, if he
found war to be the only alternative. Now it happened that these
instructions were betrayed to the Turks by certain citizens of Venice.
The Ambassador, in total ignorance of this, intended to open
negotiations by suggesting easier terms, and thus to sound the
minds of the Pashas. When they pressed him to disclose all his
instructions, he declared that his powers went no further; till at last
the Pashas grew furious, and told him to take care what he was
about, as their master was not accustomed to be trifled with, and
also that he knew right well what his instructions were. Then they
repeated accurately in detail the orders he had received from the
authorities of Venice, and told him, that ‘If he did not at once
produce them all, he would find himself in no small danger as a liar
and impostor, while inevitable destruction would await the republic
he represented, if his deceit should provoke Solyman’s wrath beyond
all appeasing, and cause him to destroy them with fire and sword.’
They warned him that ‘he had not much time for deliberation; if he
produced all his instructions, well and good; but if he persevered in
his attempt to trifle with them, it would be too late afterwards to talk
of peace and express his regret.’ They concluded by saying, that
‘Solyman was no man’s suppliant; since by God’s blessing he had the
power to compel.’ The Ambassador knew not what to do, and
thinking it useless to attempt to conceal what was perfectly well
known, made a clean breast of it, and frankly confessed that what
they stated as to his instructions was correct. This misadventure,
however, made him very unpopular at home. From that time the
Turks seem to have become much more suspicious, thinking it
impolitic to enter into negotiations with an ambassador until his
spirit is broken by long confinement. It was on this account that
Veltwick,199 the ambassador of the Emperor Charles, was detained
by them for eighteen months, and my colleagues for more than
three years, and then dismissed without having accomplished
anything. On me they have been putting pressure for a long time, as
you know, and as yet I can see no prospect of my release.
But when Baldi, whom I was speaking of, arrived, the age of the
messenger made them suspect that he brought fresh instructions,
allowing us to accept harder conditions of peace, and these they
were afraid of my misrepresenting on account of my knowledge of
their domestic troubles. They thought it therefore politic to treat me
with greater rigour, as the best means of making me produce
forthwith the real instructions I had last received. For the same
reason Roostem tried to intimidate me with threats of war, which he
hinted at by the following pleasantry. What does he do but send me
a very large pumpkin of the kind we call ‘Anguries,’ and the Germans
‘Wasser Blutzer’ (water-melons). Those grown at Constantinople are
of excellent flavour, and have red seeds inside; they are called
Rhodian melons because they come from Rhodes. They are good for
allaying thirst when the weather is very hot. A great round one was
sent me by Roostem through my interpreter, one very hot day, with
the following message: ‘He hoped I should like a fruit which suited
the season; there was no better antidote for the heat; but he wished
me also to know that at Buda and Belgrade they had great store of
such fruit, and indeed some larger specimens of it,’ by which he
meant cannon balls. I sent back word that I was much obliged for
his present and should enjoy it, but that I was not surprised at what
he said about Buda and Belgrade, as there were at Vienna plenty of
specimens of the fruit quite as big as the one he sent me. I made
this answer because I wished Roostem to understand that I had
noticed the point of his jest.
Now it is time I should relate the story of Bajazet, about which
you especially beg for information.200 Doubtless you remember the
circumstances under which Bajazet parted from his father a few
years ago. He was pardoned on condition that he should not again
make any movement against his brother or excite fresh
disturbances, but should remain at peace and on friendly terms with
him, as a brother ought to do.201 ‘Let him,’ said the Sultan,
‘remember the pledges he has given me, nor further disquiet my
declining years. Another time I will not let him go unpunished.’
These warnings influenced Bajazet for a time, but only as long as his
mother survived; indeed, he placed but little confidence on his
brother’s affection or his father’s feelings towards him, and relied
entirely on the love his mother bore him, and being anxious not to
alienate her, he remained quiet during her lifetime. But, when she
died two years afterwards, thinking that his case was desperate, and
that he was no longer bound by any tie of filial duty, he began to
resume his former designs, and to prosecute his old quarrel against
his brother with more bitterness than ever. At one time he plotted
secretly against his life, at another used open violence, and often
sent his troops to make forays into his brother’s government, which
bordered on his own, and if he could catch any of his servants he
sentenced them to heavy punishments, intending thereby to insult
their master; in short, as he could not strike at his brother’s life, he
left nothing undone which he thought would impair his prestige.
At Constantinople he had some devoted partisans, and through
them he tried to tamper with the Sultan’s bodyguard by every means
in his power, and on some occasions he even ventured to cross over
to Constantinople himself,202 concealing himself there among his
accomplices and the men of his party.
