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 Victory
Victory Over Cancer!
Part 1 – Making the Unthinkable Possible Over Cancer!
First Edition

© 2012 by Dr. Matthias Rath and Dr. Aleksandra Niedzwiecki.

ISBN 978-90-76332-76-5 – Part 1 –

Distribution:
Dr. Rath Education Services B.V.
Postbus 656
Making the
NL-6400 AR Heerlen

Tel.: 0031-457-111 222

Unthinkable Possible
Fax: 0031-457-111 229

E-Mail [email protected]
[email protected]
Internet: www.rath-eduserv.com

Dr. Matthias Rath

All rights reserved. Distributed by Dr. Rath Health Foundation, Santa Clara, CA 95050
Individual pages or small portions of this book may be used for private and non-profit
educational purposes only. Dr. Aleksandra Niedzwiecki
Disclaimer:

This book is not intended as a substitute for the medical advice of a physician.
The reader should regularly consult a physician in matters relating to his or her health and
particularly in respect to any symptoms that may require diagnosis or medical attention.
The author and publisher disclaim responsibility for any adverse effects resulting directly
or indirectly from the information contained in this book.

4 5
 Contents

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Chapter I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Chapter II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
The Medical Breakthrough Towards
the Natural Control of Cancer

Chapter III . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

Scientific Facts That Make
this Breakthrough Irreversible

“We will live to see a time when we no longer

have to look over our shoulder like a criminal
when we say: two and two makes four.” Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Bertolt Brecht, “Life of Galilee“ Important documentation

6 7
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Introduction

Introduction

Only once in the history of mankind is the discovery being made that
will lead to the natural control of cancer.

This book documents this discovery.

A breakthrough of this nature leads the pioneering scientists on a

path from the discovery of the underlying cellular mechanisms to
the confirmation of new therapeutic approaches at the level of
basic research and ultimately to the clinical proof in patients suf-
Dr. Matthias Rath Dr. Aleksandra Niedzwiecki fering from cancer.

This book is the report of the pioneering scientists.

One author, Dr. Matthias Rath, was privileged to contribute the

discovery of new natural ways to control cancer. Dr. Aleksandra
Niedzwiecki coordinated the scientific proof of this medical
breakthrough.

‘Victory Over Cancer’ is not an achievement that is given to us,

the people, voluntarily. Mankind has to earn the right to live in a
world without fear of cancer. The battle for that fundamental right
to become reality is being fought once.

This time is now.

Significantly, for mankind to achieve ‘Victory Over Cancer’ it was
not necessary to invent new, hi-tech approaches to control this
disease. The decisive breakthrough towards the effective preven-
tion, control and ultimately the elimination of cancer is based on
our new understanding of the critical role of micronutrients.

8 9
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Introduction

The fact that the essential role of micronutrients in controlling

cancer thus far has not been understood – let alone applied
towards the control of the cancer epidemic – is no coincidence. It
has been deliberately neglected and withheld in the interest of the
pharmaceutical investment business.

Diseases in general have been exploited by the pharmaceutical

business interests as markets for their patented drugs. In cancer an
additional, particularly appalling, aspect deserves consideration.
The diagnosis ‘cancer’ has been kept as a ‘death verdict’ in the As the authors of this book, our gratitude goes first and foremost to the
perception of people. That was not a coincidence. This fear of team of researchers at our Institute – in particular to the head of our can-
cer research group, Dr. Waheed Roomi (second from left).
death made millions of cancer patients accept literally any proce-
dure – as questionable as it may be – including highly toxic
chemotherapy. The key discoveries towards ‘Victory over Cancer‘ were made
already two decades ago. Our efforts at that time to convince large
This report will end this fallacy and, thereby, help to liberate pharmaceutical companies to commit to the elimination of cancer
mankind from the fateful dependency upon the pharmaceutical were futile. In retrospect, this was no surprise: This discovery
‘business with disease’. threatened their multi-billion dollar market with chemotherapy
drugs.
The victory over cancer ranks among the great advances in medi-
cine. One hundred and fifty years ago Louis Pasteur discovered However, we did not give up, but it took us about one decade to
that microorganisms are the cause of infectious diseases and start our own research institute in California and to launch a com-
thereby paved the way for the control of many epidemics that had prehensive cancer research project in 1999.
haunted mankind for millennia. It was more than a quarter centu-
ry later that his theories were finally accepted. By the end of 2001 we had obtained the first research confirma-
tion that key steps of the cancer disease can be controlled natural-
As the philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer already noted: “Every ly. We decided to share this life-saving information with the world.
truth passes through three stages before it is recognised. In the On March 8, 2002, we announced this medical breakthrough on
first it is ridiculed, in the second it is opposed, in the third it is a full page in USA Today – the world’s largest newspaper.
regarded as self-evident.”

10 11
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Introduction

The significance of this breakthrough for human health can per-

haps best be judged from the fierce reactions by the status quo.
Over the past ten years the pharmaceutical lobby filed more than
100 legal attacks against this breakthrough, to no avail. The publi-
cation of this book now documents that we are right.

This book will empower millions of people to take actions toward

ending the devastating dependency upon the economic interests
who have been putting profits over life for an entire century.

This book will break mankind’s psychological dependency on the

‘investment business with the cancer epidemic’. It will inspire
similar breakthroughs in the fight against other diseases and con-
tribute to a new, independent, global health care in the interest
of billions of people living today and of future generations.

Santa Clara, California,

Autumn 2011

Matthias Rath and Aleksandra Niedzwiecki

Above: A copy of our announcement about the breakthrough in the

natural control of cancer in USA Today, on March 8, 2002. By present-
ing this information directly to the public we wanted to make sure the
whole world learned about it.

