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OCR Ancient History
GCSE
COMPONENT 1

i
 ALSO AVAILABLE FROM BLOOMSBURY

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ii
OCR Ancient History
GCSE
COMPONENT 1:
Greece and Persia

SAM BADDELEY
PAUL FOWLER
LUCY NICHOLAS
JAMES RENSHAW

GENERAL EDITOR:
JAMES RENSHAW

Bloomsbury Academic
An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

LON DON • OX F O R D • N E W YO R K • N E W D E L H I • SY DN EY
 Bloomsbury Academic
An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

London New York
WC 1B 3DP NY 10018
UK USA

www.bloomsbury.com

BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

First published 2017

© Sam Baddeley, Paul Fowler, Lucy Nicholas, James Renshaw, 2017

Sam Baddeley, Paul Fowler, Lucy Nicholas and James Renshaw have asserted their right under
the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted

in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission
in writing from the publishers.

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on

or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be
accepted by Bloomsbury or the author.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN : PB : 978-1-3500-1515-9
ePDF : 978-1-3500-1517-3
ePub: 978-1-3500-1516-6

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

Cover design by Terry Woodley and Olivia D’Cruz

Cover image © Getty/DEA/W. BUSS

Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk

To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com. Here you will
find extracts, author inter views, details of forthcoming events and the option to sign up
for our newsletters.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors divided the chapters between them as follows:

1: The Persian Empire by James Renshaw

2: From Tyranny to Democracy by Sam Baddeley
3: Athens in the Age of Pericles by Paul Fowler and James Renshaw
4: Alexander the Great by Lucy Nicholas

The authors would like to thank the many anonymous reviewers at universities, schools
and OCR who read and commented on drafts of this text. All errors remain their own.

iv
 CONTENTS

Introduction | vii
How to Use this Book | viii

PART 1 PERIOD STUDY: THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, 559–465 BC | 1

Introduction to the Persian Empire, 559–465 BC | 2

1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC | 5
1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC | 21
1.3 The Reign of Darius the Great, 522–486 BC | 33
1.4 Xerxes I and the Greeks, 486–465 BC | 50

What to Expect in the Exam: Greece and Persia Section A | 66

PART 2 DEPTH STUDIES | 75

Introduction to the Depth Study Options | 76

DEPTH STUDY 1: FROM TYRANNY TO DEMOCRACY, 546–483 BC | 77

Introduction to From Tyranny to Democracy, 546–483 BC | 78

2.1 Athens under the Tyrants | 80

2.2 Tyranny and Samos | 97
2.3 The Emergence of Democracy in Athens | 115
2.4 Democracy in Action | 128

What to Expect in the Exam: Greece and Persia Section B | 149

DEPTH STUDY 2: ATHENS IN THE AGE OF PERICLES, 462–429 BC | 159

Introduction to Athens in the Age of Pericles, 462–429 BC | 160

3.1 The Workings of Athenian Democracy | 161

3.2 The Relationship between Athens and Sparta and Pericles’ Foreign Policy | 178
3.3 Pericles and the Cultural and Religious Life in Athens | 193
3.4 Women in Athens | 210

What to Expect in the Exam: Greece and Persia Section C | 226

v
 Contents

DEPTH STUDY 3: ALEXANDER THE GREAT, 356–323 BC | 235

Introduction to Alexander the Great, 356–323 BC | 236

4.1 Upbringing, Character, Beliefs and Life of Alexander | 237

4.2 Alexander’s Campaigns: The Reasons for his Expeditions and the
Main Battles | 255
4.3 Significant Events in Alexander’s Life | 267
4.4 The Macedonian Army under Alexander | 278

What to Expect in the Exam: Greece and Persia Section D | 290

Glossary | 298
Sources of Quotations | 301
Sources of Illustrations | 304
Index | 305

vi
INTRODUCTION

Welcome to your textbook for OCR GCSE Ancient History.

This book has been created to support the Greek and Persian half of the new OCR
GCSE (9–1) specification in Ancient History. It contains the Period Study ‘The Persian
Empire, 559–465 BC ’ and you will study this chapter followed by a choice of one out of
the three Depth Studies ‘From Tyranny to Democracy, 546–483 BC ’, ‘Athens in the Age
of Pericles, 462–429 BC ’ and ‘Alexander the Great, 356–323 BC ’.
Through your reading of this textbook and your wider study in class, you will be able
to gain a broad understanding of military, political, religious, social and cultural aspects
of the history of the ancient world. You will read and analyse ancient source material,
and study certain debates by modern scholars related to this material. This will enable
you to develop the skills to formulate coherent arguments about key issues and concepts.
The specification requires you to respond to the prescribed source material and assess
its content through analysis and evaluation. The box features are designed to build up
your skills and knowledge, while exam tips, practice questions, and chapters on assess-
ment will prepare you for taking your final examinations.
A Companion Website, available at www.bloomsbury.com/anc-hist-gcse, supports
this textbook with further information, resources and updates. If you have any sugges-
tions for improvement and additional resources, please get in touch by writing to
[email protected].

vii
 HOW TO USE THIS BOOK

The layout design and box features of this book are designed to aid your learning.

COLOUR

The colour blue is used to highlight prescribed source quotations, box features that focus
on assessment preparation and exam skills.

ICONS

The Prescribed Source icon PS flags a quotation or image that is a source prescribed in
the specification.
The Stretch and Challenge icon S&C indicates that an exercise extends beyond the core
content of the specification.
The Companion Website icon CW highlights where extra material can be found on the
Bloomsbury Companion Website www.bloomsbury.com/anc-hist-gcse.

BOX FEATURES

In the margins you will find feature boxes giving short factfiles of key events, individuals
and places.
Other features either recommend teaching material or highlight prescribed content
and assessment tips and information.
Recommended teaching material is found in the following box features:

Activities
Debates
Explore Further
Further Reading
Modern Parallels
Study Questions
Topic Reviews

viii
 How to use this book

Prescribed content and assessment-focused tips and information are found in the follow-
ing box features:

Exam Overviews
Exam Tips
Practice Questions
Prescribed Sources

Material that extends beyond the specification is found in the Stretch and Challenge box
features. Remember that the specification requires students to study extra sources and
material not listed in the specification, so S&C information and exercises will provide a
good place for you to start.

A NOTE ON QUES TIONS

Discussion prompts found in Topic Review boxes and Study Question boxes are not
worded in the form you will find on the exam papers. They are intended to encourage
investigation and revision of the material, but do not reflect the questions you will answer
in the exam. Practice Questions at the end of each topic, and the questions found in the
‘What to Expect in the Exam’ chapters do mirror the format and wording you will
encounter in the exam.

GLOSSARY

At the back of the book you will find a full glossary of key words. These words are also
defined on pages in margin features.
Spellings of names and texts are formatted in line with the OCR specification.
On the Companion Website you will find a colour-coded glossary that highlights
which components the word come from.

IMAGES

Illustrations give you the opportunity to see the ancient visual material you are required
to study, flagged with the PS icon, but also illustrate other relevant aspects of the ancient
world. Often what survives from the ancient world does not provide us with ways to
illustrate what we study. Thus, art, drawings and reconstructions from later periods and
the modern day may be used to illustrate this book. Don’t forget that these are not sources
like your prescribed texts and visual material – they are later interpretations of aspects of
antiquity and do not represent evidence for analysis.

ix
How to use this book

TRANSLATIONS

If not otherwise specified, translations are copyright OCR . Documents of translations

covering the prescribed sources for each component are available from the OCR website
and include OCR and other translations of the texts.

COMPANION WEBSITE

Resources will include

● links to the text of Prescribed Literary Sources

● further images and information on Prescribed Visual/Material Sources
● annotated further reading
● links to websites that give useful contextual material for study
● quizzes on key topics and themes
● worksheets to supplement Activity box features in the book

DON’T FORGET

Look out for cross references to other pages in the book – this is where you will find
further information and be able to link concepts or themes.

x
 PART 1
PERIOD STUDY:
THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, 559–465 BC
 Introduction to the Persian Empire,
559–465 BC

Just over a quarter of your GCSE in Ancient History involves a Period Study on the
Persian Empire between 559 and 465 BC . This provides you with the opportunity to
engage with a fascinating and dynamic civilisation which, in the course of a few decades,
rose from nowhere to become the largest empire then known in history. After an initial
focus on the foundation of the empire under Cyrus the Great, the study examines the
expansion of Persian territory and construction projects of Cyrus’ successors – Cambyses
II , Darius I and Xerxes I – before exploring the Persians’ attempts to expand into Greece
and the resistance they faced.
You will be expected to understand the nature of the Persian Empire in this period and
the role of the kings in shaping its development. Moreover, you should also understand
how the narrative of this 94-year period unfolds: what are the substantial developments,
what are the key issues, and how and why do things change. You should also be aware
that there are three consistent themes for this period study:

● the expansion of Persian territory. A detailed map of this can be seen in Fig 1.1
● the interaction between the Persians and other cultures, particularly the Greeks,
Egyptians and Babylonians
● the personalities and priorities of Cyrus the Great, Cambyses II , Darius I and
Xerxes I, including their priorities on matters of religion and architecture.

As you progress in your studies, make sure to reflect on how these themes are developing
and unfolding.
There are no prescribed sources for this period study, and so the ones you will
encounter in this textbook are only suggestions: you should use the skills you build to
read other texts and sources about this period of history.
To help you in your studies a Further Reading list is to be found at the end of the
Period Study.

2
 Introduction to the Persian Empire, 559–465 BC

FIGURE 1.1
A map of the Persian Empire at its greatest extent in about 500 BC . The shading indicates when territory was gained.

EXAM OVERVIEW J198/01 SECTION A

Your assessment for the Period Study will be

27.5% of the GCSE 60 mins 60 marks

out of 1 hr 45 mins out of 105 marks
for the whole paper for the whole paper*
* This includes 5 marks which are available for spelling, punctuation, grammar and appropriate historical terminology (SPaG).

30 marks will test AO 1: demonstrate knowledge and understanding of the key features and characteristics of
the historical periods studied.

15 marks will test AO 2: analyse and explain historical events and historical periods to arrive at substantiated
judgements.

10 marks will test AO 3: use, analyse and evaluate ancient sources within their historical context.

3
 Part One Period Study

TIMELINE OF KEY DATES

Date (BC )

559 Cyrus becomes king of Persia

550 Cyrus conquers the Medes

c. 546 Cyrus conquers the Lydians

c. 545 The Asiatic Greek cities are brought into the Persian Empire

539 Cyrus conquers Babylon

530s Submission of the lands of the Levant

530 The death of Cyrus. Cambyses II becomes king of Persia

525 Cambyses conquers Egypt

522 The death of Cambyses. Darius I takes power after a revolt.

513 Darius invades Thrace and Scythia

499 Outbreak of the Ionian Revolt

492 Mardonius’ campaign in the north Aegean

490 First Persian invasion of Greece. Persians lose the battle of

Marathon

486 The death of Darius. Xerxes I becomes king of Persia

c. 484 Xerxes crushes a revolt in Egypt

480 Xerxes leads a major invasion of Greece. The Persians win at

Thermopylae but lose at Salamis

479 Persian defeat at Plataea sees them abandon the invasion

c. 469 Athenian-led forces win a major land and sea victory over the
Persians at Eurymedon

465 The death of Xerxes

4
1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under
Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

TIMELINE OVERVIEW

● The background and accession of Cyrus

● The conquest of Lydia
● The conquest of Babylon
● Cyrus’ attitude towards conquered peoples and his liberation of the Jews
● The construction of Pasargadae
● The circumstances of Cyrus’ death.

There are no prescribed sources for this component, but the following suggested readings and
artefacts are covered in this chapter:
● Herodotus Histories 1.25–59; 69–216
● Xenophanes, Fragment DK 21 B22
● Cyrus Cylinder (CB )
● Nabonidus Chronicle
● Old Testament: Isaiah 45, Ezra 6, 2 Chronicles 36
● The archaeological site of Pasargadae.

This chapter will examine the life of Cyrus the Great, and his reign as king of Persia. It
will focus on the legends surrounding his upbringing, and then look at his famous
conquests, especially of the Medes, the Lydians and the Babylonians.

EXAM TIP: SECOND- ORDER CONCEPTS

Question 4 of the exam paper asks you to understand second-order concepts.

These are concepts which historians use as ways of analysing the past. For
example, one second-order concept is ‘cause’, whereby historians try to analyse
what caused a set of events to happen in the way that they did. As you read this
chapter make sure you that you bear in mind the following second-order concepts:
continuity, change, cause, consequence, significance, similarity and difference.