The progress of the conspiracy was no secret to Solyman, who,
besides his other channels of information, received accurate
intelligence from Selim, who wrote despatches from time to time,
warning his father to be on his guard against attack. ‘The Sultan was
mistaken,’ said Selim, ‘if he thought that the impious designs which
Bajazet was now rehearsing were not ultimately aimed at his own
person. Bajazet cared neither for God nor man, provided he could
reach the throne. His father was as great a barrier as his brother to
the accomplishment of his ambitious hopes. Attacks on himself were
aimed at Solyman’s life, a crime which Bajazet had planned long
ago, and had lately been trying to carry into execution. He begged
the Sultan to take care he did not fall a victim to these plots, and
find himself a prisoner before news of his danger could be received
or help sent to him. As to the personal wrongs he received from
Bajazet, he could afford to disregard them, but he was troubled at
the greatness of his father’s peril.’
By such insinuations fresh fuel was continually added to
Solyman’s wrath against Bajazet. Accordingly he wrote letters
reminding him of his duty, of the clemency with which he had
treated him, and of his promises to himself, and bade him remember
what he had said on a former occasion, viz., that he would not
always find pardon, that he ought to turn over a new leaf, and not
persist in provoking his brother and annoying his father.203 He added
that he had but a short span of life left himself, and when he was
dead Providence would determine what their several lots should be.
In the meantime they should keep quiet, if they had any regard for
the peace of their father and their country. But such arguments were
all thrown away upon Bajazet, who had made up his mind to hazard
everything rather than take the other alternative, and tamely wait till
the time came for him to be butchered like a sheep, which would
most assuredly be his fate, if Selim ascended the throne.
He replied, however, to his father’s commands in becoming
terms, but his deeds did not correspond to his words, nor did he
swerve in the least from the line of conduct he had resolved on.
When Solyman saw this, he felt that other measures were
necessary, and that he must not allow his sons to remain so near
each other. Accordingly he issued orders that before a certain day
each should leave his government (Bajazet was Governor of Kutaiah,
Selim of Magnesia), and that Bajazet should go to Amasia and Selim
to Koniah. No fault could be found with Selim, and his favour with
his father was unimpaired, but to prevent Bajazet from being hurried
into rebellion, Solyman wished to make it appear that they were
both being treated alike. In giving these orders he observed that the
further apart they were in actual distance the closer they would be
in spirit. Vicinity, he added, was often prejudicial to union, many
faults being committed on both sides by mischievous officers and
servants, the effect of which was to cause great irritation on the part
of their masters. Let both of them be obedient to his commands. If
either should hesitate to obey, he would expose himself to a charge
of treason.
Selim made no delay, inasmuch as he knew that these orders
were given chiefly in his interest. Bajazet kept making excuses, and
halted after proceeding a short distance. He complained that he had
been given the government of Amasia, that town of evil omen,
which was still reeking with his brother’s blood,204 and said that he
would be contented with any other government whatever, in place of
that, in which the miserable end of his kinsfolk would ever be forcing
itself on his eyes, and wounding his heart with its sad recollections.
He asked that he might at least be permitted to pass the winter
where he was, or at any rate in the place which his brother had left.
To these remonstrances Solyman paid no attention; and Selim had
already proceeded some days’ march with the troops, which his
father had given him as an escort to protect him against any attack
on the part of his brother, while Bajazet was still delaying and
hesitating, when he suddenly turned and retraced his steps, and
then making a circuit appeared in his brother’s rear, moving on
Ghemlik, a Bithynian town, on the Asiatic coast opposite
Constantinople. For this step he had the sanction of his father, who
did not like Bajazet’s procrastination, for both father and son were
alarmed at the thought of what might be the consequence both to
the empire and themselves, if Bajazet should win over the Imperial
guards and march on Ghemlik or even on Constantinople. As they
were both threatened, the safest course seemed to be for Selim to
take up such a position as would enable them to support each other.
Selim had not as yet sufficient strength to make him certain of
defeating his brother, who was now ready for any desperate step.
When Bajazet saw Selim in his rear, he felt that the only result of
his own delay had been to ensure his brother’s succession to the
throne, whenever his father should be carried off, an event which
might be expected any day, as the Sultan’s health, which was
generally bad, was at that time worse than usual. Accordingly he
sent letters to his father, in which he accused his brother; he told
him that Selim could have given no stronger proof of his undutiful
and disloyal intentions than his march to Ghemlik; to which no other
object could be assigned than an attempt on the throne, as it was a
place from which he would have but a short passage to
Constantinople, if he received the news he wished for, informing him
of his father’s death. But if his father’s life should be prolonged, and
the fulfilment of his wishes thus deferred, he would not hesitate to
employ his tools for the attainment of his object, and would ascend
the throne over his father’s murdered body. In spite of all this he
could not help seeing that Selim, villain as he was, was his father’s
darling, and was treated as if he were a pattern son; while he on the
other hand, though he had always been a good son, and had never
dreamt of such undutiful conduct, nay, more, had always strictly
observed every indication of his father’s wishes, was nevertheless
scorned and rejected. All that he requested was permission to
decline a government, the traditions of which boded ill to its
possessor. Next he had recourse to entreaties, and again implored
his father to consent to his being appointed to a different
government, whether it were the one his brother had left, or any
other, provided it had not the dark history of Amasia. He concluded
by saying he would wait for an answer to his petition at the place
where he had halted, that he might not have further to return
should his wish be granted, but if he should not obtain what he
asked, he would then go wherever his father might order.
