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The Role of Gravitation in Physics
Report from the 1957 Chapel Hill Conference
ii
Series Editors
Jürgen Renn, Robert Schlögl, Bernard F. Schutz.
Scientific Board
Markus Antonietti, Ian Baldwin, Antonio Becchi, Fabio Bevilacqua,
William G. Boltz, Jens Braarvik, Horst Bredekamp, Jed Z. Buchwald,
Olivier Darrigol, Thomas Duve, Mike Edmunds, Yehuda Elkana, Olaf
Engler, Robert K. Englund, Mordechai Feingold, Rivka Feldhay, Gideon
Freudenthal, Paolo Galluzzi, Kostas Gavroglu, Mark Geller, Domenico
Giulini, Günther Görz, Gerd Graßhoff, James Hough, Manfred Laubich-
ler, Glenn Most, Pier Daniele Napolitani, Alessandro Nova, Hermann
Parzinger, Dan Potts, Circe Silva da Silva, Ana Simões, Richard Stephen-
son, Mark Stitt, Noel M. Swerdlow, Liba Taub, Martin Vingron, Scott
Walter, Norton Wise, Gerhard Wolf, Rüdiger Wolfrum, Gereon Wolters,
Zhang Baichun.
Sources 5
Communicated by
Jürgen Renn, Alexander Blum and Peter Damerow
Editors:
Cécile DeWitt-Morette
Jane and Roland Blumberg Centennial Professor Emerita
Department of Physics
University of Texas at Austin
Dean Rickles
Senior Research Fellow
Unit for History and Philosophy of Science
University of Sydney
ISBN 978-3-86931-963-6
First published 2011
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v
The Max Planck Research Library for the History and Development of
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Contents
2 The Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
9 Gravitational Waves
L. Marder, Presented by H. Bondi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
9.1 Static Cylinder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
9.2 Periodic Waves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
9.3 Pulse Waves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
21 Quantum Gravidynamics
Bryce DeWitt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Closing Session
Chairman: B. S. DeWitt
26 Summary of Conference
P. G. Bergmann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
Dedicated to the memory of Bryce DeWitt
No one man lives long on this earth. It will take the concerted efforts of
many men to pry forth one of the deepest and most obstinate, but one
of the most important and potentially useful secrets of nature ... In this
quest we are reaching for the stars, – and beyond.
Agnew H. Bahnson
The Stars Are Too High
Preface
This book contains the original report from the Conference on the Role
of Gravitation in Physics, which took place at the University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, over six days in 1957. The report was taken down
by Cécile DeWitt and several other “reporters,” as part of a conference
funding agreement with the Wright Air Development Center, a U.S. Army
(Air Force) funding body (the report’s ‘official’ designation is: WADC
Technical Report 57-216). Cécile DeWitt then edited the recorded material
into its final form. The report, though publicly available as a government
document, has not previously been published in book form, and there
are not many copies of the report left in existence. Given the immense
historical significance of the conference - giving gravitational research some
much needed impetus at a time when it was in a state of dire neglect -
we thought it was high time to produce a version of the report ‘for the
masses’ as it were. The version presented here is almost entirely faithful to
the original, and aside from the correction of a few spelling mistakes (and
the possible addition of some entirely new typos!) features no substantive
alterations or annotations. However, in order to make the document more
navigable and more useful as a research tool, we have added an index (of
both names and subjects) and also imposed a little more structure on the
sessions, by setting some of the meatier contributions as chapters. This in
no way interferes with the ordering, and simply amounts to the addition,
in several places, of a title to the presentations and discussions that follow.
DR
Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin
September 2010
3 As Peter Bergmann puts it, on p.192, ‘once the classical problems are solved, quanti-
We would like to express our thanks to all of those involved in the original
Chapel Hill conference (or their estates) who very kindly gave their per-
mission to reproduce their papers and comments, without which this book
would not have been possible. We would also like to thank those involved
in the smooth, speedy publication of the book, especially Beatrice Gabriel
for her excellent proof reading.
DR is grateful to the the Dolph Briscoe Center for American History
at the University of Texas at Austin for allowing him access to the Bryce
DeWitt Papers; to Cécile DeWitt, firstly for allowing access to her own
archive of papers and letters, from which much of the historical material
in the introductory chapter was drawn, but also for allowing me to take
part in this wonderful project; to Jürgen Renn, Max Planck Institute for
the History of Science, and Don Salisbury, Austin College, for some much
needed motivation, resulting in a significant speed up in the book’s pro-
duction; and to the Australian Research Council for their generous support
of the History of Quantum Gravity Project (DP0984930) that the present
book contributes to; and to the Max Planck Institute for the History of
Science for hosting me as a visiting fellow during the books’s completion.
Finally, DR would like to thank his wife, Kirsty, and children, Sophie and
Gaia, for putting up with his very many absences while this work was
being completed.
Chapter 1
The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
Dean Rickles
The Conference on the Role of Gravitation in Physics was the (official) in-
augural conference of the Institute of Field Physics [IOFP] which had only
just been established at Chapel Hill, with Cécile and Bryce DeWitt at the
helm.1 The IOFP received its certificate of incorporation on September
7, 1955. In fact, it nearly had a very different name, “The Research Insti-
tute of the University of North Carolina”, which, quite naturally, won the
unanimous approval from the University (and Bryce DeWitt), but not,
it transpires, the approval of the primary funder, Mr Agnew Bahnson.
Bahnson was a wealthy North Carolinian industrialist with a passion for
physics (especially gravitational); he made his fortune from industrial air
conditioning systems.