5
 Part One Period Study

KEY PLACES
THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
Near East The vast area
of lands from the The Persian Empire grew up in a part of the world which is sometimes referred to as
Mediterranean to the the Near East. This name of course reflects a European perspective, since it describes
Zagros Mountains, including lands immediately to the east of Europe (the region is sometimes alternatively referred
Egypt to the south-west. to as West Asia). In ancient times, the Near East was home to some of the world’s
Asia Minor (Anatolia) A first civilisations, including the Egyptians and the Sumerians, which date back to the
region roughly equivalent
5th millennium BC .
to modern Turkey.
The Near East can itself be divided into regions as follows (you should consult Fig 1.1
The Levant A region
on p. 3 to help you locate these places):
incorporating a number of
independent peoples on ● Asia Minor (also known as Anatolia), an area which roughly corresponds to the
the eastern Mediterranean
western two-thirds of modern Turkey
coast, from southern Turkey
to north-eastern Egypt.
● The Levant, a term describing the lands on the eastern Mediterranean coast, from
Egypt An ancient southern Turkey to north-eastern Egypt. Two significant peoples in this region
civilisation which had long were the Jews, a people inhabiting a hill kingdom with its capital at Jerusalem,
been powerful due to the and the Phoenicians, a sea-faring people based on the Mediterranean coast.
fertility of its land. ● Egypt, a region which owed its power and success to its location in the fertile
Mesopotamia A fertile Nile Valley.
region corresponding to ● Mesopotamia, a region roughly corresponding to modern Iraq. It is a Greek
modern Iraq, between the
Euphrates and Tigris rivers.
name which means ‘between the rivers’, and this fertile region was located
between the Euphrates to the west and the Tigris to the east.
Zagros Mountains A
range of mountains To the east of the Tigris river lay the Zagros Mountains, a range nearly 1,000 miles
running from northern
long which runs from the north of Mesopotamia south-east to the Persian Gulf. At the
Mesopotamia to the
Persian Gulf. south-western end of the mountain range was the small kingdom of Persia, with its
Persia A small kingdom to
capital at Anshan. This kingdom grew up during the middle of the 7th century BC , at
the east of Mesopotamia. which time it took over an older kingdom to the north, Elam, the capital of which was
Anshan The capital of Susa. The Persians seem to have absorbed a good deal of Elamite culture and adminis-
Persia. trative skill, as well as the Elamite language.
Elam An older kingdom Cyrus became king of Persia in 559. By the time that he died in 530, he had conquered
absorbed by the Persians. all of the Near East apart from Egypt (which his son Cambyses would go on to conquer
Susa The capital of Elam. – see p. 22), as well as a vast expanse of lands to the east of the Zagros Mountains, in a
Central Asia The lands to region now known as Central Asia. To understand how he did this, we must first examine
the north and east of the the regional powers at play in the Near East in the 6th century BC .
Zagros Mountains.
By 600, there were a number of regional powers in the Near East. To the west, the two
most important were the Egyptians, whose civilisation was flourishing at this time, and
KEY PEOPLE the Lydians, who ruled the western half of Asia Minor from their capital Sardis.
The Jews A people from Further east, until the end of the 7th century, one people had been dominant. They
the Levant whose capital were the Assyrians, who were based in northern Mesopotamia and had ruled as far as
was Jerusalem. the Levant for three centuries. However, they were overthrown in 612 by two other
The Phoenicians A peoples who now became the dominant powers in the region: the Babylonians and the
people who lived in Medes. Babylonian civilisation was very old and was centred on the city of Babylon
the Levant on the
in Mesopotamia. For centuries, the Babylonians had been ruled by other peoples, but
Mediterranean coast.
by 600 they had established a powerful empire in Mesopotamia and the Levant. This is

6
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

FIGURE 1.2
This glazed brick depiction of
a lion was set up in Babylon
in the early 6th century BC .
The lion represented the
King of Babylon. Later
Persian art was heavily
influenced by this style.

KEY PEOPLE
Lydians A people who
ruled the western half of
Asia Minor.
Assyrians A people of
sometimes known as the Neo-Babylonian Empire, to distinguish it from the Babylonian northern Mesopotamia
Empire which had flourished centuries earlier (the prefix ‘neo’ means ‘new’). who held power over a
The Medes were based in the Zagros Mountains and were pastoral mountain people much wider region until
famous for their skill with horses. It is unclear whether there was one unified Median the end of the 7th century.
empire, or whether the Medes were a collection of mountain tribes which worked together Babylonians An ancient
against common enemies. Their largest city was Ecbatana, located on the eastern side of people from the city of
Babylon in Mesopotamia.
the mountain range. It is likely that they had influence on some peoples to the west of the
Medes A group of
Zagros range, including the kingdom of Persia. Indeed, the Medes and the Persians were
peoples based in the
ethnically related peoples who had probably originally migrated from Central Asia. Zagros Mountains.

The sources KEY PLACES

When we embark on studying any period of history, we have to ask ourselves two ques- Sardis The capital of Lydia.
tions. The first is ‘what sources do we have for this period of history?’ and the second is Neo-Babylonian
‘how reliable are these sources?’ As these questions suggest, we are often hampered by Empire The empire ruled
by the Babylonians from
two problems when studying the ancient past. The first is that we simply do not have
the end of the 7th century,
enough evidence, since written records have been lost or were never in existence in the which encompassed much
first place. The second is that all historians and writers have their own perspectives and of Mesopotamia and the
agendas. Studying Ancient History can therefore sometimes be like doing a jigsaw Levant.
puzzle where you don’t have all the pieces, and where you are not sure that some of the Ecbatana The largest city
pieces that you do have are accurately drawn. of the Medes.
The sources for the rise of the Persian Empire in the 6th century are rather like this
jigsaw puzzle. Many of our writings on the Persian Empire are by Greeks, who were the
KEY INDIVIDUAL
first people to develop narrative history. The most famous such Greek writer was Herodotus.
Herodotus
His work, which today is known as the Histories, was probably written and published in Dates: c. 484–c. 425
the 430s and 420s. In it he wrote a history of the events of the wars between the Greeks and A Greek historian who
the Persians which lasted between 499 and 479. Herodotus traced the causes of the war wrote about the causes
back to the time when Cyrus first became king of Persia in 559 (having chosen to pass over and course of the wars
Persian traditions which linked the causes of the conflict back to the Trojan war and other between the Greeks and
the Persians from 499 to
events from the mythological past). He therefore gives a lot of information about the life
479.
and reign of Cyrus, as well as of his successors.

7
 Part One Period Study

ACTIVITY MODERN PARALLEL

Play a game of Even today, newspapers or media organisations are understood to have a partic-
‘Whispers’ in your class. ular political stance on current affairs. Can you think of examples of this in the
What does this suggest modern media? Do you think that media organisations should be required to give
about the reliability of
a balance of views all the time? Find a news article about the same event from
passing on stories by
two different news sources. To what extent do they present the same informa-
word of mouth?
tion in the same way?

EXPLORE FURTHER
However, we should remember that Herodotus was writing more than a century after
You can read an online
many of these events. Moreover, most of his research was conducted by recording stories
translation of the
Nabonidus Chronicle, and
about the past which had not been written down but had rather been passed down by
all the other key texts word of mouth. Over the decades, people no doubt exaggerated things and added in extra
relating to Cyrus’ information. Furthermore, it is thought that Herodotus did not speak any Persian
conquest of Babylon, language, so the stories would have come to him via translation. So it is better to think of
here: http://www.livius.
Herodotus as someone who recorded many traditions of the past. He sometimes gives
org/ct-cz/cyrus_I/
babylon01.html competing or alternative versions of an event.
There are a number of non-Greek sources for the rise of the Persian Empire too,
although they are more limited and fragmentary in scope. One important source is a
Nabonidus Chronicle a Babylonian tablet called the Nabonidus Chronicle. It was most probably written by a
year-by-year account of the Babylonian scribe in the late 6th or early 5th century, and it gives a year-by-year account
reign of Nabonidus, written
of the reign of Nabonidus, the last king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. This enables us
by a Babylonian scribe
some time around 500
to date many of the events of this period of Near Eastern history.

KEY INDIVIDUAL CYRUS’ CONQUEST OF THE MEDES

Nabonidus
Dates: reigned from 555 We know little about the early years of Cyrus’ rule of Persia in the 550s. According to the
to 539 Nabonidus Chronicle, in 550 he won a conflict against the Medes, whose king at that
The last king of the time was Astyages. This is the brief entry which the chronicle gives for the conflict (the
Neo-Babylonian Empire.
square brackets indicate where the text has not survived and modern scholars have
suggested additions):
KEY INDIVIDUAL [Astyages] mustered [his army] and marched against Cyrus, king of Anshan, for
Astyages conquest . . . the army mutinied against Astyages and he was taken prisoner. They
Dates: reigned until 550 handed him over to Cyrus . . . Cyrus marched to Ecbatana, the royal city. Silver, gold,
King of the Medes, goods, property . . . which he carried off as booty [from] Ecbatana, he took to Anshan.
defeated by Cyrus.
Nabonidus Chronicle, II .1–4 (LACTOR 16, 11)

We do not know why Astyages chose to lead an army against the Persians, or how Cyrus
had the means to defeat the Medes in battle. It might have been that the Persians were
somehow under Median control and were threatening to rebel, but it is equally possible
that the Persians were simply looking to expand their territory and Astyages was
threatened by this. Either way, it is important to note that Astyages’ army is reported to
have mutinied.

8
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

Herodotus (1.108–130) gives a far more detailed account of this conflict, although one
which clearly contains many exaggerations by later Persian sources. Indeed, Herodotus’
story has a number of themes common in folktales. The account begins before Cyrus was
born, when Astyages dreamt that his daughter, Mandane, would one day have a son who
become king, but not by peaceful means. Astyages therefore chose to remove his daugh-
ter far from Ecbatana by marrying her off to a king of the distant and minor kingdom of KEY INDIVIDUALS
Persia, Cambyses I. Mandane soon became pregnant, but then Astyages had a second Cambyses I
dream predicting that his grandson would overthrow him. Astyages brought Mandane Dates: reigned until 551
back to his court and kept watch on her. After the baby (Cyrus) was born, he summoned Father of Cyrus and king of
Persia.
a trusted adviser, Harpagus, and told him to have the baby killed. Harpagus did not have
the heart to do this himself, and so he ordered a herdsman to expose the baby on a moun- Harpagus
Dates: mid 6th century BC
tainside. The herdsman could not bear to kill the baby either, and so he and his wife
A trusted adviser to
passed the baby off as their own and raised him.
Astyages who later came
Even as a shepherd boy, Cyrus showed remarkable leadership abilities, and at the age to support Cyrus.
of ten he fell into a fight with the son of a Median noble. As a result, he was brought
before Astyages. The king was taken aback by the nobility and dignity of the supposed
shepherd boy, and after some questioning, he discovered the truth – the boy was none
other than Cyrus, his grandson. Astyages was pleased to see him after all, but he exacted
a terrible revenge on Harpagus. He had Harpagus’ son killed and cooked in a stew, which
he served up to Harpagus without telling him what was in it. It was only after Harpagus
had eaten the stew and declared that he had enjoyed it that Astyages had a platter brought
out on which were the son’s head, hands and feet.
Astyages decided that Cyrus did not pose a great threat to him after all, but sent him
away to grow up in Persia just to be on the safe side. Back at Ecbatana, Harpagus contin-
ued to serve Astyages, but quietly plotted his revenge. He kept in touch with Cyrus, and
secretly encouraged other Median nobles to rebel against Astyages and support Cyrus
instead. When Cyrus became king of Persia as a young man, Harpagus encouraged him EXPLORE FURTHER
to attack Astyages and promised him the support of Median aristocrats. When Astyages Read Herodotus’ account
saw that a war was coming, he appointed Harpagus as general of his army, being unaware of the history of the
of his plot. The two sides met and the majority of the Median army either switched sides Medes to their conquest
by Cyrus at Histories
or fled. Cyrus became king of the Medes, although he allowed Astyages to live on in
1.95–130.
retirement.

S Herodotus’ story of Cyrus’ childhood and defeat of Astyages has many folktale
& elements, and most scholars would say that it reflects later Persian traditions
C which sought to make Cyrus, the first great king of the Persian Empire, as
heroic as possible, as well as someone destined to become king even before
his birth.
Find out about the following legends from other cultures: Oedipus; Atreus
and Thyestes; Tereus and Procne; Romulus and Remus; and Moses. What
features do these stories share with Herodotus’ legend of Cyrus? What role
do the gods or fate play in each of these stories? Which elements of the
stories do you think might be based on historical events?

9
 Part One Period Study

Herodotus’ version of events must largely be based on later folktales, and there is no
Study question
non-Greek source which makes Cyrus the grandson of Astyages, or even a relative of his.
Can you think of any
legends or rumours This aspect of the story was no doubt introduced by later Persian sources who wished to
which have grown up present Cyrus as the legitimate ruler of the Medes. However, it is interesting to note that
about modern public Herodotus’ account matches the Nabonidus Chronicle in one very important way:
figures or leaders? If so, Astyages’ army rebelled against their king which allowed Cyrus to claim victory.
how did they develop?

KEY INDIVIDUAL
THE CONQUEST OF LYDIA
Croesus
Dates: c. 595–c. 520 Having taken over the lands ruled by the Medes, Cyrus next came into conflict with the
King of Lydia between 560
Lydians. Herodotus (1.71–91) gives a detailed account of this conflict, but there are no
and 546. He then became non-Greek sources to compare his version with.
an adviser to Cyrus and Herodotus gives a good deal of background context about the kingdom of Lydia
Cambyses II . (1.25–59), It had been ruled since 560 by King Croesus, who was famous for his great
wealth. Among the peoples that the Lydians ruled were Greeks, who lived in many cities
along the coastline of western Asia Minor. Indeed, centuries beforehand Greeks had
KEY PEOPLE settled this coastline and Greek culture was well established there. The Greeks who lived
Asiatic Greeks Greeks there are sometimes referred to as Asiatic Greeks. There were even distinct regions
who lived on the western within this large area of Greek settlement. Two of the most important were Aeolis and
coastline of Asia Minor.
Ionia. Aeolis was on the central coast of Asia Minor and consisted of eleven cities,
including the island of Lesbos. Ionia was further south and consisted of twelve cities,
including two island-states, Chios and Samos. The region’s most powerful city was
KEY PLACES Miletus. During the 6th century Ionia saw a great intellectual enlightenment and it was
Aeolis A region of eleven home to some influential early scientists and philosophers.
Greek cities on the central
coast of the eastern
Aegean Sea.
Ionia A region of twelve
Greek cities on the
southern coast of the
eastern Aegean Sea.
Miletus The most
powerful city of Ionia.

FIGURE 1.3
The cities of Ionia.