The complaints Bajazet made about Amasia were not altogether
unreasonable, for the Turks are in the habit of forecasting important
matters from trifling incidents. But this was not the view that
Solyman took, for he knew what value to attach to his son’s
bemoanings, and was convinced that his object was to obtain a
situation more convenient for making a revolution, Amasia being too
far from Constantinople. Thus Bajazet, pleading one excuse after
another for delay, put off the hour for obeying his father’s wishes as
long as he could, and went on increasing his forces by enlisting
recruits, arming them, and raising money—in short, he made every
preparation for defending himself and attacking his brother. These
preparations were regarded by Solyman as directed against himself,
but, nevertheless, he passed them over for the most part in silence.
The cautious old man did not wish to render Bajazet desperate and
thus drive him into open rebellion. He was well aware that the eyes
of the world were fixed on the quarrel between his sons, and he was
therefore anxious that these troubles should be left to the influence
of time, and be allowed to die out as quietly as possible. He
therefore replied to Bajazet in gentle language, saying, ‘He could
make no change about the government, his decision on that point
was final. They ought both to obey his commands and repair to their
respective posts. As to the future he bade them be of good hope, as
he would take care that everything should be so regulated as to
prevent either of them having any ground for just complaints.’
Pertau, the fourth of the Vizierial Pashas, was selected to convey
these commands to Bajazet, and to keep up an appearance of
impartiality, Mehemet, the third of the Vizierial Pashas, was
despatched to Selim with the same orders. Both were instructed not
to leave the Princes before they reached their respective
governments, as Solyman prudently intended to attach these
important officers to his sons in order that they might be kept in
mind of their duties. This Selim was ready to allow, but Bajazet
refused, for, as his intention was to bring about a general revolution,
he thought there could be no greater obstacle to his designs than to
have one of his father’s counsellors ever at his side to criticise his
words and actions. He therefore addressed Pertau courteously, and
having given him such presents as he could, compelled him to
return, in spite of his remonstrances, saying, that he wished to
employ him as his defender and advocate with his father, as he had
no one else to plead for him. He told him that he would not prove an
ungrateful or a discreditable client. Further, he bade him tell his
father that he would always regard his commands as law, if Selim
would let him, but that he could not bear any longer the outrages of
his brother, and his attacks upon his life.
The dismissal of Pertau in this manner made Solyman sure of his
son’s intentions. Though Bajazet, to prevent the mission to him
appearing to have been wholly ineffectual, kept pretending that he
was on his way to Amasia, Solyman was not deceived, and
continued to make his preparations for war with undiminished
activity. He ordered the Beyler-bey of Greece, although he was
suffering from an attack of gout, to hurry with his cavalry to Selim’s
assistance, and on Mehemet Pasha’s return from his mission he
despatched him into Asia with the most trusty of the Imperial guard
on the same service. He also made his own preparations, and
wished to make it appear that he was about to take the field in
person, but the Imperial guard gathered to their standards with
hesitation and reluctance, loathing a war between brothers as an
accursed thing. ‘Against whom were they to draw their swords?’ they
asked; ‘Was it not against the heir of the empire himself?’ ‘Surely,’
they argued, ‘some alternative might be found instead of plunging
into war; it could not be necessary to compel them to dip their
hands in the blood of their comrades, and to incur the guilt of
slaughtering their fellow-soldiers. As to Bajazet’s attempts, they
were, in their opinion, justified by the emergency.’
When these speeches reached Solyman’s ears he submitted the
following questions to his Mufti, who, as you doubtless remember, is
the chief authority among the Turks in religious matters, and like the
oak of Dodona205 is consulted in cases of difficulty. ‘First, how ought
he to treat a man who in his own lifetime raised men and money,
attacked and captured towns, and troubled the peace of the empire?
Secondly, what was his opinion of those who joined his standard,
and assisted him in such an enterprise? Finally, what he thought of
those who refused to take up arms against him, and justified his
acts?’ The Mufti replied, ‘That such a man and his partisans, in his
judgment, merited the severest punishment; and that those who
refused to bear arms against him were wicked men, who failed to
support their religion, and therefore deserved to be branded as
infamous.’ This reply was made public, and transmitted through the
chief of the cavasses to Bajazet.
A few days afterwards there returned to Constantinople a
cavasse, who had been sent to Selim by Solyman, and had been
captured on the way by Bajazet. By him he sent word to his father,
that he had violated no obligation demanded by filial duty, he had
never taken up arms against him, and was ready to obey his
commands in everything. The quarrel was one between his brother
and himself, and life and death depended on the issue of the
struggle, as either he must fall by his brother’s sword or his brother
by his. That both should survive was an impossibility. He had
determined to bring matters to a conclusion, one way or the other, in
his father’s lifetime; therefore he called on Solyman not to interfere
in their contest, and to remain neutral. But if, as was rumoured, he
should cross the sea to go to Selim’s assistance, he warned him not
to hope that he would find it an easy task to get him into his power,
as he had secured for himself a refuge in case of defeat. The
moment Solyman set foot on the soil of Asia, he would lay the
country waste with fire and sword as mercilessly as Tamerlane. Such
a message caused Solyman no small anxiety. At the same time news
arrived that the town of Akschehr, which was governed by Selim’s
son as Sanjak-bey, had been taken by Bajazet, and, after a large
sum of money had been exacted, had been ruthlessly sacked.