The initial meeting between Bryce DeWitt and Bahnson took place
on July 9, 1955, in Raleigh, N.C. They were joined by Clifford Beck,
who was head of physics at State College in Raleigh - Bahnson originally
planned to have the IOFP at State College since they had a nuclear reac-
tor there, which, as Bryce DeWitt puts it, Bahnson felt “might be useful
for anti-gravity” [3]. Curiously, at the same time, the Glenn L. Martin
Company (now Lockheed-Martin) was setting up its own research institute
that would do work for the U.S. National Defense Service2 though of a
1 An initial ‘get to know each other’ meeting of the IOFP was held June 8-10, 1956,
at Roaring Gap in North Carolina, where Bahnson had a summer house. This was
open to all members of the IOFP and a few select others, including Freeman Dyson and
Lothar Nordheim, potential funders and a reporter from the Winston-Salem Journal &
Sentinel. As Bahnson put it, in his “4th Memorandum” (of June 20, 1956) the purpose
of the meeting was “to introduce members of the Institute and their guests to Mr and
Mrs DeWitt“ and “to define more clearly” the problems to be dealt with at the IOFP
(with gravity as “the focal point of interest” (letter from Cécile DeWitt’s own archive;
henceforth, unless otherwise specified, references will be to documents contained in this
archive).
2 This would become RIAS, or the Research Institute for Advanced Study. It is possible
that DeWitt’s meeting was with the director of RIAS, Welcome Bender, who was in
charge of recruitment, and who also attended the Roaring Gap conference on behalf
8 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
of the Glenn Martin Company. However, there certainly was correspondence between
DeWitt and Trimble.
3 In a section entitled ‘Purposes, Objects and Powers’ of the document of incorpora-
tion of the Gravity Research Foundation formed by Babson, Clause (1) states that the
purpose of the corporation is to “Observe the phenomena of nature and encourage, pro-
mote and support investigations in search of underlying knowledge of these phenomena.
Conduct theoretical and experimental studies to discover the laws which affect them
and evolve new technological concepts for the improvement and welfare of mankind”
(Bryce DeWitt Archives, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin).
Babson had a curious view of gravity as a kind of ‘natural evil’ ( a “dragon”), caused
by his sister’s and grandson’s drowning by, as he saw it, the downward pull of gravity
- see [1].
4 Note that Bryce concluded his GRF essay with the words “External stimuli will
be urgently needed in the near future to encourage young physicists to embark upon
gravitational research in spite of the odds,” which clearly resonated with both Babson
and Bahnson.
5 Much to the chagrin of Robert Oppenheimer who was supervising both of them at
the Princeton Institute for Advanced Study. Oppenheimer thought that entering the
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 9
The GRF could never really gain the prestige it so desired. Babson
held too much control over what lines of research were investigated. Since
he was no scientist, these tended to be crankish - in one GRF bulletin the
biblical miracle of Jesus walking on water was offered up as evidence in
the possibility of antigravity shields, as was the ability of angels to defy
gravity! The GRF stood no chance (at least not in this form). Martin
Gardner famously mocked Babson’s own gravity ideas in an article entitled
“Sir Isaac Babson”.6 . Gardner called the GRF “perhaps the most useless
scientific project of the twentieth century” ([6], p. 93). He was referring to
the stated aims of the GRF and its essay competition; namely to discover
some kind of gravity screen (‘the right kind of alloy’ - cf. [2], p. 343).
Gardner rightly points out that the concept of a material that is opaque
to gravitational interactions was made obsolete by the shift to the general
theory of relativity.
Agnew Bahnson was a close friend of George Rideout, the president
of Babson’s GRF, and the one who had initially suggested the idea of a
GRF to Babson. On the basis of how the initial organizational meetings
went, Gardner’s critique perhaps offered up a ‘recipe’ for a more successful
venture. Whereas Babson promoted a vision of spectacular technologies
as a result of its gravitational research, Bahnson adopted a more sober ap-
proach. Thus, in the foreword of an early draft (dated November 17, 1955)
for the IOFP’s promotional brochure Bahnson wrote (in stark contrast to
Babson’s statements):
competition and accepting the prize brought the IAS into disrepute. He believed that
Arnowitt and Deser exploited their positions at the institute (see [3]). Note that Pas-
cual Jordan was placed in 5th position this same year, with his essay on his theory
of a variable gravitational constant. James L. Anderson submitted an essay on the
Measurability of Gravitational Fields, but was not placed at all - the same is true of
Dennis Sciama who wrote on a possible method of shielding gravitation using Mach’s
principle. Frederik Belinfante took 1st prize in 1956 for his paper on gravitational ab-
sorbers and shields. In the 1957 competition, Thomas Gold took 1st prize for a paper
on the gravitational interaction of matter and anti-matter, that he co-authored with
Philip Morrison (John Wheeler took second prize, and Felix Pirani took 3rd).
6 This is a reference to Babson’s penchant for all things Newtonian. This penchant led
to the establishment of one of the largest collections of “Newtonia” (as he calls it, [2] p.
340) in the world, on the campus of the Babson Institute in Wellesley, Massachusetts.
One of the library’s rooms is an actual room used by Newton while in his final years
in London. This was purchased by Babson’s wife when she discovered the building was
being demolished, shipped over from the UK, and rebuilt on site as Newton would have
used it “with the same walls, doors and even the identical shutters containing the hole
through which he carried on his first experiments in connection with the diffusion of
light” (loc. cit., p. 340). David Kaiser has a useful discussion of this curious episode in
his PhD thesis, Making Theory: Producing Physics and Physicists in Postwar America
(Harvard University, 2000). See also Kaiser [9]
10 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
In many ways, then, Babson’s GRF was used as a foil, highlighting things
to adopt but (more importantly) things to avoid. A lengthy exchange
of letters between Bahnson and several senior physicists (especially John
Wheeler, whom Bahnson clearly admired a great deal) set to work on
eradicating any aspects that might lead to claims that the institute was
for crackpot research.