10
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

Croesus of Lydia conquered the Greek cities of Asia Minor in c. 555 and forced them
KEY PLACES
to pay tribute (in this instance, tribute refers to taxation paid by subject peoples to a
Lydia A kingdom which
ruler). The only exception was Miletus: decades beforehand, the Lydians and the
controlled most of western
Milesians had fought an inconclusive war and agreed afterwards to become friends and Asia Minor.
allies. Croesus gave some thought to attacking the islands of the eastern Aegean such as Delphi One of the most
Lesbos, Chios and Samos, but decided against it since he did not have a fleet to match important sanctuaries of
them. He therefore made a treaty of friendship with their peoples. Croesus was appar- Greek religion, sacred to
ently a great admirer of Greek culture who left fabulous gifts at Delphi, one of the the god Apollo. Located in
central Greece, people
greatest sanctuaries of Greek religion where people travelled to receive oracles from the
travelled there to receive
god Apollo. Croesus also recruited mercenaries from mainland Greek states at Delphi. oracles from the god.
Croesus was alarmed by Cyrus’ conquest of the Medes and believed that his own
kingdom might be under threat as well. He therefore decided to make a pre-emptive
attack on the newly powerful Persians. The boundary between the Lydians and the Medes EXPLORE FURTHER

had long been established at the river Halys, and in 546 Croesus led his army across this Herodotus tells an
entertaining story
river and the two sides prepared to meet at Pteria. Before they fought, Cyrus sent
about how Croesus
messages to representatives of the Ionians, asking them to detach themselves from misinterpreted an oracle
Croesus’ army, but they refused. The battle which followed saw great losses on both from Delphi about
sides, and was inconclusive. Croesus saw that he needed a larger force and so, with whether he should
winter closing in, he withdrew his troops to Sardis. He intended to appeal for help to launch an attack on the
Persians. Read Histories
three peoples with whom he had treaties of alliance: the Babylonians, the Egyptians, and
1.46–56 and 1.86.1. Which
the Spartans, the most powerful people on the Greek mainland. elements of this story do
Ancient armies rarely fought during the winter months, and so Croesus assumed that you think might be true?
he had time on his side. He disbanded his troops and sent messages to his allies to
provide troops in four months’ time. Cyrus, however, made a daring counter-attack on
oracle something or
the Lydians, marching his army all the way to Sardis at great speed. The Lydians had a someone which predicts
strong cavalry, but Harpagus came up with a clever plan to defeat it: the Persians put the future
camels in their front line, knowing that horses are terrified of them. The Lydians came off tribute taxation paid by
subject peoples to a ruler

FIGURE 1.4
A view of Sardis today.

11
 Part One Period Study

FIGURE 1.5 worse in the ensuing battle, and retreated into Sardis to try to withstand a siege. Croesus
A red-figure Greek vase from sent an appeal to all his allies for help, including the Spartans. They prepared to send
the early 5th century
showing Croesus about to
help, but before their troops could set sail, a second messenger arrived to say that Sardis
be burnt on a pyre. had already been captured. The Persians managed to conquer the city by finding a way
to climb its walls. The Persians thus took control of the Lydian empire.
One consequence of the Persian victory over the
Lydians was that the Greek cities of Asia Minor were
now liable to be brought into the Persian Empire. The
Ionians and Aeolians sent envoys to Cyrus to ask for
the same terms as they had received under Croesus,
but the Persian king rejected their request, saying that
they had wasted their opportunity by not revolting
when he requested it before the battle of Pteria. The
Ionian cities prepared for war, and requested aid from
Sparta. The only exception was Miletus, which had
managed to obtain the same terms from Cyrus as they
had received from Croesus. The Spartans declined to
send help to the Ionians, but they did send a ship to
observe Persian activity, and an envoy who ordered
the Persians not to attack any Greek city. Cyrus was
unimpressed by this. However, he now wanted to
attack other peoples, including the Babylonians
and the Egyptians, and so he left behind one of his
generals, Tabalus, as governor of Sardis and with
responsibility for conquering the Ionians.
As soon as Cyrus departed, however, the Lydians
rose up, led by Pactyes, a senior Lydian official who
had been appointed to assist Tabalus. The revolt failed,
and in 545 Harpagus led the Persians on a revenge
mission. The cities of Ionia and Aeolis were a key target,
since they had harboured Pactyes. Herodotus gives
particular details of the campaign against Ionia. The
peoples of two Ionian cities, Phocaea and Teos, evacuated their cities and emigrated
elsewhere, and Harpagus soon brought all the Ionian cities to submission with the

S Croesus was taken captive and Cyrus initially ordered that he be burnt to
& death on a pyre. However, when it started raining heavily, Cyrus perceived
C that the gods wanted to save Croesus, and so he ordered for the fire to be
put out and Croesus to be saved. Croesus then became an adviser to the
Persian king. This story was known in the Greek sources even before the
time of Herodotus: the early 5th century Greek vase shown in Figure 1.5
depicts Croesus on top of the pyre. Why might it be interesting that this story
is told on a Greek vase at this time?

12
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

exception of Miletus, which had already come to terms with Cyrus. The Aeolians were also
brought to submission and Herodotus even reports that islands such as Chios and Samos
also surrendered to Cyrus out of fear. The Greeks of Asia Minor were now subjects of the
Persian king.
This must have been a defining moment for these peoples, and we get a possible KEY INDIVIDUAL
glimpse of this from a surviving fragment of a poem by Xenophanes, a Greek philo- Xenophanes
sopher and social and religious critic. He was a young man at the time of the Persian Dates: c. 570–c. 480
conquest. In the following lines, he seems to refer to this momentous event: A Greek thinker from the
Ionian city of Colophon
One ought to say such things as these, beside a fire in wintertime who emigrated from Ionia
lying fully fed on a soft couch, to southern Italy some
drinking sweet wine and eating chick-peas for dessert: time after the Persian
conquest of 545.
‘Who among men are you, and what family are you from?’, ‘How old are you,
good sir?’,
and ‘What age were you when the Mede came?’
Xenophanes DK 21 B22

Xenophanes here asks all the traditional questions of a host to his guest at a dinner
EXPLORE FURTHER
party, but with one poignant addition, which suggests that the Persian invasion was a
Read Herodotus’ account
life-changing event. Indeed, the poet himself seems to have emigrated to southern Italy
of the conflict between
and Sicily after this. It is also notable here that he uses the term ‘Mede’ to refer to the the Persians and the
Persians. It was commonplace for Greek writers to confuse the two or merge them into Lydians for yourself at
one entity. Histories 1.71–91
There is no context to this quotation which might allow us to establish how wide-
spread this view of the Persian invasion was. It is likely that the poem was recited at an
aristocratic dinner party and tempting to believe that the sentiment would have been
shared by the audience. However, we cannot be certain, and the fact that these lines are
the only Asiatic Greek perspective we have on the invasion illustrates how little we know
of the Asiatic Greek experience of these years.

THE CONQUEST OF BABYLON

Between 546 and 539 Herodotus claims that Cyrus was engaged in campaigns to the east
of Persia. He gives little details of these campaigns and we have no other sources of
information about them. Then, in 539, he turned his attention to the Babylonian Empire,
now the great rival to Cyrus’ new empire. There are a number of Babylonian sources on
this conquest, but all are fragmentary and one-sided in favour of Cyrus. Indeed, the
Persian king seems to have been very good at propaganda. The Nabonidus Chronicle
again gives a very short account of the campaign:

In the month Tasritu (September/October) when Cyrus did battle at Opis on the
[bank of] the Tigris against the army of Akkad, the people of Akkad retreated. He
carried off the plunder [and] slaughtered the people. On the fourteenth day Sippar
was captured without a battle. Nabonidus fled. On the 16th day (12th October 539)
Ugbaru, governor of the Guti, and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without a

13
 Part One Period Study

battle. Afterwards, after Nabonidus had retreated, he was captured in Babylon . . .

There was peace in the city while Cyrus spoke [his] greeting to all of Babylon.
Nabonidus Chronicle, III .12–20 (LACTOR 16, 11)

Herodotus (1.188–191) also gives an account of the conquest, but one which is not
particularly long or insightful. In his version, the Babylonians had prepared themselves
for a siege. However, the Persians managed to get into the city by diverting the Euphrates
and wading along the river to the point where it flowed into Babylon. Scholars doubt this
account, and it seems likely that there must have been some treachery within Babylon in
order to help the Persians enter. In his prelude to this campaign, Herodotus talks about
the city of Babylon and makes an important point about the size and importance of
Babylon as a city at this time:

Babylon lies in a wide plain, a vast city in the size of a square with sides nearly
fourteen miles long and a circuit of some fifty-six miles, and in addition to its
enormous size it surpasses in splendour any city of the known world.
Herodotus, Histories, 1.178

The fall of Babylon was a turning point in the history of the ancient Near East. After this,
the Persians were able to take control of all the lands of the Levant as well. We have no
information about how this was accomplished, although it seems that some peoples may
have welcomed Cyrus as a liberator from Babylonian rule.
Cyrus certainly presented himself as just such a liberator. In the Babylonian sources,
KEY INDIVIDUAL Nabonidus is portrayed as a wicked king who disrespected the Babylonian gods, partic-
Marduk ularly the great god Marduk. He did not celebrate the great Babylonian New Year
The greatest god of festival properly, he removed divine statues from subject peoples, and he started to
Babylonian religion.

FIGURE 1.6
A reconstruction of the
Ishtar Gate, one of the main
ceremonial gateways into
the city of Babylon. It was
constructed in c. 575.

14
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

favour the moon goddess Sin ahead of Marduk. A key source here is known as the
Cyrus Cylinder, a barrel-shaped clay cylinder which today can be seen in the British
Museum. On it is inscribed in Akkadian a cuneiform text describing his conquest cuneiform an early
of Babylonia. Cyrus clearly tries to link himself to earlier kings of Assyria and system of writing a script
by making wedge-shaped
Babylon. Of particular interest is the way in which he presents himself as being chosen
marks on clay tablets with
by Marduk to restore order and proper religious practice to Babylon, after the impiety of a blunt reed
Nabonidus.

Marduk . . . critically examined all the countries, and searched for a just ruler who
suited his heart. He took Cyrus, king of Anshan, by the hand, proclaimed his
nomination, called his name for the lordship over the whole world.
Cyrus Cylinder, 11–12 (LACTOR 16, 12)

The account continues by saying that Cyrus was welcomed by other peoples of
EXPLORE FURTHER
Mesopotamia, who knelt before him and kissed his feet.
Achaemenid Royal
Even if this is a strongly propagandist account, it is fascinating that Cyrus was willing Inscriptions
to associate himself with a foreign god to legitimise his rule. Very often in human
You can read translations
history, conquerors have forced captives to convert to the conqueror religion, and it is and commentary on
notable that the Persians did not seek to do this. On the contrary, Cyrus wanted to be the Cyrus Cylinder
seen as the divinely appointed restorer of the traditional Babylonian religion. Indeed, and all the other
surviving inscriptions
he extended this policy to the other peoples he had conquered in Mesopotamia and
commissioned by the
beyond: Persian kings here: http://
From [Nineveh], Assur and Susa, from Akkad, Esunna, Zamban, Meturnu, and Der, to www.livius.org/aa-ac/
achaemenians/
the land of Gutium, the cult places on the other side of the Tigris, whose sanctuaries
inscriptions.html
had been deserted a long time ago, I returned [their] gods to their [rightful] place, and
let them be housed there forever.
Cyrus Cylinder, 30–32 (LACTOR 16, 12)

One people not mentioned on the Cylinder, but who benefited from this policy, were the
Jews. They had been conquered by the Neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar around
600, and there followed a series of rebellions after which many educated Jews were

EXAM TIP: SIGNIFICANCE ACTIVITY

Read the text of the
In your exam, Question 4 may ask a question which will ask you to assess the Cyrus Cylinder (CB ) and
significance of an event or person. To answer this question effectively you will the Nabonidus Chronicle.
need to assess whether the event or person was a turning point or had a major In class, have a debate
impact upon an aspect of Persian history. about how significant
Question 4 will be linked to a source. Make sure you use the source and your Cyrus’ conquest of
own knowledge to make a judgement about its significance. Your conclusion Babylon might have
should state ‘how far’ it was significant. been for the lives of
The Activity on the right will help you to develop the skills you need to answer the peoples of the
questions on similarity and difference in an exam. Neo-Babylonian Empire.

15
 Part One Period Study

FIGURE 1.7
The Cyrus Cylinder is today
displayed in the British
Museum.

taken from Jerusalem and the surrounding lands as exiles to Babylon. When Cyrus
Study questions
conquered Babylon, Jewish writers record that he allowed these exiled Jews to return to
1 Do you think that Jerusalem and set himself up as their liberator. In the Old Testament, chapter 45 of the
Cyrus was wise to book of Isaiah, written down by Jewish scribes in the 530s, describes Cyrus as a
support local religious
traditions and present
‘messiah’, a special term reserved only for those most blessed by God who have acted as
himself as a liberator? liberators of the Jewish people. Cyrus is the only non-Jew in the Bible to be described in
How do you think that this way. Moreover, in two other books of the Old Testament, Ezra 6 and 2 Chronicles
he benefited from this 36, Cyrus is credited with ordering the rebuilding of the temple in Jerusalem.
himself?
2 What might have been
the consequences of
Cyrus’ liberation of PASARGADAE
Babylon for the
peoples of Soon after his conquest of the Lydians, Cyrus commissioned a new royal palace to be
Mesopotamia
built at a place called Pasargadae. This was located in the heart of Persia in a fertile
and beyond?
3 Are there any other valley in the Zagros Mountains, and close to an important trade route. The new palace
examples from history followed in the tradition of earlier Near Eastern palaces, which were not simply royal
of conquering empires residences where kings lived. They could also be administrative centres, while many had
respecting the public areas, both indoors and outdoors, where kings could receive visitors. In addition,
religious traditions of
palace art and architecture could serve to promote the king’s power and ideology.
the peoples they
conquer? Pasargadae offers some of the earliest examples of Persian art and architecture, which
show influence from a number of other civilisations, including those of the Egyptians,
the Assyrians, the Babylonians and the Phoenicians.
The remains at Pasargadae are relatively sparse but still give an idea of what the site
might have looked like. It encompassed 400 acres in total. On a hill elevated above the
plain a citadel was built which looked over the palace complex below. The rest of the site

16
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

was in the plain, and it consisted of a number of monumental buildings set in spacious
gardens, which contained a variety of trees, shrubs and grasses. The gardens were well
irrigated and interwoven with paths and stone waterways. The waterways alone reached
paradaiza the Persian
a length of over 1,100 metres. Greek authors emphasise the beauty of the gardens. As a word for a walled garden,
result the Persian word for a walled garden, paradaiza, was borrowed by Greeks to from which we derive
describe a place of great beauty, and we have derived the word ‘paradise’ from this. ‘paradise’

FIGURE 1.8
A plan of the palace complex
at Pasargadae.