12 13
 Do Stars ‘Science as Art’’ is an idea by August Kowalczyk.
Shine in Red? ‘Do Stars Shine in Red’ is a microscopic picture of cervical
cancer cells undergoing natural death (suicide).
The picture was taken at the Dr. Rath Research Institute.
Visit the entire art gallery at
www.dr-rath-humanities-foundation.org/exhibition/index.html.
I. Facts No One Can
Ignore Any Longer
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact #1:
The Sobering Cancer Death Statistics
Cancer Is the Third Largest Cause of Death in of the World Health Organization (WHO)
The Industrialised World

• At the beginning of the 21st Century, the cancer epidemic Infections Cardiovascular
remains one of the largest killers on our planet. Disease
• According to the World Health Organization, 7.5 million peo- Other
ple worldwide die each year from cancer. This number is only Diseases
slightly behind the number of deaths from infectious diseases.
Cancer
• In the US, Canada and Europe, the numbers are even more
staggering – 5.6 million people die here from cancer each year.
This means that every third man and woman in the communi-
ties across North America and Europe dies from this disease. A. Worldwide 7.5 million people die each year
from the ongoing cancer epidemic

Infections
Most importantly,
every number in these statistics Cardiovascular
means a human life lost. Other Disease
Diseases

Cancer

B. In North America and Europe, 5.6 million people

die each year from the ongoing cancer epidemic

Reference: WHO Mortality Statistics for 2008

18 19
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

The Dimension of the Cancer Epidemic Visualising the Dimension:

At the beginning of the 21st Century, cancer remains one of the
largest epidemics of mankind. It is almost impossible to demon-
New York Tokyo
strate the entire magnitude of this epidemic. What we can do to
visualise its dimension is to take the number of cancer patients
who die each year – and compare it to the population of the
world’s largest cities.

Every year the cancer epidemic takes the lives of 7.5 million
patients worldwide. In comparison, here are the current popula- London Rio de Janeiro
tion numbers for some of the world’s largest metropoles: Tokyo 8.9
million, Mexico City 8.9 million, New York City 8.4 million, Lagos
(Nigeria) 8 million, London 7.8 million, Lima (Peru) 7.6 million,
Hong Kong 7 million, Bangkok (Thailand) 7 million, Cairo (Egypt)
6.8 million and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) 6.3 million.

Imagine you are living in one of these giant cities. You have to dri-
ve for hours to get from one end of the city to the other. And all
those people living in every street of this city disappear each year
as the result of this unconquered epidemic. Over the past half
century more than 300 million people have died from cancer –
this translates to the eradication of the entire population of the
United States of America.
USA
Besides the unimaginable cost of human life there is a strangulat- Population above 300 million
ing economic burden associated with this disease for every
patient, community and country. The global costs for oncology
drugs in 2010 alone was 56 billion US dollars. The economic
impact of the cancer epidemic – excluding all medical costs – was
even more staggering: With 895 billion US dollars, cancer had by
far the greatest economic toll among all diseases. We will provide
more details in part 2 of this book, chapter IV. Every year the cancer epidemic takes the lives of cancer patients
in numbers corresponding to the inhabitants of some of the
world’s largest cities. Over the past half century – during the age
of ‘chemotherapy’ – the number of patients killed from the can-
cer epidemic equals the entire population of the United States of
America.

20 21
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Translating the Global Scope of the

Cancer Epidemic to Your Home Town
Number of worldwide
cancer deaths each year Compared to cities in the UK

7.5 M

Imagine
how many

• Nottingham + Leicester + Sunderland + 24 other cities of this size

lives can

• Stoke-on-Trent + Wolverhampton + 29 other cities of this size

• Liverpool + Manchester + Bristol + 15 other cities of this size

• Belfast + Newcastle upon Tyne + 26 other cities of this size

• Wakefield + Cardiff + Coventry + 21 other cities of this size
be saved

• Brighton + Hull + Plymouth + 28 other cities of this size

5M • Bradford + Edinburgh + 14 other cities of this size if an
• Glasgow + Sheffield + 12 other cities of this size

effective
cure for
• Birmingham + 7 other cities of this size

cancer is
found!
• Leeds + 9 other cities of this size

2.5 M
• London

On the previous pages we compared the scope of the global ing your hometown. In the above graph every column totals to
cancer epidemic to large cities. But cancer happens where you the approximate number of people who die each year from can-
live – in every community in the country. On this page, we there- cer. We created this chart not only to emphasise the dimension
fore compare the number of people dying each year from cancer of this disease but – above all – to underscore the urgency to find
globally to the population of major UK cities – possibly includ- a solution to it!

22 23
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact # 2:
The Cancer Epidemic Is Still Expanding – Increase in Cancer Deaths (Mortality)
From 1970 to 2000 in Different Age Groups
Despite All Media Hype About Medical
‘Breakthroughs’
Cancer Patient
Age 70 - 79
What does this mean?

• If a disease still increases, it means that the mechanisms for its

control have not yet been discovered or they are not being
applied in the medical practice.
• Conventional approaches like chemotherapy and radiation –
that have been used on cancer patients for over half a century –
have obviously failed to curb the cancer epidemic.
• Thus, chemotherapy and radiation can no longer be considered Cancer Patient Age 60 - 69
a credible answer to the cancer epidemic.
• Therefore, there is an urgent need for new, effective approaches
to control the cancer epidemic!

Cancer Patient Age 50 - 59

6 September, 2008

1970 2000

Statistics for USA; data for developed countries are comparable.

Source: Journal of the American Medical Association, 2005.

24 25
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact # 3:
The Therapeutic Goal of Chemotherapy And Deadlocks of Conventional Cancer Therapies
Radiation Is to Kill Cancer Cells by Intoxicat-
ing the Entire Body
Radiation and chemotherapy – which have been used by conven-
tional medicine for more than half a century to fight cancer, have
one common ‘therapeutic’ effect: they kill cancer cells and bil-
lions of healthy cells alike. These highly toxic procedures indis-
criminately damage all cells in the body of patients and have,
therefore, been compared to a ‘shotgun’ approach.

To make things worse, chemotherapy affects particularly those

healthy cells in our body that are multiplying rapidly, such as the Radiation Chemotherapy
white blood cells of the immune system. Thus, when the body of a
cancer patient has the greatest need for effective defence, the
immune cells are being systematically destroyed by highly toxic
procedures.

Even a lay person can understand that if medicine has to resort to

‘shotgun’ approaches, this means only one thing: the causes and
pathways of the disease are not properly understood so that effec-
tive therapies could not be developed that specifically target Cancer Cell
abnormal cells, e.g., cancer cells.

Any ‘shotgun’ approach to a disease reflects the desperation on

the part of medicine itself. To deceive the patients and provide
false hope, conventional medicine uses the terms chemo-’therapy’
and radio-’therapy’ – when actually no effective ‘therapy’ is avail-
able. The past half century of conventional cancer therapy can
only be described as a failure. Healthy Cell

Both radiation and chemotherapy kill cancer cells and – at

the same time – healthy cells in the body of cancer
patients.