In 1955, G. S. Trimble, vice president of the Glenn Martin Company,
wrote to Bryce DeWitt7 that:
It seems that DeWitt had suggested to Babson something along the lines
of the Institutes for Advanced Study - a model he was very familiar with
since both he and his soon to be wife Cécile Morette, had both spent time
in several of them. This model fitted with the Glenn Martin Company’s
plans. However, their goal was not pure research, but something grander,
it seems - Trimble describes the proposed activity as an “industrial version
of the Institute for Advanced Study”.8 The letter goes on:
7 At this time senior research physicist, Radiation Laboratory, University of California,
entific research and society: “[W]e feel morally obligated to push forward in the basic
sciences and we believe as a dynamic industry we can provide the motivation for ad-
vances that can be obtained in no other way”. In other words, for better or for worse,
the pursuit of certain areas of basic research demand some kind of motivation beyond
the search for deeper knowledge. Practical applications are one way to motivate such
study.
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 11
One wonders what Roger Babson would have made of the fact that it was
Newton’s equations that got man into space!9 Trimble bemoans the fact
that most of those working on gravitation are “mad men and quacks” -
perhaps he has those connected with Babson’s own endeavour in mind?
Indeed, notes Trimble, any relevant work that they had done on space flight
had been contracted out to German scientists working within Germany.
Louis Witten (the father of Ed Witten, and participant in the Chapel
Hill conference)10 was the first researcher hired by RIAS, of the Glenn
Martin Company. He approached DeWitt in a bid to have him join RIAS,
but DeWitt was then already being approached by Bahnson, offering more
lucrative terms (both for him and Cécile): the promise of a position in a
more traditionally academic environment, but with the freedom of an ex-
ternally funded position, would ultimately win out. However, Trimble, and
the Glenn Martin Company nonetheless played a role in helping the IOFP
get off the ground. Not only did they purchase a ‘Founder’s Membership’
for the Institute of Field Physics, for the considerable sum of $5000, they
also offered their support to solicit further funding (letter from Trimble
to Bahnson). The letter reproduced in Fig. 1.1, from Bahnson to Bryce
and Cécile DeWitt, shows just how tightly bound industry, military, and
research were at this time, and also how much influence a single individual
could possess.
The plan of the IOFP was to house an institute within an academic
institution, so as to avoid the conflict that physicists felt working in an
industrial setting. The chosen location was the physics department at the
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. In order to lend further pres-
tige to the IOFP, Bahnson secured letters of comment from several of the
most prominent physicists of the day, including Belinfante, Oppenheimer,
9 Curiously,DeWitt later did a report on “The scientific uses of large space ships”, for
the Department of Defense (General atomic report GAMD 965, 1959).
10 Bob Bass, who coauthored the paper with Witten in this conference report, was the
first person to be hired by Witten, in 1956. Bass, together with Witten, would later
manage to hire R. E. Kalman and Solomon Lefschetz, in 1956 and 1957 respectively.
12 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
Figure 1.1: Letter from Agnew Bahnson to the DeWitts from the early
phase of the development of the Institute of Field Physics,
December 29, 1955.
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 13
Dyson, Teller, Feynman, and Wheeler. Wheeler did much behind the
scenes sculpting of the IOFP, and was, next to Bahnson, perhaps most re-
sponsible for the bringing about of the IOFP. For example, it was Wheeler
who tempered Bahnson’s own (somewhat Babsonesque) proposal entitled
“The Glorious Quest”, to make it more attractive to funding agencies:
“Ebullient as you and I are, I suspect sober going may go further when it
comes to getting money from a foundation” (Wheeler to Bahnson, August
29, 1955). Then, writing to the acting president of the University of North
Carolina, Harris Purks, November 25, 1955, Wheeler writes of:
be avoided at all costs runs through much of the correspondence and foun-
dation documents like a mantra. It clearly played a vital role (in the minds
of physicists) in establishing the legitimacy of the enterprise.
Wheeler did not hold back on the need for the IOFP, though his
claims were moderated somewhat by a knowledge that progress might well
be very slow:
It is hard to see how one can get to the bottom of the elemen-
tary particle problem - the central issue of modern physics -
without coming to the very foundations of our physical world
and the structure of space and time. Gravity, fields and parti-
cles must in the end be all one unity. The absence of any para-
dox or discrepancy in gravitation theory at the human and
astronomical levels creates an obligation to apply Einstein’s
ideas down to smaller and smaller distances. One must check
as one goes, until one has either a successful extension to the
very smallest distances, or a definite contradiction or paradox
that will demand revision. ... The challenge cannot be evaded.
Exactly how to proceed is a matter of wisdom, skill, judgement,
and a good idea. Nobody guarantees to have a good idea, but
the DeWitts, fortunately, have a very sound plan of what to
do while searching for a good idea. They propose to do some-
thing that has long needed doing - help make clear the funda-
mental facts and principles of general relativity so clearly and
inescapably that every competent worker knows what is right
and what is wrong. They can do much to clear away the debris
of ruined theories from the rocklike solidity of Einstein’s grav-
itation theory so its meaning and consequences will be clear to
all. This is a great enterprise. Einstein’s theory of the space-
time-gravitation field is even richer than Maxwell’s theory of
the electromagnetic field. That field has been investigated for
many years, and now forms the foundation for a great science.
One cannot feel physics has done its job until a similarly com-
plete investigation has been made for the gravitational field.