17
 Part One Period Study

A number of different buildings have been identified in the palace complex, which was
entered through a monumental entrance gateway. One stone pillar has survived from this
gateway, and on it was carved a relief of a winged figure, about 3 metres in height. Passing
through the gateway, a visitor crossed over a canal via a bridge, which led to a columned
audience hall, known today by archaeologists as Palace S. The hall was surrounded by
porticoes and decorated with carvings of lions, bulls and other animals. On either side of
the entrance way to the hall are the partial remains of four figures carved in relief. On one
side, a human figure is followed by an eagle-footed monster. On the other side, a bare-
footed human figure in a fish-skin cloak is followed by another figure, only the bottom
part of which remains: the legs and tail of a bull. By comparing with Assyrian art, these
figures have been identified as a warrior, a lion demon, a divine figure and a bull-man.
Beyond Palace S lay the rest of the complex. Two smaller pavilions have been identified,
which seem to have formed two of the three entrances to the central royal gardens, which
were divided into four parts. At the other end of these gardens was the main palace building,
known as Palace P, where Cyrus is believed to have lived. Palace P was built in white stone,
while traces of painted plaster have also been found. It was significant that all the main
buildings of Pasargadae were built of stone, since buildings at that time were normally built
from mudbrick and wood. Like Palace S, Palace P had a rectangular columned hall surroun-
ded by porticoes. Four poorly preserved reliefs have been discovered around the sides of
the hall, each showing a king leaving the hall, followed by an attendant.
Just beyond the main complex was another structure, today known as the Zendan.
This was a stone tower with a height of about 12.5 metres. Only one side of it has
survived, but an almost identical tower remains intact at Naqs-e Rustam, the burial place

FIGURE 1.9
The tomb of Cyrus today.

Study questions
1 Why do you think that
art and architecture
are often so important
for a king to promote
a political or social
message?
2 Using Figure 1.1 on
page 3, list all the
modern countries
which contain land
conquered by Cyrus
during his reign.

18
 1.1 The Rise of the Persian Empire under Cyrus the Great, 559–530 BC

of later Persian kings. It is unclear what the Zendan was used for, but one suggestion is
ACTIVITY
that it may have played a role in the coronation ceremonies of a new Persian king.
Using a photograph of
Half a mile south of this main complex is a stone tomb assumed to be the tomb of
the tomb of Cyrus, draw
Cyrus. In contrast to the rest of the site, this monument has survived. The design or sketch your own
shows influences from a number of different cultures. In total, it measures about 13.75 × version of it
12.25 metres, with a height of 11 metres. The lower part is a stepped platform, about five
metres high, and on this is the tomb itself, which was 2 × 3 metres with a height of
2 metres. It is shaped like a house with a saddle-roof. Cyrus is believed to have been
buried in a gold sarcophagus together with his arms, jewellery and a cloak. Again, the
gardens nearby were an important feature – the monument located in a grassy meadow
with a number of trees surrounding it.

THE DEATH OF CYRUS

After his conquest of Babylon, little is known of the details of many of Cyrus’ conquests.
It seems that he campaigned and won new territory in Central Asia, and the Nabonidus
Chronicle reports that he died in 530. Herodotus (1.201–216) gives a detailed account of
his final campaign against a central Asian tribe called the Massagetae, led by their fear- KEY INDIVIDUAL
some queen Tomyris. He advanced with his forces to the Araxes river, which was the Tomyris
boundary between Persian and Massagetae territory. Tomyris suggested to Cyrus that the Dates: reigned around 530
two peoples should leave each other alone, but failing that that they should agree where Queen of the Massagetae,
to fight a battle. She offered to fight him on her side of the river or on his. All of Cyrus’ a central Asian tribe.

advisers recommended fighting on the Persian side of the river, except for Croesus. At
this point, Croesus utters words of wisdom which illustrate one of the key themes in EXPLORE FURTHER
Herodotus’ work – that human fortune never lasts: Read Herodotus’ account
of Cyrus’ death at
Doubtless, if you think that you and your men are immortal, there is little point in my
Histories 1.201–216. How
telling you my opinion. But if you recognise the fact that both you and the troops under
accurate do you think
your command are merely human, then the first thing I would tell you is that human life this story is likely to be?
is like a revolving wheel and never allows the same man to continue long in prosperity.
Herodotus, Histories, 1.207
KEY INDIVIDUAL
Despite this warning, Cyrus decided not to follow Croesus’ advice. Instead, he sent him Spargapises
back to Persia with his son, Cambyses, whom he had named as his heir. Dates: died in 530
In the first engagement between the two sides, the Persians got the better of things The son of Tomyris, who
through trickery. They captured Tomyris’ son, Spargapises, who then killed himself in died during the war with
the Persians.
captivity. Tomyris was enraged, and a second fierce battle was fought. The Massagetae
were victorious, and Cyrus was amongst the dead. The Massagetae found his body and
brought it to the queen. She ordered for his head to be cut off, collected a leather bag Study question
filled with blood, and dropped the head into it. However, even Herodotus admits that this From what you have read
dramatic story is just one version of the death of Cyrus. He says that he heard many, but about him, what sort of
that this one was the most credible. One later Greek writer recorded that Cyrus died personality do you
imagine Cyrus to have
peacefully in his new capital city. What is not in doubt, however, is the respect and awe
been?
in which he was held by later Persians, who called him Cyrus the Great.

19
 Part One Period Study

TIMELINE REVIEW

Boost your knowledge

Describe:
● The various peoples involved in the politics of the Near East in the 6th century BC
● Cyrus’ conquests of the Medes, the Lydians and the Babylonians
● Herodotus’ tradition of the childhood and upbringing of Cyrus
● The key features of the site of Pasargadae.

Stretch your under standing

Explain:
● The key sources and their limitations: Herodotus, the Nabonidus Chronicle and the Cyrus Cylinder
● What the most important gaps in our knowledge of the campaigns of Cyrus are
● Cyrus’ policy towards foreign religions
● Which lands were conquered by Cyrus, and how they relate to a map of the world today.

PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Name two major cities that Cyrus conquered. [2]

2. Passage A

In the first year of King Cyrus, the king issued a decree concerning the temple of God in Jerusalem:

Let the temple be rebuilt as a place to present sacrifices, and let its foundations be laid. It is to be sixty cubits
high and sixty cubits wide, with three courses of large stones and one of timbers. The costs are to be paid
by the royal treasury. Also, the gold and silver articles of the house of God, which Nebuchadnezzar took from
the temple in Jerusalem and brought to Babylon, are to be returned to their places in the temple in Jerusalem;
they are to be deposited in the house of God.
Now then, Tattenai, governor of Trans-Euphrates, and Shethar-Bozenai and you other officials of that
province, stay away from there. Do not interfere with the work on this temple of God. Let the governor of
the Jews and the Jewish elders rebuild this house of God on its site.

Ezra 6.3–7

cubits: a cubit was an ancient measure of length, approximately equal to 45 cm.

Using details from Passage A and your own knowledge, what can we learn about Cyrus’ policy
towards foreign religions? [10]

20
1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the
Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

TIMELINE OVERVIEW

● Cambyses’ conquest of Egypt

● Cambyses’ attitude towards the Egyptians and their culture
● The circumstances of Cambyses’ death
● Darius’ overthrow of Smerdis/Bardiya/Gaumata.

There are no prescribed sources for this component, but the following suggested readings and
artefacts are covered in this chapter:
● Herodotus, Histories 2.1; 3.1–38; 3.61–88; 5.25
● Bisitun Inscription (DB ) 10–15; 68–69
● The account of Udjahorresne
● Epitaph to the Apis Bull, November 524.

This chapter will examine the reign of Cambyses II, king of Persia between 530 and 522
KEY INDIVIDUAL
BC , and in particular his conquest of Egypt. It will then focus on the events surrounding
Cambyses II
his death and succession, which culminated in the accession of Darius I to the throne.
Dates: reigned from 530
to 522
Son of Cyrus and king of
CAMBYSES IN THE SOURCES Persia.

It is almost impossible to form an objective view about the character of Cambyses II

as king. The Greek sources, most notably Herodotus, paint him very negatively as a
cruel king who went mad and insulted the gods. As we shall see, Herodotus was no
doubt working from heavily biased Egyptian sources and his portrayal cannot be
taken at face value. Indeed, it seems that ancient writers liked to contrast Cyrus as
the ideal ‘good ruler’ with Cambyses as the typical ‘cruel tyrant’. Moreover, we know
very little of the empire during Cambyses’ reign apart from what we are told about
the conquest of Egypt. It is therefore very hard to form any opinion as to his qualities as
a ruler.

21
 Part One Period Study

However, what is not in doubt is that in August 530 Cambyses followed his father as
KEY INDIVIDUAL
king in a smooth transition. On the Cyrus Cylinder, Cambyses is the only son named by
Bardiya/Smerdis
Cyrus, although Persian and Babylonian sources record that Cambyses had a younger
Younger brother of
brother, Bardiya. Herodotus calls this younger brother not Bardiya but Smerdis, but
Cambyses, known in the
Persian and Babylonian
they are one and the same person. It seems clear that Cambyses was the named heir and
records as Bardiya, and to that the change of king in 530 did not bring unrest to the empire.
Herodotus as Smerdis.

THE CONQUEST OF EGYPT

Cambyses soon turned his attentions to Egypt, a campaign which Herodotus describes at
3.1–13. He reports three different stories in circulation which explained the reason for
the invasion. However, he describes the first as a ‘pretext’ and discounts the other two out
KEY INDIVIDUAL of hand. In the first, an Egyptian doctor working at Cyrus’ court advised the king to
Amasis request of Amasis, the king of Egypt, that Cambyses should marry Amasis’ daughter.
Dates: reigned from 570 The doctor did this to stir up trouble for Amasis, with whom he had a grudge. Amasis did
to 526
not want to send his daughter, and so tried to pass off Nitetis, the daughter of a former
King of Egypt. king he had deposed, as his own. However, Nitetis had no loyalty to Amasis for obvious
reasons and so she revealed the trick soon after she arrived in Persia. This apparently was
enough for Cambyses to decide to invade Egypt.
The real reasons which led Cambyses to invade were no doubt to do with the desire to
protect and increase his empire. In fact, it is likely that Cyrus already had Egypt in his
sights when he conquered Babylon in 539 and took control of the lands of the Levant
EXPLORE FURTHER during the 530s. Egypt had long had designs on the Levant, and had tried to invade it in
Read all three stories at the 580s. Cambyses perhaps felt that Persian control of the Levant was threatened by a
Herodotus 3.1–3. How strong and free Egypt, and that he needed to get his attack in first. A second, related
credible do you think reason can be found in the fact that Amasis had chosen to ally himself with Croesus of
each story is?
Lydia in the early 540s when Lydia came into conflict with the Persians.
Among the peoples of the Levant absorbed into the Persian Empire at this time were
the coastal cities of Phoenicia (Herodotus at 3.19 says that they had joined the empire
voluntarily). This was a crucial development for the Persians, since the Phoenicians were
great sailors and had a significant navy, which now came under Persian control.
Phoenician ports also gave the Persians access to the trade routes of the Mediterranean.
Moreover, the islanders of Cyprus, which also had naval strength and had previously
been paying tribute to Egypt, also submitted to the Persians. Herodotus records at 3.19
that they too did so willingly.
The other naval power in the eastern Mediterranean at this point was the island of
tyrant a sole ruler of a Samos, led by its tyrant Polycrates who was allied to Amasis of Egypt. In its original
Greek city who had taken sense, the word ‘tyrant’ applied to an ancient Greek ruler and did not necessarily imply
power unconstitutionally
that he ruled with great cruelty. Rather, it referred to an individual who had seized power
unconstitutionally and become the sole ruler of a state. A number of Greek cities were
ruled by tyrants in the 6th century, including cities of Asiatic Greece. Many of these
tyrants looked to work with the Persians in order to maintain their own power bases.
Polycrates was one such ruler, although it was to Egypt, rather than Persia, that he first

22
 1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

looked when he took power in about 535. According to Herodotus, Polycrates had a
significant navy which enabled him to win control of many of the Aegean islands. As a
result, he posed a threat to Persian rule on the eastern Aegean coastline.
However, at some point in the early 520s he switched sides and allied himself with
the Persians, bringing his navy with him (you can read more about the story of
Polycrates on pp. 97–113). The catalyst for this may have been the death of Amasis KEY INDIVIDUAL
in 526, after he had ruled for 44 years. Amasis’ son Psammetichus succeeded him, Psammetichus
and Polycrates perhaps recognised that the Persians were more likely to win the Dates: reigned from 526
coming conflict. This new alliance therefore increased Persian naval strength further. In to 525

the space of a few short years the Persians had obtained a fleet to match the Egyptians. King of Egypt, succeeded
his father, Amasis.
The significance of this is reflected in the opinion of some Persians about Cambyses’
achievements:

They had answered that he was better than his father, because he had kept all Cyrus’
possessions and acquired Egypt and the command of the sea into the bargain.
Herodotus, Histories 3.34

This of course suggests that Persians did not just think of Cambyses as someone who had
EXPLORE FURTHER
conquered Egypt, but also a king who had created the Persian navy by bringing naval
Read about Cambyses’
states into the empire.
treatment of
Herodotus also records that a Greek mercenary, Phanes, who had been a close adviser Psammetichus after the
to Amasis, defected to the Persians. He acted as a guide to the king on his campaign in Persian conquest at
Egypt. Cambyses marched there in the spring of 525 with a multi-national army, includ- Herodotus 3.14–15. How
ing soldiers from Asiatic Greece. On Phanes’ advice, Cambyses made an alliance with much truth do you think
there is in this story?
the desert Arabs who helped him establish water cisterns and pipelines to supply his
army as it made its way to the Nile. When they first met the Egyptians, the Persian army
scored a victory at Pelusium, a port on the Nile delta. The Persians then moved south to S The location of
Memphis, which they besieged. The Egyptians were forced to surrender. Beyond this, & Cambyses’ lost army
Herodotus gives very few details of the war. Egypt had been conquered, and Cambyses C buried on the way to
Ammon remains one of
set up military garrisons of mercenaries to defend it. the great mysteries of
The victory had immediate consequences in the region. Three peoples to the west archaeology. Many
of Egypt, from Libya, Barca and Cyrene submitted to Cambyses to avoid suffering archaeologists and
the same fate. Cambyses then planned offensives against three more peoples: the amateur adventurers
have tried to locate the
Carthaginians, the Ammonians and the Ethiopians (although they did not come from
remains of the army,
the location of modern Ethiopia – they are sometimes also called the Nubians and lived although some scholars
in an area now corresponding to southern Egypt and northern Sudan). He cancelled the argue that the story is
expedition against the Carthaginians since they were Phoenician colonists and the simply made up and
Phoenicians refused to fight them. there is no army to find.
Do your own research
According to Herodotus, the other two expeditions ended in disaster. A force of
on this topic and find
50,000 men were sent out west into the desert to attack the oasis at Ammon (today out about some of the
known as the Siwah Oasis), but were apparently killed and buried in a sandstorm. investigations. Are
Cambyses himself led the campaign against the Ethiopians. Unfortunately, Cambyses there any good clues
did not plan adequate supplies for his army. They were forced first to eat pack animals, which suggest that the
mystery might one day
and then apparently they resorted to cannibalism. At this, Cambyses gave up and returned be solved?
to Memphis.