But when Selim, who had been afraid of his brother’s lying in
wait for him on the road, heard that he was on his way to Amasia,
and had already reached Angora, his suspicions were relieved, and
he rapidly marched on Koniah,206 which was held for him by a
garrison which had been thrown into it. For not the least of the
anxieties which racked Solyman’s mind was, lest Bajazet should seize
Koniah, and so make his way into Syria, and thence invade Egypt, a
province which was open to attack and of doubtful loyalty, and
which, having not yet forgotten the ancient empire of the Circassians
or Mamelukes, was eager for a revolution.207 Should Bajazet once
establish himself there it would not be an easy task to dislodge him,
especially as the neighbouring Arabs would readily adopt any cause
which held out prospects of booty. From Egypt too if he were hard
pressed, all the coasts of Christendom were within easy reach. For
this reason Solyman took the utmost pains to bar the road which
might be expected to be Bajazet’s last resource, orders having
already been given to several of the governors in Asia Minor to hold
themselves in readiness to take the field when Selim should give the
signal. At the time of which I am now speaking, Selim had called
them out and had encamped before the walls of Koniah, anxiously
watching his brother’s movements. He determined to wait there for
his fathers reinforcements, and not by a premature engagement to
expose his life to the hazard of a battle.
Bajazet, on the other hand, was keenly alive to the magnitude of
the enterprise he had undertaken. He had hired a body of Kurdish
horsemen, who are, probably, descendants of the ancient
Gordiæans.208 They have a great reputation for valour, and Bajazet
felt confident that their assistance would ensure the success of his
arms. The day they arrived at his camp they went through a sham
fight on horseback, which was so like reality that several of them
were slain, and more were wounded. He pitched his camp in the
open country, near Angora, so as to have at his command the ample
resources of that important town. In the citadel he placed his
concubines with their children. From the wealthier of the merchants
he raised a loan, on the terms of repaying them with interest if
Providence should crown his hopes with success. From the same
source he obtained the means of equipping and arming his forces.
He had, after the fashion of Turkish nobles, a numerous retinue of
servants; these were reinforced by the Kurds I mentioned, and by
men whose interests had been advanced by his mother, his sister, or
Roostem. To them were added many of the surviving retainers of
Mustapha and Achmet, brave and experienced soldiers, who burned
to risk their lives in avenging the cruel murders of their masters. Nor
was there wanting a motley following of men, who were
discontented with their actual condition, and were eager for a
change. The motive of some was compassion for the unfortunate
Bajazet, whose only remaining hope lay in an appeal to arms. They
were attracted to the young man by his looks, which strongly
resembled his father’s; while, on the other hand, Selim was totally
unlike the Sultan, and inherited the face and manner of his
unpopular mother. In gait he was pompous, in person he was
corpulent, his cheeks were unnaturally red and bloated; amongst the
soldiers he was nick-named ‘The stalled ox.’ He lived a lazy life, at
the same time a sluggard and a sot. In the smaller courtesies of life
he was singularly ungracious; he never did a kindness and he never
gained a friend. He did not wish, he said, to win the favour of the
people at the expense of his father’s feelings. The only man that
loved him was his father. Everyone else hated him, and none so
much as those whose prospects depended on the accession of a
generous and warlike Sultan. The soldiers had been wont to call
Bajazet Softi, which means a studious and quiet person, but when
they saw him take up arms and prepare to fight to the uttermost for
his own and his children’s preservation, they respected his courage
and admired his conduct. ‘Why had the father,’ they murmured,
‘disowned a son who was the living image of himself? Why had he
preferred to him that corpulent drone, who showed not a trace of his
father’s character? To take up arms was no crime, when nothing else
would serve the turn. ‘Twas nothing worse than what Selim, their
grandfather, had done.209 That precedent would cover everything,
as he had not only taken up arms against his brother, but also had
been compelled by the force of circumstances to hasten his father’s
end. Dreadful as the crime was to which he had been driven, still, by
it he had won the empire for his son and grandsons. But if Solyman
stood rightfully possessed of an empire, which had been won by
such means, why should his son be debarred from adopting the
same course? Why should that be so heavily punished in his case
which Heaven itself had sanctioned in his grandfather’s? Nay, the
conduct of Selim was far worse than that of his grandson Bajazet;
the latter had taken up arms, but not to hurt his father; he had no
desire for his death; he would not harm even his brother, if he would
but let him live, and cease from injuring him. It had ever been held
lawful to repel force by force. What fault could be found with a man
for endeavouring to save himself from ruin when it stared him in the
face?’