(John Wheeler, letter to Bahnson, November 25, 1955)
Though there is, of course, a good deal of colourful rhetoric in this passage,
it nonetheless shows the importance in Wheeler’s mind of the role that the
IOFP (and the DeWitts) would play. (Note that Wheeler had only just
recently had to intervene in a proposal of Samuel Goudschmidt’s to impose
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 15
an embargo on all papers dealing with general relativity and unified field
theory from the pages of Physical Review - cf. [5], p. 414.)
The various letters of support (dating from between October 1955 and
January 1956), for which the preceding letter from Wheeler to Purks pro-
vides a cover letter, highlight the recognition that general relativity and
gravitational research had been unfairly neglected, and the need for a re-
newal of interest. Oppenheimer writes that he “shares with most physicists
the impression that this field has been rather neglected by us”. Dyson sec-
onds this (as does Nordheim), but adds some conditions for success, more
or less reiterating what Wheeler had already said: that immediate results
should not be expected, and that (“to avoid becoming isolated and ster-
ile”) the institute should be settled as firmly as possible in “the framework
of normal university life”. Edward Teller remarks in his letter that “a
comprehensive examination of general relativity and high-energy physics,
together with an investigation of the interaction between these two fields
may very well lead to the essential advance for which we are all looking”.
Feynman too voiced the opinion that “the problem of the relation
of gravitation to the rest of physics is one of the outstanding theoretical
problems of our age”. However, he was less positive about the chances of
the proposed institute in (what he thought was) its original form. Feyn-
man was not convinced that an industrially funded institute, detached
from a university, could possibly deliver the requisite flexibility to develop
new fundamental knowledge: that required absolute freedom to bounce
around between topics, as one chose. On learning that the institute was to
be housed in a university, Feynman was unreservedly positive about the
proposal (letter to Wheeler, dated December 2, 1955).
John Toll, head of physics at the University of Maryland, writes, di-
rectly discussing the other letters:
Most of my colleagues have pointed out in their comments
that the field of general relativity has not received the atten-
tion which it deserves and that it is particularly important
to attempt to obtain some synthesis of the methods and con-
cepts used in general relativity with the ideas now employed
to discuss elementary particles. One reason for the neglect of
general relativity has been the great difficulty of work in this
field which challenges even the best theoretical physicists; so-
lution of the major problems involved will probably require a
determined program which may extend over many years. A
second and related reason has been the difficulty of obtaining
adequate support for this field; the problems are not of the
16 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
This was all written towards the end of 1955.11 By 1957 the picture looked
remarkably rosier. Whether it was due to some degree of influence of the
IOFP12 and/or RIAS (or the beginnings of the ‘Space Race’ and the Cold
War), the Air Force and the Department of Defense in fact soon began to
fund fundamental research in gravitational physics. Rather fortuitously,
Joshua Goldberg was, at the time of the establishment of the IOFP and
the conference, in charge of aspects of the Air Force’s funding of general
relativity, in the ‘modern physics research branch’ (based at the Aero-
nautical Research Laboratory at Wright Patterson Air Force Base). In
addition to a $5000 grant, one of the (very crucial) things he was able
to do was secure MATS (Military Air Transport Service) transportation
to and from the USA (initially just for Géhéniau, Rosen, and Laurent,
but later this would include transportation for Behram Kursunoglu from
Turkey and Ryoyu Utiyama from Japan, extending to 11 nations in all).
In a letter to Bryce DeWitt (dated October 3, 1956), Goldberg notes that
the suggestion to use Air Force transportation to bring over physicists
11 December 7, 1955 saw DeWitt deliver a paper focusing on current research in gravita-
tional physics to the American Astronautical Society (published as [4]). By this time he
was able to give his position as ‘Director of the IOFP’. The talk was clearly intended as
a piece of propaganda for the IOFP. DeWitt opened by distancing his work from any
foreseeable practical applications. He then notes the lack of serious research being car-
ried out, counting just seven institutions with gravitation research projects: Syracuse,
Princeton, Purdue, UNC, Cambridge, Paris, and Stockholm - with RIAS, Inc, on the
industrial side. DeWitt mentions even at this early stage of quantum gravity history
the problems that would plague the quantum geometrodynamical approach throughout
its existence (until it transformed into loop quantum gravity): these are the problems
of defining the energy and the quantities that are conserved with respect to it (i.e. the
observables), and the factor ordering problem. (This problem refers to an issue caused
by the straightforward canonical quantization of general relativity, based on the metric
variables. According to the standard quantization algorithm, when one meets a mo-
mentum term, one substitutes a derivative. However, when this procedure is applied in
general relativity, one faces situations were one has products, and so one has to multiply
as well as differentiate. The order in which one does this matters for the form of the
final wave equation.) The former was studied by Bergmann’s group at Syracuse, while
the latter problem was studied by DeWitt’s own group at the IOFP.
12 Not so far fetched as it might sound. Bahnson notes in a letter to Bryce and Cécile
of December 29, 1956, that by then the Air Force had expressed interest in their work
(this he heard directly from Glenn Martin) - see Fig.1.1.
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 17
from Europe had been Peter Bergmann’s idea - Goldberg gives a personal
account of his role in the Air Force’s support of general relativity (and the
possible reasons behind the military support of research in gravitation) in
[7]. Such free transportation became commonplace for the IOFP at this
time, and since many commentators who lived through this experience
have suggested that the ability to be able to network, made possible by
the availability of easy transportation, played a key role in the reemer-
gence of gravitational physics. Later funding would also take the form of
free computing time on IBM’s best machines13 , and (in limited cases) free
flights on TWA’s line.