26 27
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact # 4:
The Horrific Toxicity of Chemotherapy
Chemotherapy Is Extremely Toxic
A whole array of highly toxic chemicals are being applied to mil-
lions of cancer patients around the world with the alleged promise
to cure cancer, hence the term ‘Chemo-Therapy’. Among these
substances are some of the most toxic chemicals known to man.
The first chemotherapy drug was directly derived from ‘mustard
gas’, a chemical warfare agent used in World War I as a weapon!
Derivatives of this deadly gas are still being used today in cancer Mustard gas molecule. About one third of the soldiers exposed to
patients as mechlorethamine, cyclophosphamide, chlorambucil it in WWI died.
and ifosfamide.

Besides these derivatives of mustard gas, there are several other

groups of highly toxic chemicals applied to cancer patients. The
common denominator of all these chemicals is that they damage
the molecules of inheritance (DNA) in the cell core and interrupt
other essential biological processes in every cell of the body.

The toxicity of chemotherapy is also reflected in the ‘safety pre-

Health professionals handling chemotherapy must wear extremely
cautions’ for cancer patients published by the ‘American Cancer thick gloves to protect themselves from toxic damage (left). The
Society’. Even health professionals are being reminded about the picture on the right shows damage caused by chemotherapy sub-
health risks they are exposed to while handling chemotherapy stance spilled on an unprotected hand.
drugs. These risks include damage to their DNA, birth defects,
development of new cancers and organ damage. Thus, health pro-
fessionals have to “wear special gloves, goggles, and gowns when
preparing and giving chemotherapy” (www.cancer.org).

These chemicals are toxic and dangerous to others even after they
are excreted through the skin, urine, stool, even tears, semen and
vaginal fluid. The people at particular risk include family mem-
bers, caregivers and literally anyone touching a chemotherapy
patient.

Entire companies flourish on the sales of protective gear and

waste disposal devices for the chemotherapy business.

28 29
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Damaging Side Effects of Chemotherapy

Introducing the ‘Hickman’-Catheter
Most other infusion drugs are being applied to the patient via the
arm veins. However, this application mode is not possible for most
chemotherapy drugs because the chemicals would instantly ‘burn’
the blood vessel walls, leading to severe tissue damage and
inflammation.

To apply these substances to the cancer patient, nevertheless, a

special infusion device has to be used, the ‘Hickman Catheter.’
This special catheter is inserted directly into the superior vena
cava, one of the largest veins of the body, that is located close to
the right heart atrium. Because of the large diameter of this vein
(about 1 inch), the highly concentrated chemical substance does
not get into direct contact with the blood vessel wall and is being
diluted with the blood stream directly into the right heart ventricle.

With these toxic substances circulating in the body for many hours,
even days, with the destruction of cells being the desired therapeu-
tic target of these chemicals, it is no wonder that ‘chemotherapy’
causes severe side effects in the patients, including:

• Destruction of the bone - Vision and hearing impairment

marrow, the site of blood cell for- - Damage to the entire digestive
mation, resulting in system, ulcers in mouth, vomit-
- Impaired immune system ing, diarrhea
- Increased rate of infections - Infertility
- Anemia - Weight loss, anorexia
Hickman Catheter:
- Excessive bleeding - Hair loss

• Organ damage • Triggering the growth of new can-

Most chemotherapy
- Heart damage, shortness of cers anywhere in the body drugs are so toxic that
breath, edema, arrhythmia they need this special
- Lung damage, breathing • Death device to be delivered
problems, fever into the patient’s body.
- Liver damage and failure
- Kidney damage and failure
- Damage to brain, memory loss,
decreased mental
function, depression

30 31
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Why Cancer Patients Voluntarily Subject The Psychological War

Themselves to Such Toxic Procedures With the Cancer Epidemic
While reading the previous pages, you, our readers, may have
asked yourself the question: how is it possible that 1. The fear of death from cancer is a
anyone would voluntarily allow such toxic chemicals to be inject- precondition for the acceptance of
ed or infused into the body? potentially deadly treatments like
chemotherapy.
Even more, how can it be that mankind as a whole could allow
the intoxication of the human body to become the universal stan- 2. As long as cancer remains essentially a
dard ‘therapy’ for cancer for more than half a century. ‘death sentence’ the investment business
with toxic chemotherapies will continue.
The answer to this question is sobering: A patient who associates
the diagnosis ‘cancer’ with the worst outcome – death – is instant-
ly put into a psychological state of fear and despair. This, in turn, 3. Any medical breakthrough that will turn
renders this patient susceptible to accept any ‘therapy’ – even if cancer into a manageable disease will,
that treatment itself is potentially deadly – as long as the threat of inevitably, remove the ‘death sentence’
certain death is being delayed for only a short time. associated with this disease – and thereby
destroy the fatal dependency of millions of
What makes things worse is the fact that for many types of cancer patients on toxic chemotherapy.
it is already established that chemotherapy does not prolong the
life of cancer patients at all. This includes prostate cancer, skin 4. Considering the fact that cancer has
cancer (melanoma), bladder cancer, kidney cancer, pancreatic
remained a ‘death sentence’ for more than
cancer and others. Patients with these types of cancer who
half a century, there exists an objective and
received chemotherapy have the same limited life expectancy as
those who don’t.* immediate need for new scientific direc-
tions that will also end the ‘psychological
war’ with the cancer epidemic.