23
 Part One Period Study

CAMBYSES AS RULER OF EGYPT

Herodotus’ version: Cambyses the madman

After his conquest of Egypt, Herodotus presents Cambyses as behaving like a madman
who disrespects the local gods (3.16–38). This portrayal begins with Cambyses’
disrespecting the corpse of Amasis, and Herodotus later claims that the reason that he
launched an expedition against the Ethiopians without planning was because he was ‘a
madman’. When Cambyses returned to Memphis after the failure of this expedition, he
was angered to see the people celebrating a religious festival, and believed that they were
really celebrating his army’s failure.
In fact, the locals were celebrating the appearance of the god Ptah, who was believed
Apis Bull a sacred bull of to live among them in the form of a sacred animal, the Apis Bull. When an Apis Bull died,
Egyptian religion which the Egyptians waited for the god to appear again in a young bull calf, which they identified
Cambyses fatally wounded
by certain markings. Once identified, the calf was installed as the next Apis Bull in the
temple of Ptah in Memphis. Ptah was an important creator god for the Egyptians who was
particularly associated with Memphis, the ancient royal capital of Egypt. When Cambyses
returned to Memphis, a new bull had just been identified and the people were rejoicing.
The king first summoned the leaders of Memphis to demand an explanation, but he did not
believe them and had them executed. He then summoned the priests, who gave him the
same answer. Cambyses next demanded that the bull be brought before him:

The priests brought the animal and Cambyses, half mad as he was, drew his dagger,
aimed a blow at Apis’ belly, but missed and struck his thigh.
Herodotus, Histories 3.29

Cambyses then laughed at the priests, pointing to the injury and ridiculed the god for
having flesh and blood. The animal apparently later wasted away from its wound and
died in the temple.

FIGURE 1.10
An Egyptian statuette of an
Apis Bull.

24
 1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

The Egyptians believed that after this act of sacrilege Cambyses went fully mad, and
KEY INDIVIDUAL
Herodotus goes on to recount a number of ways in which he acted savagely and irration-
Prexaspes
ally. The first was in organising the murder of his younger brother, Smerdis, who had also
Cambyses’ most trusted
been on campaign in Egypt. The king apparently felt jealous of him, and so sent him back
adviser who murdered
to Persia. After that, Cambyses dreamt that a messenger announced to him that Smerdis Smerdis in secret on the
was sitting on the throne and that his head touched the sky. He interpreted this to mean king’s orders.
that Smerdis would kill him and take his place on the throne, and so he sent his most
trusted adviser, Prexaspes, back to Persia to kill Smerdis.
Soon afterwards Cambyses also had his sister killed. Herodotus does not name her, pharaoh an Egyptian
monarch
but he does say that she was also his wife. It was not Persian tradition for siblings to
marry, but it was common among the pharaohs and Cambyses no doubt wished to
portray himself as an Egyptian ruler. However, she upset her brother-husband by refer- EXPLORE FURTHER
ring to Smerdis’ murder, and in one version of the story he kicked her to death when she
Read Herodotus 3.16,
was pregnant. There follow other stories of terrible cruelty, and then Herodotus concludes 3.25–38, and 5.25. Which
by saying that Cambyses also mocked and dishonoured the gods: details in these stories
do you think are likely to
All this may pass for a sample of the maniacal savagery with which Cambyses treated be true, and why?
the Persians and his allies during his stay in Memphis; amongst other things, he broke
open ancient tombs and examined the bodies, and even entered the temple of
Hephaestus and jeered at the god’s statue. Study question
Herodotus, Histories 3.37 Does Cambyses deserve
to be thought of as a
This was another terrible act of sacrilege, and from it Herodotus concludes that Cambyses great conqueror like his
was ‘completely out of his mind’. father, or were his
achievements much less
significant?

THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES

It wasn’t long before Cambyses met his end, about which Herodotus is again our main Magi (sing: Magus) the
source (3.61–66). According to his account, two brothers launched a rebellion against him most important class of
in Persia. They were both members of a priestly class in Persia, the Magi. It was their duty priests in Persia, who could
to perform rituals, interpret dreams and omens, and act as advisers. They also had the hold great power at court
responsibilities of training young Persian princes and guarding the royal tombs. The Magi
were traditionally thought to be from the Median religious tradition, and so some saw
them as Medes rather than Persians. Nonetheless, they could hold great power at court. KEY INDIVIDUALS
One of the two brothers was called Patizeithes, and he had been left in charge of the Patizeithes
royal household by Cambyses. Herodotus reports that the other brother was called The Magus in charge of
Smerdis, and by coincidence he happened to look very similar to the murdered brother the royal household in
of Cambyses although, as we shall see, there was one notable difference. Patizeithes Persia in Cambyses’
absence.
convinced his brother to pretend to be the king’s brother and to take control of the empire.
The brothers sent a proclamation to the troops throughout the empire announcing that Smerdis
they should now take their orders from Smerdis rather than Cambyses. The brother of Patizeithes,
A herald was sent to Egypt to read the proclamation, but he found Cambyses and his a Magus who pretended
to be Smerdis, brother of
army stationed in a town in Syria called Ecbatana (it happened to have the same name as
Cambyses.
the Median royal city). When the king heard the news, he called for Prexaspes, who

25
 Part One Period Study

swore that he had killed the real Smerdis. The two men questioned the herald, and
between them worked out the trick that the Magi had played. Cambyses realised that his
dream did not specify which Smerdis would take the throne from him, and that he had
therefore killed his brother for no good reason. He felt bitter regret.
Right after this, Cambyses mounted his horse, intending to ride immediately to Susa
and attack the false Smerdis. Herodotus takes up the story:

But as he was springing into the saddle, the cap fell off the sheath of his sword,
exposing the blade, which pierced his thigh – just in the spot where he had previously
struck Apis the sacred Egyptian bull.
Herodotus, Histories 3.64

The king then asked what town they were in. Upon hearing the name Ecbatana, he
recalled a prophecy that he would die at Ecbatana. He had always assumed this referred
to the Median royal city, but once again he had misinterpreted a prophecy. Cambyses
realised that he was fated to die of his wound. He summoned the Persian nobles with him
and told them the whole story about his murder of the real Smerdis, and the trick played
by the two Magi. He commanded them to ensure that the Magus Smerdis was driven
FIGURE 1.11
This gold votive plaque
from power, reminding them that the throne would otherwise be returned to the Medes.
shows an image of a Magus. Shortly afterwards, gangrene set in on Cambyses’ wound and he died after seven and
a half years on the throne. However, his nobles did not believe what he had told them.
Instead, they thought that it was a malicious invention by Cambyses to prevent his
EXPLORE FURTHER brother from taking command of the empire. The one man who could have confirmed the
Read Herodotus’ account story was Prexaspes, but he vigorously denied the murder, knowing that it could be very
of Cambyses’ death for dangerous to admit it now that he did not have Cambyses to protect him. Cambyses died
yourself at 3.61–67. What
with the Persian Empire in turmoil.
role does prophecy play
in this story? How does
this compare with the
prophecies about events CAMBYSES IN THE NON-GREEK SOURCES
in the lives of Croesus
and Cyrus?
Herodotus’ account bears no relation to what we know about the reign of Cambyses from
other sources. Most notably, archaeologists have discovered the remains of a temple in
Memphis, the Serapeum (temple of Serapis, another Egyptian god), where the embalmed
Study question
The story of the death of bodies of dead Apis Bulls were placed in tombs. They have been able to date an Apis
Cambyses relies on Bull which was dedicated in November 524, exactly when Cambyses was present in
many very unlikely Egypt as king. The epitaph to this Apis Bull reads as follows (the suggested additions of
coincidences. How do scholars are in brackets):
you think that such a
story might have Year 6, 3rd month of the season of Shemu, day 10, under the Majesty of the King
developed before of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mesuti-Re, given life forever. The god was taken up
Herodotus heard it?
[in peace towards the perfect West, and was laid to rest in his place in the necropolis],
in the place which his Majesty has made for him, [after] all [the ceremonies had been
performed for him] in the Hall of Embalming . . . All was done that his Majesty had
ordered . . . in year 27 . . . of Cambyses.
Epitaph for the Apis Bull interred in the Serapeum in Memphis in 524 (LACTOR 16, 21)

26
 1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

FIGURE 1.12
The statue and inscription of
Udjahorresne is today in the
Vatican Museums.

An inscription nearby confirms that it was Cambyses who had ensured that this Apis Bull
had been embalmed and buried with full ceremonies, and that Cambyses presented
himself as a traditional Egyptian pharaoh. By this version, Cambyses was fully respect-
ful of local religious traditions.
Further evidence comes in the words of a high-ranking Egyptian official, KEY INDIVIDUAL
Udjahorresne. He saw to it that after his death a statue of himself would be set up in the Udjahorresne
town of Sais, and on the statue he gave an account of his achievements. Udjahorresne An Egyptian courtier who
speaks of Cambyses as if he were a traditional Egyptian pharaoh, referring to him as defected to the Persians
‘King of Upper and Lower Egypt’. Moreover, when Udjahorresne came to Cambyses to and advised Cambyses; he
later advised Darius also.
complain about the presence of Persian soldiers in the temple of the goddess Neith in
He left an account of his
Sais, Cambyses ordered the troops to leave and the temple to be purified. Indeed, through- achievements on a statue
out the text Cambyses is portrayed as a restorer of order who supports the worship of of himself.
Egyptian gods, as this example shows:

The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Cambyses, came to Sais. His Majesty proceeded
to the temple of Neith. He touched the ground with his forehead before Her Majesty
very greatly as every king has done. He made a great offering of all good things to
Neith the Great, the mother of the god, and the great gods who are in Sais, as every
excellent king has done.
Hieroglyphic inscription of Udjahorresne (LACTOR 16, 20)

27
 Part One Period Study

Here we see Cambyses portrayed in a similar light to Cyrus in Babylon, as a king

EXPLORE FURTHER
who supports and re-establishes the worship of local gods. This account of his
You can read the
behaviour is of course completely at variance to the account of Herodotus. No doubt
biography of
Udjahorresne here:
Udjahorresne, as a loyal adviser to the Persian kings, had a motive for depicting Cambyses
http://www.livius.org/ in a positive light, but the difference between the two presentations of the king is
articles/person/ remarkable.
wedjahor-resne/ How can we reconcile the two versions? Scholars now widely accept that Herodotus’
Egyptian sources were strongly biased against Cambyses. The example of Udjahorresne
shows that there were Egyptians who worked with the Persians, but there were no doubt
others who continued to resent Persian rule. This continued from 522 until the time of
Herodotus, and there were a number of revolts in Egypt during these decades. One group
in particular is likely to have resented the rule of Cambyses: the priests and admin-
istrators of temples in Egypt. It seems that Cambyses removed the tax exemptions
enjoyed by the temples, and this loss of revenue no doubt angered many educated and
influential Egyptians. The horror stories about Cambyses’ rule may well have developed
from this anger.

EXAM TIP: CHANGE AND CONTINU ITY

In your exam, Question 4 may ask a question which will ask you to assess
how much an aspect of Persian history had changed between two dates or
events.
Question 4 will be linked to a source. Make sure you use the source and
your own knowledge to make a judgement about the extent of change or
continuity.
The Activity below will help you develop the skills you need to answer ques-
tions on change and continuity.

ACTIVITY
Examine the evidence for how much continuity or change there was between
the policies of Cyrus and Cambyses as kings. Fill out the following table,
backing up your judgements with evidence from the sources.

Treatment of Religious policy Military policy

individuals

Continuity

Change

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 1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

THE ACCESSION OF DARIUS KEY INDIVIDUAL

Darius I
When Cambyses died in 522, there was power vacuum which was filled within a few Dates: reigned from 522
months by his distant relative, Darius. We have the story of Darius’ accession to the to 486
kingship from two sources: the version of Herodotus (3.68–88), and Darius’ own account King of Persia after the
found on a public inscription in the heart of Persia, the Bisitun Inscription. The two death of Cambyses II .
accounts agree in a number of important ways, and it seems that Herodotus was familiar
with the account of Darius. However, Darius’ account raises great suspicion that it was a
piece of propaganda designed to hide a dark truth of murder.