Securing additional funding for the conference was time-consuming.
In May 1956, the DeWitts visited the National Science Foundation in
Washington, to explain the nature of their project - a visit that met
with success. The same week Bryce DeWitt gave a layman’s talk to the
Winston-Salem Rotary Club - at which various industrialists and wealthy
interested parties were present - in which he described the various techno-
logical innovations that have emerged from ‘pure research’. It seems (from
a memorandum Bahnson sent to his fellow funders) that the Chapel Hill
conference was virtually entirely externally funded (i.e. independent of
the IOFP’s own funds). This, he notes, is almost entirely thanks to the
work of Cécile DeWitt (Bahnson, “Memorandum No. 9”, May 7, 1957) -
in a letter to Bahnson dated November 5, 1956, Bryce DeWitt notes that
in the space of two weeks, Cécile composed 52 letters and placed 10 long
distance calls, chasing potential funding for the conference.
Though not quite a cascade, the IOFP had enough funding in its hey-
day to attract several first-rate postdoctoral fellows. These included Peter
Higgs, Heinz Pagels, and Ryoyu Utiyama. Among the first postdoctoral
fellows at the institute was Felix Pirani, who had previously belonged (and
would later return) to Hermann Bondi’s Relativity and Gravitation group
at King’s College, London (Clive Kilmister was another long term mem-
ber of this group).14 Pirani received his (first) doctorate under Arthur
Schild (who would later head the Center for Relativity) at The Carnegie
ativity ([11], p. 379), Pirani completely abandoned physics for a life as an author of
children’s books. See also [14].
18 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
but he fell ill during the planning and died just before the event took
place, prompting Pauli to declare that “This important moment in history
is a turning point in the history of the theory of relativity and therefore
physics” ([12], p. 27). Pauli himself died not long after, in 1958. Somewhat
surprisingly, this jubilee celebration was in fact the first ever international
conference devoted solely to relativity. As it would turn out, the con-
ference dealt almost exclusively with general relativity, special relativity
being more or less a finished enterprise, formally, experimentally, and con-
ceptually. The conference would later come to be known as “GR0”, the
zeroth conference in a series which continues to this day, and of which
Chapel Hill was the first, GR1.18
The proceedings (replete with post-talk discussions) were quickly edit-
ed by André Mercier and Michel Kervaire. This proceedings volume, and
the conference itself, played a central role in the future evolution of clas-
sical and quantum gravity. However, it was no Shelter Island. Whereas
that conference had been driven by the younger generation of physicists -
Feynman, Schwinger, Wheeler, and others - the Berne Jubilee conference
was dominated by older, more established physicists. In his own report
on the Chapel Hill conference, Bahnson noted that he had talked to a
physicist (unnamed) who had also participated in the Berne conference,
who had remarked that the Chapel Hill conference had “greater informal-
ity” and that “the younger participants contributed to more discussion
and exchange of information”. The Chapel Hill conference on the Role
of Gravitation in Physics, that would happen just two years later, did
18 Schweber traces the “reawakening of interest in the field [of GR]” ([13], p. 526) to
the Berne conference, GR0, in 1955. He also notes that interest in quantum gravity
was made “respectable” as a result of Feynman’s course at Caltech between 1962 and
1963 (loc. cit., p. 527). The Berne conference was important. But it was distinctly a
European affair. In the United States, as we have seen, there were several converging
lines of attack leading to a reawakening of interest. Indeed, I would argue that since the
Berne conference consisted mostly of an older generation who had persistently thought
about general relativity and quantum gravity for decades, the phrase ‘reawakening
of interest’ is not really appropriate. Klein, Pauli, and Rosenfeld, for example, were
veterans when it came to the study of both. In fact, there was an earlier conference in
honour of Bohr to which many of the same people contributed, and gave very similar
talks. Further, to trace the respectability of quantum gravity research to Feynman’s
course is over-stretching. Wheeler had been including material on quantum gravity
from the time he began teaching his general relativity course at Princeton. One can
even find quantum gravity problems posed within his earlier advanced quantum theory
course. In addition to this, there were, as Schweber himself notes, several strong ‘schools’
concentrating on gravitation research by the end of the 1950s. That Feynman’s course
happened was as a result of the increased respectability already in operation - moreover,
Feynman’s interest was surely stimulated as a result of his participation in the Chapel
Hill conference, though he seems to have already been investigating the subject by 1955.
20 1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context
for general relativity and gravitation what Shelter Island did for quantum
electrodynamics. The Chapel Hill conference was a genuine break from
the Berne conference, both in terms of its organization, its content, but
more so its spirit.
References
[1] Babson, R. W. (1948) “Gravity - Our Enemy Number One”. Reprinted
in H. Collins Gravity’s Shadow: The Search for Gravitational Waves
(pp. 828-831). University of Chicago Press, 2004.
[2] Babson, R. W. (1950) Actions and Reactions: An Autobiography of
Roger W. Babson. (2nd revised edition). Harper & Brothers Publish-
ers.
[3] Interview of Bryce DeWitt and Cécile DeWitt-Morette by Kenneth
W. Ford on February 28, 1995, Niels Bohr Library & Archives, Amer-
ican Institute of Physics, College Park, MD USA: http://www.aip.
org/history/ohilist/23199.html
[4] DeWitt, B. S. (1957) Principal Directions of Current Research Activ-
ity in the Theory of Gravitation. Journal of Astronautics 4: 23-28.
[5] DeWitt, B. S. (2009) Quantum Gravity: Yesterday and Today. Gen-
eral Relativity and Gravitation 41: 413-419.
[6] Gardner, M. (1957) Fads & Fallacies in The Name Of Science. Dover.