* www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15630849

32 33
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

{
Fact # 5: New Cancer Drug Markets for a
Toxic Chemotherapy Drugs Boost Multitude of ‘Side Effect Diseases’
Multi-Billion Dollar Sales of Other Drugs
The toxicity of chemotherapy agents damages not only a few
organs in our body, but all organs and cell systems. For most • Painkillers
patients, every cycle of chemotherapy is associated not only with
severe pain, but with a multitude of new health problems. Some • Steroids/Cortisone
of these ‘side effect diseases’ continue for their entire lives – e.g.,
The Toxicity of • Other Anti-Inflam-
irreversible organ damage.
Chemotherapy matory Drugs
To cope with these side effects of chemotherapy, a series of drugs Creates the • Antibiotics
are being prescribed in order to alleviate the symptoms of these Need for Even
‘side-effect diseases.’ The most frequent categories of prescription
More Drugs • Blood Transfusions
drugs applied to cancer patients during and after chemotherapy
include:
• Antidepressants
• Different types of antibiotics prescribed against frequent infec- • Many Other Drugs
tions resulting from the damaged immune system.
• Painkillers, including morphine, to alleviate the unbearable
pain often associated with the chemical intoxication of the
human body.
• Steroids and all other inflammatory drugs to alleviate systemat- The toxicity of chemotherapy
ic inflammation of joints and other organs from toxic triggers a myriad of ‘side effect
chemotherapy. diseases’ which are treated with
a multitude of prescription
• Antidepressants and other psychiatric drugs prescribed to help
drugs and intensive medical
patients cope with the traumatic physical and psychological
procedures.
consequences of chemotherapy.
Right: Over the past decades,
Moreover, countless medical procedures are being performed on several handbooks were
cancer patients in an attempt to repair the severe damage caused published for patients and
by chemotherapy drugs. Among them are transplants of bone mar- nurses about managing the
row, liver, kidneys and other organs. side effects of chemotherapy
and radiation therapy.

34 35
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact # 6: Many Widely Used Prescription

Many Pharmaceutical Prescription Drugs Drugs Can Cause Cancer
Can Cause Cancer
US Government Report:
We have just learned that the toxic side effects of chemotherapy
require even more prescription drugs to alleviate the so-called
A multitude of widely used prescription drugs account for
‘side effect diseases’. What you should also know is that almost more than 40% of all chemical substances that can cause
half of all the substances listed by the US government as ‘carcino- cancer in humans.
genic’ – i.e., cancer causing – are pharmaceutical drugs pre-
scribed for various diseases. Different classes of prescription drugs can cause new
cancers to a varying degree:
The reason for this is that pharmaceutical drugs are synthetic –
i.e., artificial – compounds, not natural substances. Thus, the
human body cannot recognise them and they cannot easily be • 87% of anti-cancer drugs can cause new cancers
neutralised and eliminated. Most of these drugs cause damage to
• 50% of all antibiotics can cause cancer
the DNA of cells, thereby inducing the cancer process.
• 60% of drugs prescribed against depression and mental
The reason why most prescription drugs are not natural com- disorders are potentially carcinogenic
pounds but synthetic in nature is their patentability. The pharma- • Almost all immunosuppressants facilitate the develop-
ceutical business is based on profiting from the huge patent fees of ment of cancer
newly synthesised chemical compounds. Thus, the ongoing can- • Many other drugs are listed as cancerogenic, including
cer epidemic is also the result of this business principle. We will anti-ulcer drugs, anti-allergy drugs and others
talk more about that in chapter V.

The fact that many prescription drugs can cause cancer is widely
Sources:
known and is documented in many clinical studies and even gov- • National Institutes of Health, 9th
ernment reports. On the facing page is a list of some of the pre- Report on Carcinogens, 2001
scription drug classes that are known to pose the highest risk for • National Institutes of Health, NIH
12th Report on Carcinogens, 2011
developing cancer. Other powerful carcinogenic substances • US Department of Health and
include hormones such as estrogen, present in anti-contraceptive Human Services, 7th Annual
pills and prescribed to millions of menopausal women as ‘hor- Report on Carcinogens, 1995

mone replacement therapy.’

36 37
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

Fact # 7: Biological Regulation Instead of

The Indiscriminate Killing of Cells as Chemical and Radioactive Intoxication
Failed ‘Therapy’ for Cancer Will Be
Replaced by the Modern Approach of
‘Cellular Regulation’ Toxic Chemicals

The 20th Century will go into history as a deadlock in the

‘war against cancer’. Despite countless media reports about
alleged breakthroughs of cancer ‘cures’, the Cancer epi- Radioactive Agents
demic is still spreading on a global level.

The prevailing therapeutic approaches to this disease by

conventional medicine – chemotherapy and radiation –
were based on the indiscriminate damaging and killing of
billions of body cells in the hope to eliminate cancer.

The statistics prove that this approach of ‘intoxication’ was a

failure. For many types of cancer, chemotherapy and radia- Natural Regulation of
tion therapy had no advantage at all, for other types the
• Inhibition of
effects were minimal, short-term – and they were achieved Tumour Growth
at the expense of suffering and a dramatic decline in the
• Inhibition of
quality of life for the patient. Metastasis
• Encapsulation of
Thus, there exists an objective need for a completely new Tumour
direction in cancer therapy. This new approach has to be
• Selective Elimination
based on a new understanding about the natural regulation of Cancer Cells
of cancer cells. The keys to the effective control of cancer
are natural therapeutics that can interfere with and regulate
the malfunction of the biological software of cancer cells –
without affecting healthy cells.

Once that is accomplished, cancer can largely be eliminat-

ed as a cause of death and disability among humans.
Key to Victory Over Cancer:
Regulation Instead of Intoxication

38 39
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

“Doctor, how long?”

At the beginning of the 21st Century, the same bizarre ritual con- The hand of a doctor pats the patient’s leg in a mixture of conso-
tinues in doctors’ offices and hospitals around the world: Patients lation, reassurance and offering hope. Of course, there is no basis
are being diagnosed with ‘cancer’. Their wrenching hands for any of these delusive messages communicated by the doctor’s
express their minds that switch between helplessness and desper- hand – cancer is still largely what it was a century ago: a death
ation. In parallel, a second ghostly ritual takes place. verdict. It’s time for change!

40 41
Victory Over Cancer – Part One: Making the Unthinkable Possible Chapter I − Facts No One Can Ignore Any Longer

In the next chapters

we will take you on
a remarkable health journey.

You will realise that

the biological tools to achieve
‘Victory Over Cancer’
are available right now!