Herodotus’ account
After the death of Cambyses, the false Smerdis reigned for several months. However, the
fact that he never emerged from the royal citadel or met with senior Persians started to
arouse the suspicions of a Persian noble called Otanes. His daughter, Phaidymie, was
married to the false Smerdis (she had previously been married to Cambyses), and Otanes
asked her about her royal husband and his other wives. When she replied that she had no
contact with the other wives, Otanes’ suspicions grew, since it was normal for the women
of court to see each other. He then charged Phaidymie with finding out the truth, and
revealed a crucial piece of information: years earlier Cyrus had ordered that the Magus
Smerdis have his ears cut off for a serious crime. Otanes asked Phaidymie to sleep with
her husband and, if he kept his head covered, to check for his ears while he slept. She did
so, and reported back to Otanes that indeed he had no ears.
As soon as Otanes learnt this, he persuaded six Persian nobles to join him in an attempt
to overthrow the false Smerdis. They were Intaphernes, Gobryas, Megabyzus, Aspathines,
Hydarnes and Darius. In fact, Herodotus says that Darius was the last of the seven to be
included. He was a distant relative of Cambyses, whose father, Hystaspes, had been a
Persian general. He himself had served with Cambyses in Egypt and now played a key
role in determining the strategy of the conspirators, arguing that they should keep the
plot to themselves or else it would be discovered. The conspirators decided to attack the
two Magi at once.
At this point Prexaspes comes back into the story. He had allied himself with the
Magi, and they had persuaded him to announce to the people from a palace tower that
Smerdis was the real brother of Cambyses. However, his conscience overcame him and
he declared the truth instead, after which he threw himself to his death. The seven
conspirators were on their way to the palace when this happened. Some wanted to call
off the attempt, but Darius urged them to move quickly, and an omen backed up his
advice. They made for the palace, killed the two Magi and then showed their heads to the
citizens.
According to Herodotus, five days later the conspirators met to discuss what to do
next. After debating about what form of government to adopt, they agreed that Persia
should remain a monarchy. They then had to decide who should become king. They
agreed that they would ride their horses out of the city before dawn, and the rider of the
first horse to neigh after the sun came up would be declared king. This of course seems

29
 Part One Period Study

an absurd way of making such an important decision, but the story may at least have
EXPLORE FURTHER
some basis in the fact that it was essential for a Persian king to be a skilled horseman.
Read Herodotus’ account
Darius’ horse neighed first (Herodotus suggests that Darius managed to achieve this by
of the conspiracy of the
seven at 3.68–87. Which
trickery), and the other conspirators bowed down to him as their new king.
parts of the story do you
believe and which don’t
you believe? Explain your
Darius’ account
reasons.
In about 520, the new king Darius commissioned a monument which explained how he
had come to the throne and established his rule. Today, this is known as the Bisitun
Inscription (or alternatively as the Behistun Inscription) after the place where it was set
up. Bisitun was a village on the main road connecting the royal capitals of Babylon and
Ecbatana. Many travellers passed along this road, and so it was a good location for
Darius to promote his message to as many people as possible. The monument was set on
KEY INDIVIDUALS
a rock face about 100 metres above the ground. After it was completed the workmen’s
Gaumata
ledge beneath it was removed so that no one could climb up and deface it. It can still be
Dates: took the throne in
522
seen in place today.
The monument consists of four parts, one visual and three textual. The visual part is a
According to the Bisitun
Inscription, the Magus large sculpted relief 5.5 × 3 metres in size. It depicts king Darius with two senior officials
who pretended to be standing behind him: Intaphernes, his bow carrier, and Gobryas, his lance carrier. He
Cambyses’ brother, looks down on nine leaders of conquered peoples whose necks are tied. They represent
Bardiya, and falsely took the peoples who had challenged Darius’ rule after he took the throne (see pp. 33–4). A
the throne.
tenth figure is being trodden on by Darius. He is Gaumata. According to the inscription,
Ahuramazda he was the Magus who took over the empire by pretending to be Cambyses’ brother,
The greatest god of Persian Bardiya (Gaumata is therefore equivalent to the Magus Smerdis in Herodotus’ account).
religion.
Above the whole scene is a representation of the greatest Persian god, Ahuramazda.
The other three parts of the monument are three sections of inscriptional text, each in a

FIGURE 1.13
The Bisitun Inscription today.

30
 1.2 Cambyses II, Smerdis and the Accession of Darius, 530–522 BC

different language: Old Persian, Babylonian and Elamite. Scholars have translated each
section and found that the three versions are almost identical.
The text of the inscription can be divided thematically into parts, and one of these
parts describes the events leading to Darius’ succession in 522. It starts by stating that
Cambyses had arranged for his brother Bardiya to be killed in secret, and that he then
headed to Egypt. The peoples of the empire became restless, and on 11th March,
Gaumata, a Magus who was pretending to be Bardiya, led a rebellion. He established EXPLORE FURTHER
himself as king on 1st July, and Cambyses died of natural causes soon afterwards. Read the relevant
sections of the Bisitun
The text continues by saying that people who knew the real identity of Gaumata did
Inscription (10–15 and
not dare to challenge him, since they were afraid of being put to death. However, 68–69). How plausible do
with the help of Ahuramazda, Darius did challenge Gaumata and on 29th September he you find Darius’ version
killed him and his closest followers in a fortress, with the help of six allies (who are of events?
named later in the inscription). Darius then came to the throne and re-established order
in the empire.
It is interesting to see how closely Herodotus’ account corresponds to the official
version which was put out so soon after the events. The key areas of agreement are that
Cambyses had arranged for the secret murder of his brother (Bardiya/Smerdis), and that Study questions
afterwards a rebellion was led by a Magus who had assumed the identity of the same
1 Are there other
brother. In addition, six of the seven names which Herodotus gives as the conspirators famous murders in
with Darius match those on the Bisitun Inscription (Aspathines is the name not found on history which have
the inscription). Darius ordered that copies of the inscription be set up around the empire, never been
and these were translated into the local language, and so it is quite possible that Herodotus adequately solved?
2 Have other rulers
was able to inspect a copy with a Greek translation. However, it should be noted that
come to power
there are also some areas of disagreement between the two accounts, such as whether through rebellion or
Cambyses arranged for his brother’s murder before or after heading for Egypt. It seems murder but managed
likely that Herodotus did have good access to the Persian accounts of the succession of to strengthen their
Darius, but that these varied to some extent. positions?

Lies and propaganda?

Darius’ account in the Bisitun Inscription has aroused many suspicions among modern
scholars. It all sounds too convenient, and it is much more likely that the real brother
of Cambyses, Bardiya, came to the throne early in 522 and was then deposed by
Darius and his fellow conspirators. Indeed, the Babylonian tablets are dated to the
reign of Bardiya from April 522, while the earliest Greek writer on the Persian KEY INDIVIDUAL
dynasty, the Athenian playwright Aeschylus, says that the second king after Cyrus was Aeschylus
‘Mardus’, a word with similarities both to Bardiya and Smerdis. In his play Persians Dates: c. 525–c. 456
produced in 472 (see p. 51), Aeschylus makes no mention of any imposter. It is also Athenian playwright who
strange that Darius gives no date for the death of Cambyses, even though he takes great wrote and presented his
tragedy Persians in 472.
care to give a number of other dates.
All this means that the Bisitun Inscription was probably a great feat of propaganda,
and the story of Gaumata is an elaborate deception designed to cover up the fact that
Darius had had him killed. We cannot be certain, but if it is true then one of the greatest
Persian kings came to power in the murkiest of circumstances.

31
 Part One Period Study

TIMELINE REVIEW

Boost your knowledge

Describe:
● The key events and achievements of Cambyses’ conquest of Egypt
● In what ways the sources portray Cambyses engaging with Egyptian religion
● The events surrounding Cambyses’ death
● The two different versions of how Darius came to the throne.

Stretch your under standing

Explain:
● How and why Herodotus’ sources seem to have been very biased against Cambyses
● How reliable the non-Greek sources are for Cambyses’ reign
● How and why Herodotus’ account of Darius’ coup seems unlikely
● In what ways the sources present Cambyses in comparison to Cyrus.

PRACTICE QUESTIONS

1. Outline what we know about the final days of Cambyses. [6]

2. Passage A

No sooner had he (Cambyses) entered the palace of Amasis than he gave orders for his body [i.e. the body
of Amasis] to be taken from the tomb where it lay. This done, he proceeded to have it treated with every
possible indignity, such as lashing with whips, pricking with goads, and the plucking of its hairs. All this was
done till the executioners were weary, and at last, as the corpse had been embalmed and would not fall to
pieces under the blows, Cambyses ordered it to be burnt. This was an unholy thing to do, because the
Persians believe that fire is a god, and never burn their dead.
Herodotus, Histories, 3.16

Using details from Passage A and your own knowledge, how different was Cambyses’ policy towards foreign
peoples from that of Cyrus? [15]

32
1.3 The Reign of Darius the Great,
522–486 BC

TIMELINE OVERVIEW

● Darius’ pacification of the empire, including the restoration of control over Babylon
● Construction of Susa, Persepolis and the Egyptian canal
● Persian expansion into the Aegean Sea
● The campaign in India
● The war with the Scythians
● Persian culture and religion under Darius
● Darius’ organisation and administration of the Persian Empire
● The Ionian Revolt, including its causes, course and consequences
● Persian relations with Athens prior to the revolt
● Mardonius’ expedition of 493–492 BC
● The expedition to Greece in 490 BC and its aftermath.

There are no prescribed sources for this component, but the following suggested readings and
artefacts are covered in this chapter:
● Herodotus, Histories 3.89–160; 4.1–4; 4.46–98; 4.120–144; 5.1–39; 5.97–126; 6.1–49; 6.94–7.3
● Achaemenid Royal Inscriptions of Darius, including the Bisitun Inscription
● Datiya Fortification Tablet (PF 1809Q)
● The archaeological site of Susa
● The archaeological site of Persepolis, in particular the apadana staircase.

This chapter will examine the rule of Darius I, also known as Darius the Great, between
522 and 486 BC , focusing initially on the challenges he faced when he came to power. It
will then look at the way in which he imposed a new order and identity on the Persian
Empire, in both political and religious terms. The other aspect of this topic will be an
examination of the nature of the expansion of the empire during his reign.

THE REVOLTS AGAINST DARIUS

In the aftermath of Darius’ accession to the throne in 522, the empire was struck by a
series of revolts. These are mentioned in detail by Darius in the Bisitun Inscription, and

33
 Part One Period Study

so it is curious that Herodotus says almost nothing about them. However, he does describe
a revolt in Babylon which may or may not belong to the year or two after Darius had
come to the throne.
The Bisitun Inscription must be understood as Darius’ propagandist version of the
revolts, all of which he claims to have successfully suppressed. According to his version,
the first revolts broke out in Elam and Babylonia (Babylonian tablets also record that a
rebellion broke out by the beginning of October 522) led by Nidintu-Bel, who claimed to
be a son of Nabonidus. Darius marched at the head of an army, and defeated the rebels in
two battles in December 522, capturing and killing Nidintu-Bel in the process. This was
not the end of the troubles in Babylonia, however, since a new rebel leader emerged the
following year, Arakha, who also claimed to be a son of Nabonidus. This second rebel-
lion was put down by a leading Persian, Intaphernes, in November 521.
The Bisitun Inscription also relates details of the other revolts. The rebellious regions
are listed as: Persia, Elam, Media, Assyria, Egypt, Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia and the
Saka of central Asia. It is notable that these regions therefore embraced many parts of the
empire. Darius speaks proudly of the ruthlessness with which these revolts were put
down. For example, in Babylon Nidintu-Bel was impaled, along with 49 of his support-
ers, and the same fate awaited Arakha and his followers the following year. An even
more gruesome fate was reserved for Phraortes, the rebel leader in Media:

Phraortes was seized [and] led to me. I cut off his nose, ears and tongue, and I put out
one of his eyes. At my gate he was kept bound [and] all the people looked at him.
After that I impaled him at Ecbatana.
DB 32 (LACTOR 16, 44)

Nevertheless, these rebellions were not easy to quell. The inscription boasts that Darius
EXPLORE FURTHER fought nineteen battles and took nine kings prisoner in a single year so that by the end of
Herodotus (3.150–160) 521 he was firmly in power. Seven of these nine kings are depicted in chains on the
offers a very different
inscription, while the last two figures in the line are leaders of foreign enemies. These
account of a revolt in
Babylon, involving an act last two figures were added to the inscription in 520 or 519 after they had been defeated.
of heroic trickery by a They are all described as ‘liars’, since they claimed to be sons of kings such as Cyrus or
Persian noble, Zopyrus, Nabonidus.
which he dates to 517 or It is unclear why the empire saw so many rebellions with the accession of Darius. One
thereafter. Read his
possibility is simply that the instability of Persian rule in 522 gave people hope of regain-
account and compare it
with the information ing their freedom. However, it is also possible that many states felt a legitimate grievance
given on the Bisitun about the way in which Darius had seized power, perhaps killing the legitimate heir,
Inscription. Which Smerdis/Bardiya, in the process. The latter may of course have been popular if he really
elements of Herodotus’ did end tribute and military levies for three years, as Herodotus claims (3.67).
version of events do you
find most credible?

THE IDEOLOGY OF DARIUS

Some scholars see Darius’ consolidation of power in the years after 522 as the point
when the Persian Empire was properly created. In particular, it is clear from the Bisitun
Inscription and from other Royal inscriptions of this period that Darius sought to develop

34
 1.3 The Reign of Darius the Great, 522–486 BC

a new ideology of Persian kingship. The opening section of the Bisitun Inscription,
which describes Darius’ titles and the extent of his empire, illustrates his new ideology.