[7] Goldberg, J. M. (1992) “US Air Force Support of General Relativity:
1956-1972.” In J. Eisenstaedt and A. J. Kox (eds.), Studies in the
History of General Relativity (pp. 89-102). Boston: Birkhäuser.
[8] Higgs, P. W. (1958) Integration of Secondary Constraints in Quan-
tized General Relativity. Physical Review Letters 1(10): 373-374.
[9] Kaiser, D. (1998). “A ψ is just a ψ ? Pedagogy, Practice, and the Re-
constitution of General Relativity, 1942-1975.” Studies in the History
and Philosophy of Modern Physics 29 (3): 321-338.
[10] Kragh, H. (2002) Quantum Generations: A History of Physics in the
Twentieth Century. Princeton University Press.
[11] Newmann, E. (2005). “A Biased and Personal Description of GR.” In
A. Kox and J. Eisenstaedt, The Universe of General Relativity (pp.
373-383). Boston: Birkhäuser, 2005.
1. The Chapel Hill Conference in Context 21
USA
D. R. Brill Dieter Brill was born in 1933, and received his PhD from
Princeton in 1959, on the subject of the positivity of mass in general
relativity. He was a student of John Wheeler during the conference.
He would later go on to write one of the earliest review articles on the
quantization of general relativity, with his student Robert Gowdy.
W. R. Davis William Davis received his PhD from the University of Göt-
tingen in 1956. He was hired by the University of North Carolina in
1957. He later became one of the world’s foremost authorities on the
works of Cornelius Lanczos, and is the editor of Lanczos’ complete
works.
A. E. Lilley Arthur Lilley was born in 1928. He received his PhD in 1956
in astronomy from Harvard University under the direction of Bart
Bok. At the time of the conference he was a radio astronomer with
the U.S. Naval Research Laboratory, though affiliated to Harvard.
He was a pioneer in radio astronomy and its uses in the testing of
relativity.
UK
H. Bondi Hermann Bondi was born in Vienna in 1919. He did his PhD at
Cambridge under Arthur Eddington. In 1948 Bondi had, together
with Thomas Gold, published a theory of cosmology (the ‘steady
state theory’) based on the ‘perfect cosmological principle’, which
was still being debated at the time of the Chapel Hill conference. By
1957, Bondi had established (at King’s College, London) one of the
few schools of general relativity.
F. Pirani Felix Pirani was born in 1928. He received his first PhD un-
der Arthur Schild, at the Carnegie Institute of Technology, in 1951,
where he had worked (together with Schild) on the canonical quan-
tization of the gravitational field. He obtained a second PhD under
Hermann Bondi at Cambridge in 1956, on “The Relativistic Basis Of
Mechanics.” Just prior to the Chapel Hill conference he had proposed
the geodesic deviation equation as a tool for designing a workable
gravitational wave receiver. He later became an author of children’s
books, a shift which seems to have been triggered by his experience
of racism in the United States during a postdoctoral fellowship at
Chapel Hill in 1959.
France
Y. Fourès Yvonne Fourès (née Bruhat; now Choquet-Bruhat) was born
in Lille in 1923. She received her PhD (‘Docteur des Sciences’) from
the Université de Paris in 1951 on the Cauchy problem for a system
of second order partial differential equations (with application to
general relativity). She spent 1951-1952 at the Institute for Advanced
Study in Princeton. She was a member of the Faculté des Sciences
de Marseille at the time of the Chapel Hill conference.
André Lichnerowicz Lichnerowicz was born in Bourbon l’Archambault in
1915. He received his PhD in 1939, on differential geometry in gen-
eral relativity, under the supervision of Georges Darmois. He was
based at the Collège de France, in Paris when the conference took
place. He was a full professor of mathematics, rather than physics.
As we have seen, at the time it was common for general relativists
to be found in mathematics departments. Lichnerowicz had earlier
been to the States, where he had spent some time as a visiting pro-
fessor at Princeton. The same year as the conference, Lichnerowicz
founded (along with John Wheeler and Vladimir Fock) the Interna-
tional Society for General Relativity and Gravitation.
M. A. Tonnelat Marie-Antoinette Tonnelat-Baudot was born in 1912 in
Southern Burgundy. She gained her doctorate in 1939, under the su-
pervision of de Broglie. In this work (which includes a little-known
paper coauthored with de Broglie) she investigated the relationship
between the wave mechanics of spin-2 particles (gravitons) and lin-
earized general relativity. By the time of the conference she had a
long history of research in general relativity and unified field theory
and was holding a position at the Henri Poincaré Institute at the
Université de Paris.
Germany
H. Salecker Helmut Salecker had been a research assistant of Eugene
Wigner, and was reporting on their joint work at the Chapel Hill
conference. He spent part of 1957 based in Princeton with Wigner,
working on general relativistic invariance and quantum theory, and
the work on quantum limitations of measurements of spacetime dis-
tances. Following this he took up a position at the Institut für The-
oretische Physik at Freiburg.
30 2. The Authors
Japan
Denmark
S. Deser Stanley Deser was born in 1931, in Poland. He obtained his PhD
from Harvard in 1953, under the supervision of Julian Schwinger
with a thesis on “Relativistic Two-Body Interactions.” He had been
an NSF Jewett Postdoctoral Fellow at the Institute of Advanced
Study (IAS) between 1953 and 1955 under the supervision of Robert
Oppenheimer - he was also associated with the ‘Rad lab’ at Berkeley
during 1954. At the time of the conference he was a member of the
Niels Bohr Institute in Copenhagen.