42 43
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
extra session one year ago, and which is the ridicule of all except
those who live at home upon it, enjoying the emoluments of service
without any service to perform. Look at it. Examine the plan in its
parts, and see the enormity of its proportions. Two ships-of-the-line,
four frigates, and four sloops and brigs for the Mediterranean—a sea
as free from danger to our commerce as is the Chesapeake Bay.
Why, sir, our Secretary is from the land of Decatur, and must have
heard of that commander, and how with three little frigates, one
sloop, and a few brigs and schooners, he humbled Algiers, Tripoli,
and Tunis, and put an end to their depredations on American ships
and commerce. He must have heard of Lord Exmouth, who, with
less force than he proposes to send to the Mediterranean, went
there and crushed the fortifications of Algiers, and took the bond of
the pirates never to trouble a Christian again. And he must have
heard of the French, who, since 1830, are the owners of Algiers.
Certainly the Mediterranean is as free from danger to-day as is the
Chesapeake Bay; and yet our Secretary proposes to send two ships-
of-the-line, four frigates, and four sloops to that safe sea, to keep
holiday there for three years. Another squadron of the same
magnitude is to go to Brazil, where a frigate and a sloop would be
the extent that any emergency could require, and more than has
ever been required yet. The same of the Pacific Ocean, where Porter
sailed in triumph during the war with one little frigate; and a
squadron to the East Indies, where no power has any navy, and
where our sloops and brigs would dominate without impediment. In
all fifty-four men-of-war! Seven ships-of-the-line, sixteen frigates,
twenty-three sloops and brigs, and eight steamers. And all this
under Jefferson's act of 1806, when there was not a ship-of-the-line,
nor a large frigate, nor twenty vessels of all sorts, and part of them
to remain in port—only the number going forth that would require
nine hundred and twenty-five men to man them! just about the
complement of one of these seven ships-of-the-line. Does not
presidential discretion want regulating when such things as these
can be done under the act of 1806? Has any one calculated the
amount of this increase, and counted up the amount of men and
money which it will cost? The report does not, and, in that respect,
is essentially deficient. It ought to be counted, and Mr. B. would
attempt it. He acknowledged the difficulty of such an undertaking;
how easy it was for a speaker—and especially such a speaker as he
was—to get into a fog when he got into masses of millions, and so
bewilder others as well as himself. To avoid this, details must be
avoided, and results made plain by simplifying the elements of
calculation. He would endeavor to do so, by taking a few plain data,
in this case—the data correct in themselves, and the results,
therefore, mathematically demonstrated.
He would take the guns and the men—show what we had now,
and what we proposed to have; and what was the cost of each gun
afloat, and the number of men to work it. The number of guns we
now have afloat is nine hundred and thirty-seven; the number of
men between eleven and twelve thousand; and the estimated cost
for the whole, a fraction over eight millions of dollars. This would
give about twelve men and about nine thousand dollars to each gun.
[Mr. Bayard asked how could these nine thousand dollars a gun be
made out?] Mr. Benton replied. By counting every thing that was
necessary to give you the use of the gun—every thing incident to its
use—every thing belonging to the whole naval establishment. The
end, design, and effect of the whole establishment, was to give you
the use of the gun. That was all that was wanted. But, to get it, an
establishment had to be kept up of vast extent and variety—of shops
and yards on land, as well as ships at sea—of salaries and pensions,
as well as powder and balls. Every expense is counted, and that
gives the cost per gun. Mr. B. said he would now analyze the
gentleman's report, and see what addition these five squadrons
would make to the expense of the naval establishment. The first
point was, to find the number of guns which they were to bear, and
which was the element in the calculation that would lead to the
results sought for. Recurring to the gentleman's report, and taking
the number of each class of vessels, and the number of guns which
each would carry, and the results would be:
 7 ships-of-the-line, rating 74, but carrying 80 guns, 560
16 frigates, 44 guns each, 704
13 sloops, 20 guns each, 260
10 brigs, 10 guns each, 100
8 steamers, 10 guns each, 80
1,704
Here (said Mr. B.) is an aggregate of 1,704 guns, which, at $9,000
each gun, would give $15,336,000, as the sum which the Treasury
would have to pay for a naval establishment which would give us the
use of that number. Deduct the difference between the 937, the
present number of guns, and this 1,704, and you have 767 for the
increased number of guns, which, at $9,000 each, will give
$6,903,000 for the increased cost in money. This was the moneyed
result of the increase. Now take the personal increase—that is to
say, the increased number of men which the five squadrons would
require. Taking ten men and two officers to the gun—in all, twelve—
and the increased number of men and officers required for 767 guns
would be 8,204. Add these to the 11,000 or 12,000 now in service,
and you have close upon 20,000 men for the naval peace
establishment of 1843, costing about fifteen millions and a half of
dollars.
But I am asked, and in a way to question my computation, how I
get at these nine thousand dollars cost for each gun afloat? I answer
—by a simple and obvious process. I take the whole annual cost of
the navy department, and then see how many guns we have afloat.
The object is to get guns afloat, and the whole establishment is
subordinate and incidental to that object. Not only the gun itself, the
ship which carries it, and the men who work it, are to be taken into
the account, but the docks and navy-yards at home, the hospitals
and pensions, the marines and guards—every thing, in fact, which
constituted the expense of the naval establishment. The whole is
employed, or incurred, to produce the result—which is, so many
guns at sea to be fired upon the enemy. The whole is incurred for
the sake of the guns, and therefore all must be counted. Going by
this rule (said Mr. B.), it would be easily shown that his statement of
yesterday was about correct—rather under than over; and this could
be seen by making a brief and plain sum in arithmetic. We have the
number of guns afloat, and the estimated expense for the year: the
guns 936; the estimate for the year is $8,705,579. Now, divide this
amount by the number of guns, and the result is a little upwards of
$9,200 to each one. This proves the correctness of the statement
made yesterday; it proves it for the present year, which is the one in
controversy. The result will be about the same for several previous
years. Mr. B. said he had looked over the years 1841 and 1838, and
found this to be the result: in 1841, the guns were 747, and the
expense of the naval establishment $6,196,516. Divide the money
by the guns, and you have a little upwards of $8,300. In 1838, the
guns were 670, and the expense $5,980,971. This will give a little
upwards of $8,900 to the gun. The average of the whole three years
will be just about $9,000.
Thus, the senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Woodbury] and
himself were correct in their statement, and the figures proved it. At
the same time, the senator from Delaware [Mr. Bayard] is
undoubtedly correct in taking a small number of guns, and saying
they may be added without incurring an expense of more than three
or four thousand dollars. Small additions may be made, without
incurring any thing but the expense of the gun itself, and the men
who work it. But that is not the question here. The question is to
almost double the number; it is to carry up 937 to 1,700. Here is an
increase intended by the Secretary of the Navy of near 800 guns—
perhaps quite 800, if the seventy-fours carry ninety guns, as