Such were the sentiments that made men daily flock to the
standard of Bajazet. When his forces had well nigh attained the size
of a regular army, Bajazet felt that he must forthwith attack his
brother, and stake life and empire on the issue of the contest. That
he might be defeated he was well aware, but even in defeat he felt
that honour might be gained. Accordingly, he marched directly
against Selim. His object was to effect a passage into Syria; if this
should prove successful, the rest, he was confident, would be easy.
Selim, having, with the assistance of his father, completed his
armaments, awaited his brother under the walls of Koniah. He had
large forces, and a numerous staff of experienced officers, who had
been sent by the Sultan, and his position was strengthened by well-
placed batteries of artillery.
By all this Bajazet was not one whit dismayed; when he came in
sight of the enemy he addressed a few words of encouragement to
his men, telling them to fight bravely. ‘This,’ he declared, ‘was the
hour they had longed for, this was the opportunity for them to prove
their valour. Courage on that day should secure a fortune at his
hands. It rested with them to win or forfeit everything. Everyone
who was discontented with his lot had now an opening for
exchanging his former poverty for wealth and honour. They might
expect from him, if they conquered, dignities, riches, promotion, and
all the rewards that valiant men deserve. However extravagant their
hopes, let them win this one victory, and those hopes should be
satisfied. They had abundant means of gaining it in their gallant
hearts and stout arms. Before them stood only his brother’s
following, cowards more debased than their cowardly leader; it was
through the ranks of these poltroons his men must cleave their way.
As for his father’s troops, though in body they stood with his brother,
in heart they were on his side. If Selim were out of the way, his
safety was assured, and their fortunes were made; let them go and
avenge themselves on the common enemy. Let them not fear,’ he
repeated, ‘the multitude of their foe. Victory was won not by
numbers but by valour. Heaven was on the side, not of the larger,
but the braver army. If they bore in mind how cruel and how eager
for their blood was the enemy they were to encounter, victory would
not be hard to gain. Last of all’ said he, ‘I wish you to regard not my
words but my deeds. Take my word for it, the day is yours, if you
fight for my life, as you see me fighting for your profit.’
Having addressed his troops in such terms, he boldly ordered
them to attack the enemy. He led the charge in person, and on that
day proved himself alike a gallant soldier and a skilful leader,
winning, by the courage he displayed, as much admiration from foes
as from friends. The battle was fierce and bloody; for a long time
neither party could gain any decisive advantage; at last victory
inclined to the side which was stronger in arms, stronger in right,
and stronger in generalship. Selim’s troops also received
supernatural assistance, if one may believe the Turkish story, for
they aver that a great blast came from the shrine of one of their
ancient heroes, which stood hard by,210 and carried the dust into the
faces of Bajazet’s soldiers, darkening the atmosphere and blinding
their eyes. After great losses on both sides, Bajazet was obliged to
give the signal for retreat, but he retired slowly and without disorder,
as if he had won a victory instead of having sustained a defeat.
Selim made no attempt to pursue. He was perfectly satisfied with
the success he had gained in repelling his brother’s troops, and
remained in his position as a quiet spectator of the retreating
enemy.211
Bajazet had now committed an act of direct disobedience to his
father’s orders, he had given the rein to his own inclinations, and he
had been unsuccessful. He abandoned his project of marching into
Syria, and set out for Amasia in good earnest.
About this time Solyman crossed into Asia, having, it is asserted,
received news of the result of the battle in a marvellously short
space of time. The Pashas held it to be impolitic for the Sultan to
cross until intelligence of Bajazet’s defeat should be received, but at
the same time were of opinion, that when news of it arrived no time
ought to be lost, lest Bajazet’s misfortunes should provoke his secret
partisans to declare themselves, and thus greater troubles ensue.
They argued that nothing would be more effectual than the report of
his crossing for cowing Bajazet and terrifying his friends. The victory,
they urged, should be improved, and no opportunity be given to the
prince of rallying from the blow he had received, lest he should
follow in the steps of Selim, Solyman’s father, who became more
formidable after defeat than ever he was before, and owed his final
victory, in no small measure, to his previous failure.
The Pashas were perfectly correct in their view of the situation.
For though Bajazet had been defeated, his conduct in the field
marvellously increased his popularity and reputation. People spoke
of how he had ventured with a handful of men to encounter the
superior forces of his brother, supported as they were by all the
resources of the Sultan. The strength of his brother’s position, and
his formidable array of artillery, had failed to daunt him, while in
this, his first field, his conduct would not have shamed a veteran
general. Though fortune had not favoured him, yet he was the hero
of the battle. Selim might go to his father, and vaunt his triumph, but
what then? True, he had won it, but Bajazet had deserved it. To
whatever cause Selim’s victory was due, it was certainly not to his
valour that he was indebted for his success.
Such was the common talk, the effect of which was to increase
Bajazet’s popularity, and at the same time to make his father more
anxious than ever. His hatred was inflamed, and he began to long
for his destruction. His determination remained unaltered. Selim was
the elder, and had ever been a dutiful and obedient son, and he and
no one else should be his heir; while Bajazet, who had been a
disobedient son and had endeavoured to supplant him on the
throne, was the object of his aversion. He was well aware that the
peril of the situation was increased by the reputation Bajazet had
gained, and the open support which he himself had given to Selim.