Sweden
B. Laurent Bertel Laurent had been Oskar Klein’s last student. In the
years immediately preceding the Chapel Hill conference he had been
working on the first attempt at a Feynman-style quantization of gen-
eral relativity.
Turkey
Cécile M. DeWitt
This conference was an activity of the North Carolina Project of the In-
stitute of Field Physics, established in 1956 in the Department of Physics
of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
Its organization has been carried out through the Institute of Natural
Science of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.
STEERING COMMITTEE
Frederick J. Belinfante, Purdue University
Peter G. Bergmann, Syracuse University
Bryce S. DeWitt, University of North Carolina
Cécile M. DeWitt, University of North Carolina
Freeman J. Dyson, Institute for Advanced Study
John A. Wheeler, Princeton University
MARCH 19571
Wright Air Development Center
Air Research and Development Command
United States Air Force
Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio
1 Cécile M. DeWitt mailed this report to the Air Force on March 18; on March 19, she
W. A. Bowers
B. S. DeWitt
Cécile M. DeWitt
M. M. Duncan
J. M. Ging
J. R. Herring
E. M. Lynch
A. V. Masket
Eugen Merzbacher
Ouida C. Taylor
Scientific editors
Cécile M. DeWitt
Bryce S. DeWitt
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
ticket. The legislature of 1874-1875 was to be composed as follows: Senate, 13
Republicans (of whom 6 were negroes) and 20 Democrats; House, 40
Republicans (of whom 29 were negroes) and 60 Democrats.[2162]
The whites were exceedingly pleased with their victory, while the Republicans
took defeat as something expected. There were, of course, the usual charges of
outrage, Ku Kluxism, and the intimidation of the negro vote, but these were
fewer than ever before. There was considerable complaint that the Federal
troops had sided always with the whites in the election troubles. The Republican
leaders knew, of course, that for their own time at least Alabama was to remain
in the hands of the whites. The blacks were surprisingly indifferent after they
discovered that there was to be no return to slavery, so much so that many
whites feared that their indifference masked some deep-laid scheme against the
victors.
Larger Image
The heart of the Black Belt still remained under the rule of the carpet-bagger
and the black. The Democratic state executive Committee considered that
enough had been gained for one election, so it ordered that no whites should
contest on technical grounds alone the offices in those black counties. Other
methods gradually gave the Black Belt to the whites. No Democrat would now
go on the bond of a Republican official and numbers were unable to make
bond; their offices thus becoming vacant, the governor appointed Democrats.
Others sold out to the whites, or neglected to make bond, or made bonds which
were later condemned by grand juries. This resulted in many offices going to
the whites, though most of them were still in the hands of the Republicans.
[2163]
Houston’s two terms were devoted to setting affairs in order. The administration
was painfully economical. Not a cent was spent beyond what was absolutely
necessary. Numerous superfluous offices were cut off at once and salaries
reduced. The question of the public debt was settled. To prevent future
interference by Federal authorities the time for state elections was changed
from November, the time of the Federal elections, to August, and this separation
is still in force. The whites now demanded a new constitution. Their objections
to the constitution of 1868 were numerous: it was forced upon the whites, who
had no voice in framing it; it “reminds us of unparalleled wrongs”; it had not
secured good government; it was a patchwork unsuited to the needs of the
state; it had wrecked the credit of the state by allowing the indorsement of
private corporations; it provided for a costly administration, especially for a
complicated and unworkable school system which had destroyed the schools;
there was no power of expansion for the judiciary; and above all, it was not
legally adopted.[2164]
The Republicans declared against a new constitution as meant to destroy the
school system, provide imprisonment for debt, abolish exemption from taxation,
disfranchise and otherwise degrade the blacks. By a vote of 77,763 to 59,928, a
convention was ordered by the people, and to it were elected 80 Democrats, 12
Republicans, and 7 Independents. A new constitution was framed and adopted
in 1875.[2165]
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This clique of office-holders was almost destroyed by the two Democratic
administrations under Cleveland, and has been unhappy under later Republican
administrations; but the Federal administration in the state is not yet
respectable. Dissatisfaction on the part of the genuine Republicans in the
northern counties resulted in the formation of a “Lily White” faction which
demanded that the negro be dropped as a campaign issue and that an attempt
be made to build up a decent white Republican party. The opposing faction has
been called “The Black and Tans,” and has held to the negro. The national party
organization and the administration have refused to recognize the demands of
the “Lily Whites”; and it would be exceedingly embarrassing to go back on the
record of the past in regard to the negro as the basis of the Republican party in
the South. In consequence the growth of a reputable white party has been
hindered.
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The Populist movement promised to cause a healthy division of the whites into
two parties. But the tactics of the national Republican organization in trying to
profit by this division, by running in the negroes, resulted in a close reunion of
the discordant whites, the Populists furnishing to the reunited party some new
principles and many new leaders, while the Democrats furnished the name,
traditions, and organization.
To make possible some sort of division and debate among the whites the
system of primary elections was adopted. In these elections the whites were
able to decide according to the merits of the candidate and the issues involved.
The candidate of the whites chosen in the primaries was easily elected. This
plan had the merit of placing the real contest among the whites, and there was
no danger of race troubles in elections. In the Black Belt the primary system
was legalized and served by its regulations to confine the election contests to
regularly nominated candidates, and hence to whites, the blacks having lost
their organization.
Larger Image
The Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments in their operation gave undue
political influence to the whites of the Black Belt, and this was opposed by
whites of other districts. It also resulted in serious corruption in elections. There
was always danger in the Black Belt that the Republicans, taking advantage of
divisions among the whites, would run in the negroes again. There were
instances when the whites simply counted out the negro vote or used “shotgun”
methods to prevent a return to the intolerable conditions of Reconstruction. The
people grew weary of the eternal “negro in the woodpile,” and a demand arose
for a revision of the constitution in order to eliminate the mass of the negro
voters, to do away with corruption in the elections and to leave the whites free.