intimated by the senator [Mr. Bayard] this day. These seven or eight
hundred guns could not be added without ships to carry them, and
all the expense on land which is incident to the construction of these
ships. These seven or eight hundred additional guns would require
seven or eight thousand men, and a great many officers. Ten men
and two officers to the gun is the estimate. The present
establishment is near that rate, and the increase must be in the
same proportion. The present number of men in the navy, exclusive
of officers, is 9,784: which is a fraction over ten to the gun. The
number of officers now in service (midshipmen, surgeons, &c.,
included) is near 1,300, besides the list of nominations not yet
confirmed. This is in the proportion of nearly one and a half to a
gun. Apply the whole to the intended increase—the increase which
the report of the committee discloses to us—and you will have close
upon 17,000 men and 2,000 officers for the peace establishment of
the navy—in all, near 20,000 men! and this, independent of those
employed on land, and the 2,000 mechanics and laborers who are
usually at our navy-yards. Now, these men and officers cost money:
two hundred and twenty-six dollars per annum per man, and eight
hundred and fifty dollars per annum per officer, was the average cost
in 1833, as stated in the report of the then Secretary of the Navy,
the present senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Woodbury]. What it is
now, Mr. B. did not know, but knew it was greater for the officers
now, than it was then. But one thing he did know—and that was,
that a naval peace establishment of the magnitude disclosed in the
committee's report (six squadrons, 54 vessels, 1,700 guns, 17,000
men, and 2,000 or 3,000 officers) would break down the whole navy
of the United States.
Mr. B. said we had just had a presidential election carried on a
hue-and-cry against extravagance, and a hurrah for a change, and a
promise to carry on the government for thirteen millions of dollars;
and here were fifteen and a half millions for one branch of the
service! and those who oppose it are to be stigmatized as architects
of ruin, and enemies of the navy; and a hue-and-cry raised against
them for the opposition. He said we had just voted a set of
resolutions [Mr. Clay's] to limit the expenses of the government to
twenty-two millions; and yet here are two-thirds of that sum
proposed for one branch of the service—a branch which, under
General Jackson's administration, cost about four millions, and was
intended to be limited to about that amount. This was the economy
—the retrenchment—the saving of the people's money, which was
promised before the election!
 Mr. B. would not go into points so well stated by the senator from
New Hampshire [Mr. Woodbury] on yesterday, that our present peace
naval establishment exceeds the cost of the war establishment
during the late war; that we pay far more money, and get much
fewer guns and men than the British do for the same money. He
would omit the tables which he had on hand to prove these
important points, and would go on to say that it was an obligation of
imperious duty on Congress to arrest the present state of things; to
turn back the establishment to what it was a year ago; and to go to
work at the next session of Congress to regulate the United States
naval peace establishment by law. When that bill came up, a great
question would have to be decided—the question of a navy for
defence, or for offence! When that question came on, he would give
his opinion upon it, and his reasons for that opinion. A navy of some
degree, and of some kind, all seemed to be agreed upon; but what it
is to be—whether to defend our homes, or carry war abroad—is a
question yet to be decided, and on which the wisdom and the
patriotism of the country would be called into requisition. He would
only say, at present, that coasts and cities could be defended
without great fleets at sea. The history of continental Europe was
full of the proofs. England, with her thousand ships, could do
nothing after Europe was ready for her, during the late wars of the
French revolution. He did not speak of attacks in time of peace, like
Copenhagen, but of Cadiz and Teneriffe in 1797, and Boulogne and
Flushing in 1804, where Nelson, with all his skill and personal daring,
and with vast fleets, was able to make no impression.
Mr. B. said the navy was popular, and had many friends and
champions; but there was such a thing as killing by kindness. He
had watched the progress of events for some time, and said to his
friends (for he made no speeches about it) that the navy was in
danger—that the expense of it was growing too fast—that there
would be reaction and revulsion. And he now said that, unless things
were checked, and moderate counsels prevailed, and law substituted
for executive discretion (or indiscretion, as the case might be), the
time might not be distant when this brilliant arm of our defence
should become as unpopular as it was in the time of the elder Mr.
Adams.
 CHAPTER CIX.
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT AT THE
OPENING OF THE REGULAR SESSION OF 1842-
3.
The treaty with Great Britain, and its commendation, was the
prominent topic in the forepart of the message. The President
repeated, in a more condensed form, the encomiums which had
been passed upon it by its authors, but without altering the public
opinion of its character—which was that it was really a British treaty,
Great Britain getting every thing settled which she wished, and all to
her own satisfaction; while all the subjects of interest to the United
States were adjourned to an indefinite future time, as well known
then as now never to occur. One of these deferred subjects was a
matter of too much moment, and pregnant with too grave
consequences, to escape general reprobation in the United States: it
was that of the Columbia River, exclusively possessed by the British
under a joint-occupation treaty: and which possession only required
time to ripen it into a valid title. The indefinite adjournment of that
question was giving Great Britain the time she wanted; and the
danger of losing the country was turning the attention of the
Western people towards saving it by sending emigrants to occupy it.
Many emigrants had gone: more were going: a tide was setting in
that direction. In fact the condition of this great American territory
was becoming a topic of political discussion, and entering into the
contests of party; and the President found it necessary to make
further excuses for omitting to settle it in the Ashburton treaty, and a
necessity to attempt to do something to soothe the public mind. He
did so in this message:
 "It would have furnished additional cause for congratulation,
if the treaty could have embraced all subjects calculated in
future to lead to a misunderstanding between the two
governments. The territory of the United States, commonly
called the Oregon Territory, lying on the Pacific Ocean, north of
the forty-second degree of latitude, to a portion of which Great
Britain lays claim, begins to attract the attention of our fellow-
citizens; and the tide of population, which has reclaimed what
was so lately an unbroken wilderness in more contiguous
regions, is preparing to flow over those vast districts which
stretch from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean. In
advance of the acquirement of individual rights to these lands,
sound policy dictates that every effort should be resorted to by
the two governments to settle their respective claims. It became
manifest, at an early hour of the late negotiations, that any
attempt, for the time being, satisfactorily to determine those
rights, would lead to a protracted discussion which might
embrace, in its failure, other more pressing matters; and the
Executive did not regard it as proper to waive all the advantages
of an honorable adjustment of other difficulties of great
magnitude and importance, because this, not so immediately
pressing, stood in the way. Although the difficulty referred to
may not, for several years to come, involve the peace of the two
countries, yet I shall not delay to urge on Great Britain the
importance of its early settlement."