(1) I am Darius, the Great King, king of kings, the king of Persia, the king of lands,
the son of Hystaspes, the grandson of Arsames, the Achaemenid.
(2) Darius the king says: ‘My father [is] Hystaspes; the father of Hystaspes [is]
Arsames; the father of Arsames [is] Ariaramnes; the father of Ariaramnes [is]
Teispes; the father of Teispes [is] Achaemenes.’
(3) Darius the king says: ‘For that reason we are called Achaemenids; from ancient
times we are noble men. From ancient times our family has been royal.’
(4) Darius the king says: ‘[There are] eight in my family who formerly have been
kings. I [am] the ninth [king]. Thus we are nine kings in succession.’
(5) King Darius says: ‘By the grace of Ahuramazda am I king; Ahuramazda has
granted me the kingdom.’
DB 1–5 (LACTOR 16, 44)

It is notable there that whereas Cyrus and Cambyses had described themselves as ‘king
of Anshan’, Darius presents himself as the ‘the king of Persia’. At DB 6, he will go on to
list the 23 lands under his command, with Persia the first of them – he is truly the king of
a vast empire, with Persia at its heart.
Moreover, in these opening lines, Darius seeks to present himself as the heir to Cyrus
by linking them together in a royal genealogy. Although Cyrus is not mentioned, Teispes
is named as Cyrus’ ancestor on the Cyrus Cylinder, so that here Darius presents them as
sharing an ancestor. Both men too are presented as being descended from the supposed KEY INDIVIDUAL
founder of the royal family, Achaemenes. In fact, Cyrus had never mentioned Achaemenes
Achaemenes, and there is no evidence that he ever existed or indeed that Cyrus and The supposed founder of
the Persian royal family.
Darius were related. Many scholars believe that Darius invented Achaemenes in order to
link himself to Cyrus and to establish an ‘Achaemenid’ royal dynasty. This was not the
only way in which Darius sought to tie himself to the family of Cyrus – upon becoming
king he married two of Cyrus’ daughters, Atossa and Artystone (polygamy was common
among Persian nobles).
The final point which can be made about these lines is that they introduce the god
Ahuramazda. Persian religion was polytheistic, but in this inscription Ahuramazda’s
name appears 63 times, while there is only one other mention of other gods, who are
simply described as ‘the other gods who exist’. No gods appear in the inscriptions of
Cyrus, and it seems that Darius elevated Ahuramazda greatly in importance. In the image
accompanying the inscription, Ahuramazda sits above the liar-kings, while Darius raises
his hand towards him. Darius presents himself as being granted the kingship by
Ahuramazda, so that he is effectively his proxy on earth. He makes the point again soon
afterwards on the inscription:

(9) Darius the king says: ‘Ahuramazda bestowed this kingdom upon me.
Ahuramazda brought me aid until I held together this kingdom; by the favour of
Ahuramazda I hold this kingship.’
DB 9 (LACTOR 16, 44)

35
 Part One Period Study

Another early section of the Bisitun Inscription also contains a key statement of Darius’
policy towards the people of his empire, which is given a moral and religious colouring
by the mention of Ahuramazda:

(8) Darius the King says: ‘In these countries, the man who was loyal I treated well,
who was disloyal, I punished severely. By the favour of Ahuramazda, these
countries obeyed my law. As I said to them, thus they used to do.’
DB 8 (LACTOR 16, 44)

arta the Persian concept The concepts of ‘truth’, arta in Persian, and ‘the lie’, drauga, become very important in
of truth these inscriptions. The liar-kings are examples of drauga, who deserve to be punished. It
drauga the Persian is important to realise that these concepts had both a political and a religious significance
concept of lying or ‘the lie’ – Darius presents them as rebelling not just against their Persian rulers, but also against
the god Ahuramazda. This fusion of religion and politics – whereby the authority of the
king was under the protection of Ahuramazda – is an idea which first appears in the
inscriptions of Darius. Moreover, Darius was accompanied everywhere by Magi.
EXPLORE FURTHER
Darius’ reign also saw a great development in other areas of Persian culture.
You can read Herodotus’
description of Persian
Throughout this chapter, you will read about developments in politics, the role of the
customs at Histories king in justice, sculpture, architecture and technology. An important passage about
1.131–140 Persian culture and customs as Herodotus understood them in his day comes at Histories
1.131–140. Many of these customs would have pre-dated Cyrus, but it is likely that many
had evolved with the growth and development of the empire under Darius.
Darius also carried through significant reforms to the Persian system of government,
satrapies (sing: satrapy) described by Herodotus at 3.89–97. He organised the empire into 20 provinces or satrapies,
the 20 provinces of the with a provincial governor, or satrap, in charge of each. The satrap ruled over a provincial
Persian Empire
court modelled on the king’s court. He was often the king’s relative, appointed or removed
satrap the provincial at the king’s pleasure. The satraps were monitored by officials called the ‘king’s scribes’,
governor of a satrapy,
the ‘king’s ears’ and the ‘king’s eyes’. The two main duties of a satrap were to collect taxes
appointed by the Persian
king and to provide troops. Most of the taxes were sent to the king, but some money was desig-
nated for use in the satrapy for civil administration such as maintaining local roads. The
satrap also had to send troops to the royal army when commanded to do so.
KEY PLACE The organisation of the empire was complex and sophisticated, and administered from the
Persepolis A royal capital royal cities of Susa, Ecbatana, Pasargadae and Persepolis, a city first constructed early in
close to Pasargadae Darius’ reign. We get an insight into the workings of the imperial administration from two
founded by Darius.
collections of cuneiform texts, the Fortification Tablets and the Treasury Tablets, which were
found by archaeologists working at the site of Persepolis in the 1930s. There are thousands
of Fortification Tablets, dated from 509 to 494, which record the storage and distribution of
foodstuffs to a range of groups, including the king and his family, priests, high ranking offi-
cials and even cattle. There are 129 Treasury Tablets, dated from 492 to 458, which record
Study question the rations given to the craftsmen who worked on the buildings of Persepolis.
Examine the imagery of The empire was served by a remarkable road system, described by Herodotus at
the Bisitun Inscription on 5.52–3 and 8.98. The roads acted as arteries of empire, and were set up with stations and
p. 30. What does it tell us inns. If it was necessary to pass a message very quickly, an imperial messenger service
about the ideology of
Persian kingship?
used a relay system, with riders and horses waiting at designated stations to take a
message on to the next post.

36
 1.3 The Reign of Darius the Great, 522–486 BC

Building projects
A major feature of Darius’ reign was the dramatic building projects which he instituted.
Susa was completely rebuilt based on three levelled mounds: the Apadana Mound on the
north, the Royal City mound on the east, and the Acropolis on the south. These mounds
were supported by a huge mud-brick retaining wall, and the whole site covered about
250 acres. At the entry to the Apadana Mound was the Gate of Darius, which is estimated
to have been 12–13 metres in height. The most impressive building was the apadana, a apadana a great audience
great columned audience hall covering about 18 square metres and 20 metres in height. hall in a Persian royal
palace
Only the foundations remain today, together with the remains of a number of glazed
brick murals, some of which depict life-size Persian soldiers standing with spears and
bows (see Figure 1.22 on page 56).
Also found at Susa was an inscription known as the Foundation Charter. Here Darius
sets out his claim to be king under the power of Ahuramazda. He wishes to present ACTIVITY
himself as the king of all the peoples of his empire, and so gives an idealised description Find an image of a glazed
of the variety of workmen and materials used in the building project: brick mural from Susa
and draw or paint your
The precious stone turquoise, which was worked here, was brought from Chorasmia. own version of it. How
The silver and the ebony were brought from Egypt. The ornamentation with which the does the image you have
wall was adorned was brought from Ionia. The ivory which was worked here was chosen emphasise
brought from Ethiopia, and from India and from Arachosia. Persian power or
authority?
DS f 4 (LACTOR 16, 45)

FIGURE 1.14
One of the glazed brick
murals found at Susa. Two
sphinxes face each other.
They are believed to
represent guardian spirits.

37
 Part One Period Study

FIGURE 1.15
The ruins of Persepolis
today.

Darius did not just want to redevelop the old royal city of Susa. He also established a new
royal capital at a small settlement about 25 miles from Pasargadae. The Persians knew it as
Parsa, but it is today commonly known by its Greek name, Persepolis. Although there had
been a royal presence in the area under Cyrus or Cambyses, it is clear that Darius had
ambitions to make Persepolis Persia’s most important capital. Construction was begun
there in 518, and today it is the best preserved Achaemenid palace. Darius had a monu-
mental terrace raised there, which rose to a height of 12 metres and covered nearly 34 acres.
On the western end of this terrace was a great apadana, elevated by 3 metres. It was
60 metres in length and reached by two monumental zigzag stairways. Each stairway
was decorated with relief sculptures which include depictions of 23 nations bringing
tribute to the king, who is enthroned and has Persian nobles nearby. Each nation can be
distinguished by its ceremonial dress, and the leader of each delegation is led by the hand
of a Persian official to the king. Each national group is separated from the next by a

FIGURE 1.16
The Ionians bring offerings
to Darius.

38
 1.3 The Reign of Darius the Great, 522–486 BC

cypress tree, and there is no sense of any hierarchy between them. The nations are not
shown kneeling or bowing, but standing upright, and some figures even carry weapons.
This suggests that they are willing partners in the empire who bring their gifts to the king
voluntarily. The whole scene presents an image of order and harmony, and of the king
overseeing all. Amongst the nations on the sculptures are the Asiatic Greeks, known to KEY PEOPLE
the Persians as the Yauna. Yauna The Persian name
Darius did not just commission engineering projects in the heart of the empire. We for the Greeks.
have already read about the advanced road system, and in the satrapies he was keen to
develop buildings and transport links. One famous example of this is the building of a
50-mile canal in Egypt which joined the Nile River to the Red Sea. The project was
originally begun by an earlier Egyptian king but Darius ordered its completion so as to
promote trade routes by ship between Egypt and the east. He claims credit for the project
in an inscription set up by the canal:

I ordered the digging of this canal from a river called Nile, which flows in Egypt, to
the sea which begins in Persia. Afterwards this canal was dug just as I ordered, and
ships passed through this canal from Egypt to Persia, as I had wished.
DZc 3 (LACTOR 16, 52)

This was not the only building project in Egypt. The Persians also commissioned the
building of new irrigation systems in order to help the Egyptians grow their crops more
productively.

IMPERIAL EXPANSION UNDER DARIUS

It is clear that Darius intended to expand the reaches of empire in both east and west.
Herodotus reports a story (3.129–138) of the king being persuaded by his wife Atossa to
send a reconnaissance mission led by Persian nobles into the Mediterranean. In suggest-
ing this, she was repaying a favour to a Greek doctor at the Persian court, Democedes,
who had healed her of an abscess. He hoped to use the expedition as a means to escape
home to the Greek city of Croton in southern Italy. Atossa doesn’t mention this motive,
but gives two arguments as to why Darius should try to expand the empire:

My lord, with the immense resources at your command, the fact that you are making
no further conquests to increase the power of Persia must mean that you lack
ambition. Surely a young man like you, who is master of great wealth, should be seen
engaged in some active enterprise, to show the Persians that they have a man to rule
them. Indeed, there are two reasons for ending this inactivity: for not only will the
Persians know their leader to be a man, but, if you make war, you will wear down
their strength and leave them no leisure to plot against you.
Herodotus, Histories, 3.134

While Herodotus could not have known the contents of a private conversation between
Darius and his wife (in this conversation, they are in bed together), the arguments Atossa
is made to present here probably reflect the reality of Darius’ situation. First of all, he