The conservative leaders, like Governors Jones and Oates, were rather opposed
to a disfranchising movement. The Black Belt whites were somewhat doubtful,
but the mass of the whites were determined, and the work was done; the
stamp of legality was thus placed upon the long-finished work of necessity, and
the “white man’s movement” had reached its logical end.[2166]
The mistakes and failures of Reconstruction are clear to all. Whether any
successes were achieved by the Congressional plan has been a matter for
debate. It has been strongly asserted that Reconstruction, though failing in
many important particulars, succeeded in others. The successes claimed may be
summarized as follows: (1) there was no more legislation for the negro similar
to that of 1865-66, that following the Reconstruction being “infinitely milder”;
(2) Reconstruction gave the negroes a civil status that a century of “restoration”
would not have accomplished, for though the right to vote is a nullity, other
undisputed rights of the black are due to the Reconstruction; the unchangeable
organic laws of the state and of the United States favor negro suffrage, which
will come the sooner for being thus theoretically made possible; (3)
Reconstruction prevented the southern leaders from returning to Washington as
irreconcilables, and gave them troubles enough to keep them busy until a new
generation grew up which accepted the results of war; (4) by organizing the
blacks it made them independent of white control in politics; (5) it gave the
negro an independent church; (6) it gave the negro a right to education and
gave to both races the public school system; (7) it made the negro economically
free and showed that free labor was better than slave labor; (8) it destroyed the
former leaders of the whites and “freed them from the baleful influence of old
political leaders”; in general, as Sumner said, the ballot to the negro was “a
peacemaker, a schoolmaster, a protector,” soon making him a fairly good citizen,
and secured peace and order—the “political hell” through which the whites
passed being a necessary discipline which secured the greatest good to the
greatest number.[2167]
On the other hand, it may be maintained (1) that the intent of the legislation of
1865-1866 has been entirely misunderstood, that it was intended on the whole
for the benefit of the negro as well as of the white, and that it has been left
permanently off the statute book, not because the whites have been taught
better by Reconstruction, but because of the amendments which prohibit in
theory what has all along been practised (hence the gross abuses of peonage);
(2) that the theoretical rights of the negro have been no inducement to grant
him actual privileges, and that these theoretical rights have not proven so
permanent as was supposed before the disfranchising movement spread
through the South; (3) that the generation after Reconstruction is more
irreconcilable than the conservative leaders who were put out of politics in
1865-1867—that the latter were willing to give the negro a chance, while the
former, able, radical, and supported by the people, find less and less place for
the negro; (4) that if the blacks were united, so were the whites, and in each
case the advantage may be questioned; (5) that the value of the negro church
is doubtful; (6) that as in politics, so in education, the negro has no
opportunities now that were not freely offered him in 1865-1866, and the
school system is not a product of Reconstruction, but came near being
destroyed by it; (7) that negro free labor is not as efficient as slave labor was,
and the negro as a cotton producer has lost his supremacy and his economic
position is not at all assured; (8) that the whites have acquired new leaders, but
the change has been on the whole from conservatives to radicals, from friends
of the negro to those indifferent to him. In short, a careful study of conditions
in Alabama since 1865 will not lead one to the conclusion that the black race in
that state has any rights or privileges or advantages that were not offered by
the native whites in 1865-1866.
For the misgovernment of Reconstruction, the negro, who was in no way to
blame, has been made to suffer, since those who were really responsible could
not be reached; so politically the races are hostile; the Black Belt has had, until
recently, an undue and disturbing influence in white politics; the Federal official
body and the Republican organization in the state have not been respectable,
and the growth of a white Republican party has been prevented; the whites
have for thirty-five years distrusted and disliked the Federal administration
which, until recent years, showed little disposition to treat them with any
consideration;[2168] the rule of the carpet-bagger, scalawag, and negro, and the
methods used to overthrow that rule, weakened the respect of the people for
the ballot, for law, for government; the estrangement of the races and the
social-equality teachings of the reconstructionists have made it much less safe
than in slavery for whites to reside near negro communities, and the negro is
more exposed to imposition by low whites.
In recent years there have been many signs of improvement, but only in
proportion as the principles and practices that the white people of the state
understand are those of Reconstruction are rejected or superseded. To the
northern man Reconstruction probably meant and still means something quite
different from what the white man of Alabama understands by the term. But as
the latter understands it, he has accepted none of its essential principles and
intends to accept none of its so-called successes.
In destroying all that was old, Reconstruction probably removed some abuses;
from the new order some permanent good must have resulted. But credit for
neither can rightfully be claimed until it can be shown that those results were
impossible under the régime destroyed.
APPENDIX I
APPENDIX II
Blockade-running, 183.
Clayton, Judge Henry D., charge to the Pike County grand jury on
the negro question, 385.
Conscription, 92-108;
enrolment laws, 92-98;
trouble between state and Confederate authorities, 96-98.
Coöperationists, 28;
policy of, in secession convention, 30;
speeches of, 32 et seq.
County and local officials during Reconstruction, 742, 743, 753, 761,
796.
“Deadfalls,” 769.
Deserters, 112-130;
outrages by, 119;
prominent men, 124;
numbers, 127.
Keffer, John C., mentioned, 506, 518, 524, 554, 737, 751.
Lakin, Rev. A. S., Northern Methodist missionary, 637, 639, 648, 650;
in Union League, 557;
elected president of State University, 612;
Davis’s opinion of, 612.
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