The excuse given for the omission of this subject in the Ashburton
negotiations is lame and insufficient. Protracted discussion is incident
to all negotiations, and as to losing other matters of more pressing
importance, all that were of importance to the United States were
given up any way, and without getting any equivalents for them. The
promise to urge an early settlement could promise but little fruit
after Great Britain had got all she wanted; and the discouragement
of settlement, by denying land titles to the emigrants until an
adjustment could be made, was the effectual way to abandon the
country to Great Britain. But this subject will have an appropriate
chapter in the history of the proceedings of Congress to encourage
that emigration which the President would repress.
The termination of the Florida war was a subject of just
congratulation with the President, and was appropriately
communicated to Congress.

"The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long

prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of
Florida, has happily been terminated; whereby our army has
been relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character,
and the Treasury from a large expenditure. Some casual
outbreaks may occur, such as are incident to the close proximity
of border settlers and the Indians; but these, as in all other
cases, may be left to the care of the local authorities, aided,
when occasion may require, by the forces of the United States."

The President does not tell by what treaty of peace this war was
terminated, nor by what great battle it was brought to a conclusion:
and there were none such to be told—either of treaty negotiated, or
of battle fought. The war had died out of itself under the arrival of
settlers attracted to its theatre by the Florida armed occupation act.
No sooner did the act pass, giving land to each settler who should
remain in the disturbed part of the territory five years, than
thousands repaired to the spot. They went with their arms and
ploughs—the weapons of war in one hand and the implements of
husbandry in the other—their families, flocks and herds, established
themselves in blockhouses, commenced cultivation, and showed that
they came to stay, and intended to stay. Bred to the rifle and the
frontier, they were an overmatch for the Indians in their own mode
of warfare; and, interested in the peace of the country, they soon
succeeded in obtaining it. The war died out under their presence,
and no person could tell when, nor how; for there was no great
treaty held, or great battle fought, to signalize its conclusion. And
this is the way to settle all Indian wars—the cheap, effectual and
speedy way to do it: land to the armed settler, and rangers, when
any additional force is wanted—rangers, not regulars.
But a government bank, under the name of exchequer, was the
prominent and engrossing feature of the message. It was the same
paper-money machine, borrowed from the times of Sir Robert
Walpole, which had been recommended to Congress at the previous
session and had been so unanimously repulsed by all parties. Like its
predecessor it ignored a gold and silver currency, and promised
paper. The phrases "sound currency"—"sound circulating
medium"—"safe bills convertible at will into specie," figured
throughout the scheme; and to make this government paper a local
as well as a national currency, the denomination of its notes was to
be carried down at the start to the low figure of five dollars—
involving the necessity of reducing it to one dollar as soon as the
banishment of specie which it would create should raise the usual
demand for smaller paper. To do him justice, his condensed
argument in favor of this government paper, and against the gold
and silver currency of the constitution, is here given:

"There can be but three kinds of public currency: 1st. Gold

and silver; 2d. The paper of State institutions; or, 3d. A
representative of the precious metals, provided by the general
government, or under its authority. The sub-treasury system
rejected the last, in any form; and, as it was believed that no
reliance could be placed on the issues of local institutions, for
the purposes of general circulation, it necessarily and
unavoidably adopted specie as the exclusive currency for its
own use. And this must ever be the case, unless one of the
other kinds be used. The choice, in the present state of public
sentiment, lies between an exclusive specie currency on the one
hand, and government issues of some kind on the other. That
these issues cannot be made by a chartered institution, is
supposed to be conclusively settled. They must be made, then,
directly by government agents. For several years past, they
have been thus made in the form of treasury notes, and have
 answered a valuable purpose. Their usefulness has been limited
by their being transient and temporary; their ceasing to bear
interest at given periods, necessarily causes their speedy return,
and thus restricts their range of circulation; and being used only
in the disbursements of government, they cannot reach those
points where they are most required. By rendering their use
permanent, to the moderate extent already mentioned, by
offering no inducement for their return, and by exchanging
them for coin and other values, they will constitute, to a certain
extent, the general currency so much needed to maintain the
internal trade of the country. And this is the exchequer plan, so
far as it may operate in furnishing a currency."

It would seem impossible to carry a passion for paper money, and

of the worst kind, that of government paper, farther than President
Tyler did; but he found it impossible to communicate his passion to
Congress, which repulsed all the exchequer schemes with the
promptitude which was due to an unconstitutional, pernicious, and
gratuitous novelty. The low state of the public credit, the
impossibility of making a loan, and the empty state of the Treasury,
were the next topics in the message.