For these reasons he had crossed the sea: his object was to give
moral support to Selim by his presence in Asia, but he had no
intention of marching up the country. He could not trust his troops,
and if he ventured to lead them to the scene of action, they might at
any moment declare for Bajazet.
He left Constantinople June 5, 1559, on which occasion, in spite
of my cavasse, I managed to be among the spectators. But why
should I not tell you of my two skirmishes after the fashion of the
Miles Gloriosus of Plautus? At any rate, I have nothing better to do,
unless worry counts for work. Under such circumstances letter-
writing is a relief.
When it became generally known that the Sultan was about to
cross the sea, and the day was fixed, I intimated to the cavasse my
wish to see the Sultan’s departure. It was his habit to take charge of
the keys every evening, so, when the time came, I bade him attend
me early in the morning and let me out. To this he readily agreed.
My Janissaries and interpreters, by my orders, hired for me a room
commanding a view of the street by which the Sultan was to pass.
When the day came I was awake before daybreak, and waited for
the cavasse to open the gates. Time passed and he did not come.
So I availed myself of the services of the Janissaries who slept at my
gate and the interpreters who were waiting to obtain admittance,
and despatched messenger after messenger to fetch the cavasse. I
had, by the way, to give my orders through the chinks of the crazy
old gates. The cavasse kept putting me off with excuses, at one time
saying he was just coming, and at another that he had business
which hindered him. Meanwhile it was getting late, and we knew, by
the salutes fired by the Janissaries, that the Sultan had mounted his
steed. Hereupon I lost patience, for I saw that I was being
humbugged. Even the Janissaries on guard were sorry for my
disappointment, and thought that I had been treated scurvily; so
they told me that, if my people would push from the inside while
they pulled from the outside, it would be possible to burst the locks
of the gate, which was old and weak. I approved of the plan; my
people pushed with a will, and the gate gave way. Out we rushed,
and made for the house where I had hired a room. The cavasse had
intended to disappoint me, not that he was a bad sort of fellow, but
when he had informed the Pashas of my wishes they had refused
consent, not liking that a Christian should be among the spectators
on such an occasion. They did not wish me to see their Sovereign on
his march against his son and at the head of a mere handful of
troops, so they recommended him to put me off by courteous
promises till the Sultan had embarked, and then to invent some
excuse, but the trick recoiled on its author.
When we arrived at the house we found it barred and bolted, so
that we had as much difficulty in getting in, as we had just had in
getting out! When no one answered our knocks, the Janissaries
came to me again, and promised, if I would undertake the
responsibility, either to break open the doors or climb in through a
window and let us in. I told them not to break in, but did not object
to their entering by a window. In less time than I can tell it they
were through the window, and had unbarred the doors. When I
went upstairs, I found the house full of Jews, in fact, a regular
synagogue. At first they were dumbfoundered, and could not make
out how I had passed through bolts and bars! When the matter was
explained, a well-dressed elderly lady, who talked Spanish, came up
and took me roundly to task for breaking into the house. I rejoined
that I was the aggrieved party, and told her that the landlady ought
to have kept her bargain, and not tried to fool me in this way. Well,
she would have none of my excuses, and I had no time to waste on
words.
I was accommodated with a window at the back of the house,
commanding a view of the street by which the Sultan was to pass.
From this I had the pleasure of seeing the magnificent column which
was marching out. The Ghourebas and Ouloufedgis rode in double,
and the Silihdars and Spahis in single file. The cavalry of the
Imperial guard consists of these four regiments, each of which forms
a distinct body, and has separate quarters.212 They are believed to
amount to about 6,000 men, more or less. Besides these, I saw a
large force, consisting of the household slaves belonging to the
Sultan himself, the Pashas, and the other court dignitaries. The
spectacle presented by a Turkish horseman is indeed magnificent.213
His high-bred steed generally comes from Cappadocia or Syria, and
its trappings and saddle sparkle with gold and jewels in silver
settings. The rider himself is resplendent in a dress of cloth of gold
or silver, or else of silk or velvet. The very lowest of them is clothed
in scarlet, violet, or blue robes of the finest cloth. Right and left
hang two handsome cases, one of which holds his bow, and the
other is full of painted arrows. Both of these cases are curiously
wrought, and come from Babylon, as does also the targe, which is
fitted to the left arm, and is proof only against arrows or the blows
of a mace or sword. In the right hand, unless he prefers to keep it
disengaged, is a light spear, which is generally painted green. Round
his waist is girt a jewelled scimitar, while a mace of steel hangs from
his saddle-bow. ‘What are so many weapons for?’ you will ask. I
reply for your information, that he is trained by long practice to use
them all. You will ask again, ‘How can a man use both bow and
spear? will he seize the bow after he has cast or broken his spear?’
Not so; he keeps the spear in his grasp as long as he can, but when
circumstances require that it should be exchanged for the bow, he
thrusts the spear, which is light and handy, between the saddle and
his thigh, so that the point sticks out behind, and by the pressure of
his knee keeps it in this position for any length of time he chooses.