39
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Bob shook his head and laughed. "I am to get back to my command
by daylight, Uncle Clem," said he, "and I know that if I should trade
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"What nonsense. I want to see you on a good horse. Come on."
"No, I thank you."
"Let me show you the mare."
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"She's a beauty—got her from General Buell."
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"All right," he said, with a loud laugh, "Got your eye teeth, haven't
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"Come," said Bob, starting toward the door. But he halted. "Uncle
Clem, give my love to them all. Tell the old man that I love him."
 CHAPTER XXVIII.
The days fell dark for the Confederacy. It seemed that the whole
world had sprung up in arms against the South. Stronghold after
stronghold was taken, and Richmond itself was threatened. No hope
was left to illumine the soldier's heart; he had followed a bright
phantom, year after year, expecting it to lead him out of the
wilderness, but he was becoming deeper and more darkly involved
in the thicket, and now the phantom was fading. In his haversack,
he carried roasted acorns and pieces of sugar-cane, and his
enemies, in blood his brothers, shook their heads and marveled at
his courage, for he was just as ready to fight as he had been on the
morning after Bull Run. To face death at morning, to shed his blood
at noon, to lie down supperless upon the wet ground at night, was a
duty that he was not there to question, but to discharge.
One night my master and I occupied a room in a deserted farm-
house near Richmond. About us lay a broken army and the scattered
fragments of a civilization.
"A few more days will settle it, I think, Dan," he said. Sitting on a
box, with one leg drawn up and with his hands clasped over his
knee, he was gazing at the lightwood sputtering in the fire-place,
and upon his thoughtful countenance a black shadow and a yellow
light alternately arose and fell. "Only a few more days and most of
us may be shot or permitted to go home. Who would have believed
that we could have gone through such a time since Jane stood on
the stile-block waving the silk flag she had made for me. And I can't
carry even a scrap of it back to her. Do you know one thing that I'm
going to do if I'm permitted to go home?" he asked, his face
brightening. "I am going to acknowledge to father that I was wrong,
not in fighting so hard after I got in, but in permitting a glamour to
blind me in the first place. The most gigantic mistake of the age. I
was like you, Dan. I followed my heart rather than my judgment. But
you are free. I am your master no longer. Don't turn away. I don't
reproach you; I congratulate you. If any man deserves freedom, you
do. Better spread the blankets and let's try to get a little sleep. We
need no alarm clock to wake us up. Brother Ulysses with his cannon
will see to that."
And with his cannon he did see to it. We were aroused before the
break of day, and by the time the sun came up we were in the thick
of a fight. There came a charge—a wild rush, sword, pistol, bayonet
—and when it had swept past, I was on the ground beside the man
whose fortunes I had followed. He was desperately wounded. The
farm-house was turned into a hospital and I took him to the room
which we had occupied the night before. The weak remnant of our
army was crushed. We were prisoners.
The hour was late. Precaution no longer was necessary and camp-
fires were burning everywhere. A surgeon told me that Master could
not live until morning. And this was to be his end, in an old house, a
prisoner, the hungry dogs howling on the hill.
"Dan," he called. I was bending over him, my face close to his. "Are
you here, Dan?"
"Yes, Mars. Bob."
"It's all over, Dan. And I don't see how it could have been otherwise.
I seem to have been born for this hour. Dan, I want to be buried
where I fell. And tell them not to disturb me, but to let me sleep
there. Bury her letters with me. Tell the old man that I love him."
Early in the morning, with the tears falling upon him, I folded his
arms on his breast; and I heard a glad shout and the cry that the
war was done. From an officer in command, once a neighbor, I
obtained permission to bury my poor Master under an apple-tree
shading the spot where he had fallen; and assisted by an old negro,
I laid him to rest. My heart was so heavy that I cared not what
might become of me. Judgment day had come and I was branded a
sinner.
I built a fire near the grave and watched beside it a whole night,
wretched, struggling with myself, feeling that I could not leave him
lying there alone. In the morning I was ordered to mount a mule
and drive a wagon into Richmond. As I drove along I scribbled a
note to Old Master, not knowing how long I might be held, and gave
it to a neighbor to give to him. Now I was in the service of the
North, driving a team of mules into the city that I had striven to
defend. But I liked it not. I was heart-sore to hear the babble of our
creek and to look upon the colts in the pasture. And after two days
of enforced labor I was permitted to turn my face homeward. I was
now even worse off than the regular rebel soldier. I was looked upon
with suspicion. I had no means of transportation and therefore was
compelled to walk. I slept in the woods or on the road-side. Once
when I went up to a house to buy food, an old man set his dog after
me. My money gave out (I had started with but a few dollars, the
amount earned by driving the government wagon) and now I was
reduced almost to starvation. The country was destitute. Everyone
looked to the army for food, and supplies were delayed. At last, after
days of tramping and nights of sleepless hunger, I crossed the
Kentucky line. Two more days and I should be at home.
But how cold and distant had begun to sound the word home. How
time must have transformed the old place. And all the negroes were
free. I scarcely could realize it. I wondered what they would do with
their freedom, if they knew how to act. They could not support
themselves by standing about and proclaiming themselves free.
They must work and after all their liberty was to be tinged with
slavery. Thus I mused as I moved with sore tread along the hard
turn-pike, slowly entering the domain of my boyhood, growing
heavier and sadder with the sight of each familiar object. I came to
the old mill, gray and green, with roof fallen in, with cap-stones
pulled down by the wanton hands that reach out to destroy when a
war-storm has swept over the land. The creek sang to me, not as of
yore, a sweet and poetic tune, but a sorrowful and hollow-sounding
dirge.
Onward I strode, limping now, for my shoes were worn through and
my feet were bleeding. The day was closing. The shadow of the
trumpet vine, clustered high on the top rail of the fence, fell dark
athwart the white and ghastly pike. Another rise of ground and
Potter's house was thrown into view, red in the setting sun. I had to
halt to calm the tumultuous beating of my heart. I wondered if the
news had reached her. Surely word must have been sent from Old
Master's house. But it was my duty to stop and repeat his last
words, to tell her that I had buried her letters with him. I dreaded
the look she would give me, the tone of her voice. Now I could see
that she had been passionately fond of him. I thought of the
sentence I had passed upon her nature, the complaint that I could
not hold her clear in my mental gaze, and I repented of this dark
injustice. Onward again I limped, my eyes low upon the white
pebbles; and I did not look up until abreast of the gate. Then I
found myself among a number of carriages and buggies. A score of
horses were tied to the fence. An old man stood by the road-side
and I addressed a question to him.
"What means all this?"
He nodded his head toward the house and thus he answered me:
"Miss Jane Potter has just married a Yankee general."
I tried to run, when it seemed that I had grabbed myself up from
falling, and I stumbled away down the pike. In a corner of the fence
I dropped upon my knees and cried aloud. Merciful God, was the
whole world false! Long I knelt there in agony, reviewing my pitiable
life, with my master's image and his blood vivid before me. Merry
laughter startled me to my feet. A carriage, followed by other
vehicles and horses, passed briskly along; and fiercely I shook my
fist at the carriage in front, and bitterly I wished for a gun, a
cannon, that I might be avenged upon a black and traitorous heart.
Homeward now I turned, chilled to the core, prepared for anything.
Over a fence I climbed and took a shorter way across the
pastureland. Darkness had fallen and I heard old Stephen calling the
sheep, to be housed for the night, safe from the ravages of prowling
dogs. I came upon the little creek, weaker than far below at the old
mill, but chanting the same hollow dirge. I stood upon the rock
where Mr. Clem had found me with his shrewd temptation; and a
little further on I came to the deep hole wherein Bob and I had
sworn to drown ourselves. Here I stopped and bathed my face and
hands, lingering, dreading to meet Old Master's grief-chilled eye.
Fire-light came from some of the cabins, feeling its way and
trembling through the darkness; but for the most part the negro
quarter appeared deserted.
The door of the "big house" stood open and the hall lamp was
burning. With dragging feet I climbed the steps and raised the brass
knocker, the familiar old dragon's head, but did not let it fall; so
much was I in dread of its startling alarm. I stepped back to go
round to the rear veranda, when Old Miss came out of the library.
She saw me and her cry pierced my heart. Oh, how wretched she
looked and how feeble! And how weak was that cry, a mere whisper;
but it rang in my ears night and day for many a month. I believe she
would have fallen, I thought she was falling and I put out my hands
and caught her, eased her upon the hall settee and fanned her with
my hat.
"Go," she said, motioning me away, "go to your Old Master. He is
dying in his room up stairs. Wait, let me send him word. He was
afraid you wouldn't get here. May, May!" she called, "go and tell him
Dan has come."
Miss May, pale and tear-stricken, had stepped out of the parlor. She
grasped my hand and then hastened up the stairs.
"Elliot brought the news," said Old Miss, leaning back against the
wall. "And May went over—over to tell 'her.' Infamous creature, she
was making preparations for her wedding. Oh, this world, this world!
Oh, my son, if I could only call him back!" She looked at me with her
head turned to listen for Miss May's footsteps. "I have been the most
miserable woman in the world, and a thousand times I have prayed
for death." Her eyes grew brighter. She straightened up with pride.
"But he died like a hero. Tell me about him."
I told her how he had fallen; and when I mentioned the letters that
were put into the grave with him, she cleared her throat with the old
dry rasp.
"How long has Master been sick?" I asked, wishing to change the
subject.
"A long time, but the doctors did not give him up until the day
before yesterday. They might have known at first that there was no
hope for him. Why should there be any hope for him or for anyone?
Why can't we all get out of this miserable world and be done with
it?"
"Have many of the negroes gone away?" I asked.
"No, not many. We have hired most of them to work the land. I don't
see much difference in them. They are as near no account as they
can be."
"It will take them some time to adjust themselves to their freedom,"
I remarked.
"Freedom!" she repeated with a sneer. "They can never adjust
themselves to it. They think it means a privilege to take whatever
they can lay hands on."
Titine was in my mind, but I was afraid to ask about her. She had
treated me with scorn when I was well dressed, and now I must be
far below her contempt.
"Do you want me to remain and take charge of things about the
place?"
"No," she said, with sharp emphasis, "you must go away and let me
die in peace, or as near in peace as possible, for I shall never know
a moment's ease. Looking back, it seems that I was born wretched;
and yet I know that I was happy until treachery—but I will say
nothing. Oh, this miserable world!" She swayed herself to and fro,
her lips tightly drawn, her eyes hard-set. "But an end of it all will
come sooner or later, and then we can say that it all amounted to
nothing—that it was all a nightmare. Here comes your Miss May."
"Walk as softly as you can," Miss May said to me, and then looking
down, she added: "Poor fellow, you couldn't make a noise with those
tattered feet."
I followed her up the stairs, through the hall where so often I had
found the old man walking in the dead silence of the night—followed
her into the room opposite our "office." At a glance I saw my young
master's canopied bed; and upon it lay the old man, propped high
with pillows.
"Come here, Dan," he commanded. His voice was weak, but I was
surprised at its clearness. "May, leave us alone, please."
I knelt beside the bed. I took one of his hands and he gave me the
other, looking at me with an ashen smile. "Dan, I was determined
not to die until I had seen you and I have compelled them to leave
me alone most of the time. I was afraid of company—afraid that it
might lead my mind off and let death sneak up and master me. I
was so determined to live, that nothing but my own mind could have
killed me."
How changed he was, even aside from the ravages of disease. His
hair was perfectly white and his teeth were gone. His eyes were
sunken, but they were still sharp.
"I did not believe he would ever come home, Dan. Something kept
on telling me that he would not, morning, noon and night. When we
knew that the war could certainly last but a few days more, I took
hope; but that something was louder than ever, dinging my boy's
death in my ears. So I was not greatly surprised when Elliot came
with the news. He gave me your note and told me how he died—like
a Gradley and a man. In your note you said—I have it under my
pillow—that he told you to say that he loved me. God bless him."
"Master, he told me more than the note contained. He said that if he
lived to get home, he would acknowledge to you that he was
wrong."
He broke down at this and I wiped the tears out of his eyes.
"He didn't owe me any apology; he had as much right to his opinion
as I had to mine. Some of the noblest minds and kindest hearts in
the country went wrong. Don't tell me anything he said that
bordered on an apology. He should not have apologized. In my heart
I forgave him a thousand times; and, night after night, I sat in his
room, reading his books. When I was taken down I had them bring
his bed in here that I might die on it. Yes, we were all wrong," he
said, pressing my hands. "Dan, lean over." My face was almost
touching his, and I trembled violently. "You know the hoof-marks on
the stairs—you know that I killed Solomon Putnam. But you never
knew why."
"No, sir; no one ever told me."
"No one knew. Dan, your mother was a beautiful woman. Titine
reminds me of her. Did anyone ever tell you that your mother was
handsome?"
"Yes, sir, an old negro man, a long time ago."
"Dan, that scoundrel offered to buy your mother. I scorned his
money and he poisoned her. And I sent him word that I would kill
him on sight; and he rode up the stairs, drunk, to kill me in my bed.
I raised myself up and shot him—Dan, lean over further. My life has
been miserable and I am—I am the author of all your misery. There,
don't pull away from me. Put your head on this old breast for a
moment. My poor boy—I have been a disgrace unto myself and the
cause of your humiliation. But I have loved you and have shown it
whenever I could without bringing a cruelty down upon your head.
My poor wife—God forgive me—always strongly suspected, but she
did not know. She hated you and who could blame her? That
scoundrel Bates kept her mind on fire with insinuations—He was
afraid to tell her outright. A thousand times I have been tempted to
tell her and beg her forgiveness, but the quality of forgiveness was
always a stranger to her heart. She has had enough to harden her
against the world and I am going to beg her for mercy as I would
beg at the Judgment seat. Dan, I have no money to leave you. The
farm is mortgaged. All I can leave is the love and the blessing of a
wretched old man, a sinner. Is that someone at the door?"
I opened the door. Old Miss and Miss May came in. They drew near
to the bedside and stood there, seeing that the hour of parting was
not far off.
"I was afraid of some sudden shock," said the old woman, and she
looked hard at me. "Shall we go out again?" she asked, smoothing
back Old Master's white hair.
"No," he said, his voice feebler than when he had spoken last. He
motioned to her and she sat down beside him. Miss May was at the
foot of the bed with her face buried in the covers. A few moments
passed and he strove to talk, but the power of speech was gone.
Several of the neighbors had come to see him, and they were
admitted to the death-room, though the old man had passed beyond
the border line of consciousness. His breathing grew heavier and,
toward dawn, he fell asleep. I stood and gazed upon him with a new
reverence, a strange and half frightened affection. The revelation did
not come to me as a great surprise; it was as plain to me as to the
reader who has followed me through these memoirs; but I had not
permitted myself to muse upon it; there was always something so
startling in the thought.
I turned to go and Old Miss followed me down the stairs, and in the
hall she bade me wait a moment. I stood near the door, in the gray
light, she halting near me; and her eyes were dry.
"What did he tell you?" she asked.
"Madam, for mercy sake don't ask me to repeat it."
"Madam!" she said bitterly. "You are drinking your freedom fast. But
have you lost your sense of obedience, and at such a time as this?"
"I would rather not tell you."
"But I command you."
"Then you shall know. He told me that he was my father."
It seemed a long time before she spoke again. She stood looking at
me. "You have been the humiliation and the bitterness of my life,"
she said. "The first sight of you gave me a shudder, and never since
then have I known a moment of peace. I brooded in a doubt worse
than a certainty—I could not find out the truth. And but for my
children I would have drowned myself. Yes, you have been the
humiliation and the bitterness of my life. Now go."
"Yes, I will go—But did you ever stop to reflect that while I might
have been a humiliation and a bitterness, it was not my fault?"
"I thought of nothing but my own shame and my own bitterness.
Go, and I hope never to see you again."
"Just one moment. There is something that I ought to tell you. I told
Old Master before I went into the army. Young master did not kill Dr.
Bates. I killed him to save my own life, and Master, knowing that
they would hang me, took the blood upon himself."
"Then you shall be tried for murder!" the old woman said. "I will go
and have you arrested," She turned her back upon me. "Sam," she
called. "Sam, where are you?"
"Wait a moment before you send for an officer," said I. She faced me
again, frowning. "You must know," said I, speaking as kindly as I
could, "that you have no law to take hold of me now. The strong
arm of the North has freed me, though I opposed it, and now it
declares me the equal of any man before the law. It says that if I am
innocent I shall be protected, and I am innocent. You could not have
me arrested in the first place, and, even if you could, it would not be
in good taste at this time. You have told me of the bitterness of your
life, but I have not told you of the misery of mine. You—but I will
charge my misery to nature. Good-bye, and in all truth I hope that
God may bless you."
I stepped out upon the portico; and—and there in the growing light
stood Titine. My breath came with a gasp as I beheld her. She
looked at me, looked at my tattered feet and covered her face with
her hands.
"Titine, I must now say good-bye forever."
She looked up. There was heaven in her eyes. "No," she said. "No,
you are not to say good-bye. I am going with you."
"What!" I cried, almost choking with emotion.
"I am going with you. I would rather go to perdition with you than to
be separated from you again." She caught my hand and held it and I
stood there trembling. "You told me of your love and now I am
going to tell you of mine," she said. "My soul has wept over you, and
in the night my heart has cried aloud. I am going with you."
I put my arms about her, thanking God that I was alive, but almost
unable to believe my senses. And then my condition smote me. "But
I am a pauper, Titine. I am a penniless tramp and the dogs bark at
me."
"You are not a pauper," she said. "Wait a moment."
She ran up the stairs and soon returned with a pocket-book.
"Take it," she said, handing it to me. "I have saved it for you. And
now, let us go away from this desolate place—away off somewhere
into the world of freedom and love."
And with my arm about her, we stepped forth into the light of a new
day, our faces turned toward the rising sun.
* * * * *
I sit here to-night in my Ohio home, and I look at a portrait on the
wall, enlarged from a powder-blackened photograph that I brought
with me, when foot-sore and heart-heavy, I walked from Richmond
to my desolate birth-place in Kentucky. And here beside the portrait
is the picture of a monument and an apple-tree. I hear my daughter
at the piano, and I hear Titine singing a mellow song of the long
ago. It has been a night of company at my house, and some of the
younger guests have lingered into this late hour, for the occasion is
one of exceeding cheer. Early in the evening a committee called to
inform me of what I knew full well, my re-election to Congress.

THE END.
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