But when he has need of the spear, he puts the bow into its case, or
slings it on his left arm across his shield. It is not, however, my
object to explain at length their skill in arms, which is the result of
long service and constant drilling. The covering they wear on the
head is made of the whitest and lightest cotton-cloth, in the middle
of which rises a fluted peak of fine purple silk. It is a favourite
fashion to ornament this head-dress with black plumes.
When the cavalry had ridden past, they were followed by a long
procession of Janissaries,214 but few of whom carried any arms
except their regular weapon, the musket. They were dressed in
uniforms of almost the same shape and colour, so that you might
recognise them to be the slaves, and as it were the household, of
the same master. Among them no extraordinary or startling dress
was to be seen, and nothing slashed or pierced.215 They say their
clothes wear out quite fast enough without their tearing them
themselves. There is only one thing in which they are extravagant,
viz., plumes, head-dresses, &c., and the veterans who formed the
rear guard were specially distinguished by ornaments of this kind.
The plumes which they insert in their frontlets might well be
mistaken for a walking forest. Then followed on horseback their
captains and colonels, distinguished by the badges of their rank. Last
of all, rode their Aga by himself. Then succeeded the chief
dignitaries of the Court, and among them the Pashas, and then the
royal body-guard, consisting of infantry, who wore a special uniform
and carried bows ready strung, all of them being archers. Next came
the Sultan’s grooms leading a number of fine horses with handsome
trappings for their master’s use. He was mounted himself on a noble
steed; his look was stern, and there was a frown on his brow; it was
easy to see that his anger had been aroused. Behind him came three
pages, one of whom carried a flask of water, another a cloak, and
the third a box. These were followed by some eunuchs of the bed-
chamber, and the procession was closed by a squadron of horse
about two hundred strong.
Having had a capital view of the whole spectacle, which I
thoroughly enjoyed, my only anxiety was to appease my hostess. For
I heard that the lady, who had addressed me in Spanish at my
entrance, was on very intimate terms with Roostem’s wife, and I was
afraid that she might tell tales about me in his family, and create an
impression that I had not behaved as I ought. I invited my hostess
to an interview, and reminded her of her breach of contract in
bolting the door in my face, when she had for a fixed sum agreed to
leave it open; but told her that, however little she might have
deserved it, I intended to keep my part of the engagement, though
she had neglected hers, and not only to pay her in full, but to give
her a little extra douceur as well. I had promised seven pieces of
gold, and she should receive ten, to prevent her regretting my
having forced my way into her house. When she saw her hand filled
with more gold than she had hoped for, she suddenly altered her
tone, and overwhelmed me with thanks and civilities, while the rest
of her Hebrew friends followed suit. The lady also, whom I
mentioned as being intimate with Roostem’s family, echoing the
praises of my hostess, thanked me profusely in her name. Some
Cretan wine and sweetmeats were then produced for my
refreshment. These I declined, and hurried home as fast I could,
followed by the good wishes of the party, planning as I went a fresh
battle with my cavasse, to whom I should have to answer for having
broken open the doors in his absence.
I found him sitting disconsolately in the vestibule, and he at once
assailed me with a long complaint, saying, I ought not to have gone
out without his consent or have broken the doors. He declared that
it was a breach of the law of nations, &c. I answered shortly that
had he chosen to come in time, as he had promised, there would
have been no need for me to burst the doors; and I made him
understand that it was all his fault for not keeping his word, and for
trifling with me. I concluded by asking whether they considered me
an ambassador or a prisoner? ‘An ambassador,’ he answered. ‘If a
prisoner,’ I rejoined, ‘it is useless employing me to make peace, as a
prisoner is not a free agent; but if you consider me an ambassador,
why am I not at liberty? Why am I prevented leaving my house
when I please? It is usual,’ I repeated, ‘for prisoners to be kept shut
up, but not for ambassadors. Indeed the freedom of ambassadors is
a right recognised by the law of nations.’ I told him also to
remember that he had been attached to me, not as a jailor or
policeman, but, as he was always saying himself, to assist me by his
services, and to take care that no injury was done to myself or my
servants. He then turned to the Janissaries, and began quarrelling
with them for giving me advice, and helping my men to open the
doors. They said that I had not needed their advice, I had ordered
them to open the doors and they had obeyed. They told him, with
perfect truth, that in doing this but little exertion had been required,
as the bars had given way under very slight pressure, and that
nothing had been broken or injured. Thus the cavasse’s
remonstrances were stopped whether he would or no, and nothing
more was heard of the matter.
A few days later I was summoned across the sea myself. They
considered it politic that I should pass some time in their camp, and
be treated courteously as the ambassador of a friendly prince.
Accordingly, a very comfortable lodging was assigned me in a village
adjoining the camp. The Turks were encamped in the neighbouring
fields. As I stayed there three months, I had opportunities of visiting
their camp, and making myself acquainted with their discipline. You
will hardly be satisfied if I do not give you a few particulars on the
subject. Having put on the dress usually worn by Christians in those
parts, I used to sally out incognito with one or two companions. The
first thing that struck me was, that each corps had its proper
quarters, from which the soldiers composing it were not allowed to
move. Everywhere order prevailed, there was perfect silence, no
disturbances, no quarrels, no bullying; a state of things which must
seem well nigh incredible to those, whose experience is limited to
Christian camps. You could not hear so much as a coarse word, or a
syllable of drunken abuse. Besides, there was the greatest
cleanliness, no dunghills, no heaps of refuse, nothing to offend the
eyes or nose. Everything of the kind is either buried or removed out
of sight. Holes are dug in the ground, as occasion requires, for the
use of the men, which are again filled in with earth. Thus the whole
camp is free from dirt. Again, no drinking parties or banquets, and
no sort of gambling, which is the great fault of our soldiers, are to
be seen. The Turks are unacquainted with the art of losing their
money at cards and dice.
A little while ago I came across some soldiers from the borders of
Hungary, amongst whom was a rough fellow, who, with a woe-
begone face, sang or rather howled, to the accompaniment of a
melancholy lyre, a lugubrious ditty, purporting to be the last words
of a comrade dying of his wounds in a grassy meadow by the bank
of the Danube. He called upon the Danube, as he flowed to the
country of his kinsfolk, to remember to tell his friends and clansmen
that he, while fighting for the extension of his religion and the
honour of his tribe, had met with a death neither inglorious nor
unavenged. Groaning over this his companions kept repeating, ‘O
man, thrice happy and thrice blessed, how gladly would we
exchange our lot for thine!’ The Turks firmly believe that no souls
ascend to heaven so quickly as those of brave heroes who have
fallen in war, and that for their safety the Houris daily make prayers
and vows to God.
I had a fancy also to be conducted through the shambles where
the sheep were slaughtered, that I might see what meat there was
for sale. I saw but four or five sheep at most, which had been flayed
and hung up, although it was the slaughter-house of the Janissaries,
of whom I think there were no fewer than four thousand in the
camp. I expressed my astonishment that so little meat was sufficient
for such a number of men, and was told in reply that few used it, for
a great part of them had their victuals brought over from
Constantinople. When I asked what they were, they pointed out to
me a Janissary, who was engaged in eating his dinner; he was
devouring, off a wooden or earthen trencher, a mess of turnips,
onions, garlic, parsnips, and cucumbers, seasoned with salt and
vinegar, though, for the matter of that, I fancy that hunger was the
chief sauce that seasoned his dish, for, to all appearance, he enjoyed
his vegetables as much as if he had been dining off pheasants and
partridges. Water, that common beverage of men and animals, is
their only drink. This abstemious diet is good both for their health
and their pockets.
I was at the camp just before their fast, or Lent216 as we should
call it, and thus was still more struck with the behaviour of the men.
In Christian lands at this season, not only camps, but even orderly
cities, ring with games and dances, songs and shouts; everywhere
are heard the sounds of revelling, drunkenness, and delirium. In
short, the world runs mad. It is not improbable that there is some
foundation for the story, that a Turk, who happened to come to us
on a diplomatic mission at one of these seasons, related on his
return home, that the Christians, on certain days, go raving mad,
and are restored to their senses and their health by a kind of ashes,
which are sprinkled on them in their temples. He told his friends that
it was quite remarkable to see the beneficial effects of this remedy;
the change was so great that one would hardly imagine them to be
the same people. He referred of course to Ash Wednesday and
Shrove Tuesday. His hearers were the more astonished, because the
Turks are acquainted with several drugs which have the power of
rendering people insane, while they know of few capable of speedily
restoring the reason.
During the days which immediately precede the season of
abstinence, they do not alter their former mode of life, or allow
themselves any extra indulgence in the way of food and drink. Nay
rather, on the contrary, by diminishing their usual allowance they
prepare themselves for the fast, for fear they should not be able to
bear the sudden change. Their fast recurs every twelve months;
and, as twelve lunar months do not make up a year, it annually
comes some fifteen days earlier. Hence it follows that, if the fast is at
the beginning of Spring, six years later it will be kept at the
commencement of Summer. The Turks limit their fast to the period
of one lunar month, and the most severe fasts are those which fall in
summer, on account of the length of the days. Inasmuch as they
keep it so strictly as to touch nothing, not even water—nay, they
hold it unlawful even to wash out the mouth—till the stars appear at
even, it follows of course that a fast which occurs when the days are
longest, hottest, and most dusty, is extremely trying, especially to
those who are obliged to earn their livelihood by manual labour.
However, they are allowed to eat what they please before sunrise, or
to speak accurately, before the stars are dimmed by the light of that
luminary, the idea being that the Sun ought to see no one eating
during the whole of the fast. On this account the fast, when it falls in
winter, is not so hard to bear.
On a cloudy day of course some mistake might be made about
sunset. To meet this difficulty the priests, who act as sacristans, put
lighted paper lanterns on the pinnacles of the minarets. (It is from
these minarets that they utter the loud cry which summons the
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