"I cannot forego the occasion to urge its importance to the

credit of the government in a financial point of view. The great
necessity of resorting to every proper and becoming expedient,
in order to place the Treasury on a footing of the highest
respectability, is entirely obvious. The credit of the government
may be regarded as the very soul of the government itself—a
principle of vitality, without which all its movements are languid,
and all its operations embarrassed. In this spirit the Executive
felt itself bound, by the most imperative sense of duty, to
submit to Congress, at its last session, the propriety of making a
specific pledge of the land fund, as the basis for the negotiation
of the loans authorized to be contracted. I then thought that
such an application of the public domain would, without doubt,
have placed at the command of the government ample funds to
relieve the Treasury from the temporary embarrassments under
which it labored. American credit had suffered a considerable
shock in Europe, from the large indebtedness of the States, and
the temporary inability of some of them to meet the interest on
their debts. The utter and disastrous prostration of the United
States Bank of Pennsylvania had contributed largely to increase
the sentiment of distrust, by reason of the loss and ruin
sustained by the holders of its stock—a large portion of whom
were foreigners, and many of whom were alike ignorant of our
political organization, and of our actual responsibilities. It was
the anxious desire of the Executive that, in the effort to
negotiate the loan abroad, the American negotiator might be
able to point the money-lender to the fund mortgaged for the
redemption of the principal and interest of any loan he might
contract, and thereby vindicate the government from all
suspicion of bad faith, or inability to meet its engagements.
Congress differed from the Executive in this view of the subject.
It became, nevertheless, the duty of the Executive to resort to
every expedient in its power to negotiate the authorized loan.
After a failure to do so in the American market, a citizen of high
character and talent was sent to Europe—with no better
success; and thus the mortifying spectacle has been presented,
of the inability of this government to obtain a loan so small as
not in the whole to amount to more than one-fourth of its
ordinary annual income; at a time when the governments of
Europe, although involved in debt, and with their subjects
heavily burdened with taxation, readily obtain loans of any
amount at a greatly reduced rate of interest. It would be
unprofitable to look further into this anomalous state of things;
but I cannot conclude without adding, that, for a government
which has paid off its debts of two wars with the largest
maritime power of Europe, and now owing a debt which is
almost next to nothing, when compared with its boundless
resources—a government the strongest in the world, because
emanating from the popular will, and firmly rooted in the
affections of a great and free people—and whose fidelity to its
 engagements has never been questioned—for such a
government to have tendered to the capitalists of other
countries an opportunity for a small investment of its stock, and
yet to have failed, implies either the most unfounded distrust in
its good faith, or a purpose, to obtain which, the course pursued
is the most fatal which could have been adopted. It has now
become obvious to all men that the government must look to its
own means for supplying its wants; and it is consoling to know
that these means are altogether adequate for the object. The
exchequer, if adopted, will greatly aid in bringing about this
result. Upon what I regard as a well-founded supposition, that
its bills would be readily sought for by the public creditors, and
that the issue would, in a short time, reach the maximum of
$15,000,000, it is obvious that $10,000,000 would thereby be
added to the available means of the treasury, without cost or
charge. Nor can I fail to urge the great and beneficial effects
which would be produced in aid of all the active pursuits of life.
Its effects upon the solvent State banks, while it would force
into liquidation those of an opposite character, through its
weekly settlements, would be highly beneficial; and, with the
advantages of a sound currency, the restoration of confidence
and credit would follow, with a numerous train of blessings. My
convictions are most strong that these benefits would flow from
the adoption of this measure; but, if the result should be
adverse, there is this security in connection with it—that the law
creating it may be repealed at the pleasure of the legislature,
without the slightest implication of its good faith."

It is impossible to read this paragraph without a feeling of

profound mortification at seeing the low and miserable condition to
which the public credit had sunk, both at home and abroad; and
equally mortifying to see the wretched expedients which were relied
upon to restore it: a government bank, issuing paper founded on its
credit and revenues, and a hypothecation of the lands, their
proceeds to help to bolster up the slippery and frail edifice of
governmental paper: the United States unable to make a loan to the
amount of one-fourth of its revenues! unable to borrow five millions
of dollars! unable to borrow any thing, while the overloaded
governments of Europe could borrow as much as they pleased. It
was indeed a low point of depressed credit—the lowest that the
United States had ever seen since the declaration of Independence.
It was a state of humiliation and disgrace which could not be named
without offering some reason for its existence; and that reason was
given: it was the "disastrous prostration," as it was called—the
crimes and bankruptcy, as should have been called, of the
Pennsylvania Bank of the United States! that bank which, in adding
Pennsylvania to its name, did not change its identity, or its nature;
and which for ten long years had been the cherished idol of the
President, his Secretary of State, and his exchequer orator on the
floor of the House—for which General Jackson had been condemned
and vituperated—and on the continued existence of which the whole
prosperity of the government and the people, and their salvation
from poverty and misery, was made to depend. That bank was now
given as the cause of the woful plight into which the public credit
was fallen—and truly so given! for while its plunderings were
enormous, its crimes were still greater: and the two put together—
an hundred millions plundered, and a mass of crimes committed—
the effect upon the American name was such as to drive it with
disgrace from every exchange in Europe. And the former champions
of the bank, uninstructed by experience, unabashed by previous
appalling mistakes, now lavish the same encomiums on an
exchequer bank which they formerly did on a national bank; and
challenge the same faith for one which they had invoked for the
other. The exchequer is now, according to them, the sole hope of
the country: the independent treasury and hard money, its only
danger. Yet the exchequer was repulsed—the independent treasury
and gold was established: and the effect, that that same country
which was unable to borrow five millions of dollars, has since
borrowed many ten millions, and is now paying a premium of 20 per
centum—actually paying twenty dollars on the hundred—to purchase
the privilege of paying loans before they are due.
 CHAPTER CX.
REPEAL OF THE BANKRUPT ACT: MR.
BENTON'S SPEECH; EXTRACTS.
The spectacle was witnessed in relation to the repeal of this act
which has rarely been seen before—a repeal of a great act of
national legislation by the same Congress that passed it—by the
same members sitting in the same seats—and the repeal approved
by the same President who had approved the enactment. It was a
homage to the will of the people, and the result of the general
condemnation which the act received from the community. It had
been passed as a party measure: its condemnation was general
without regard to party: and the universality of the sentiment
against it was honorable to the virtue and intelligence of the people.
In the commencement of the session 1842-'43, motions were made
in both Houses to repeal the act; and in the Senate the practical bad
working of the act, and of the previous act, was shown as an
evidence of the unfruitfulness of the whole system, and of the
justice and wisdom of leaving the whole relation of debtor and
creditor in relation to insolvency, or bankruptcy, to the insolvent laws
of the States. In offering a petition in the Senate for the repeal of
the act from the State of Vermont, Mr. Benton said:

"He would take the opportunity which the presentation of this

petition offered, to declare that, holding the bankrupt act to be
unconstitutional at six different points (the extinction of the debt
without the consent of a given majority of the creditors being at
the head of these points), he would vote for no repeal which
would permit the act to continue in force for the trial of
depending cases, unless with provisions which would bring the
action of the law within the constitution. To say nothing, at
present, of other points of unconstitutionality, he limited himself
to the abolition of debts without the consent of a given majority
of the creditors. This, he held, no power in our country can do.
Congress can only go as far as the bankrupt systems of England
and other countries go; and that is, to require the consent of a
given majority of the creditors (four-fifths in number and value
in England and Scotland), and that founded upon a judicial
certificate of integrity by the commissioners who examined the
case, and approved afterwards by the Lord Chancellor. Upon
these principles only could Congress act: upon these principles
the Congress of 1800 acted, in making a bankrupt act: and to
these principles he would endeavor to conform the action of the
present act so long as it might run. He held all the certificates
granted by the courts to be null and void; and that the question
of the validity would be carried before the courts, and before
the tribunal of public opinion. The federal judges decided the
alien and sedition law to be constitutional. The people reversed
that decision, and put down the men who held it. This bankrupt
act was much more glaringly unconstitutional—much more
immoral—and called more loudly upon the people to rise against
it. If he was a United States judge, he would decide the act to
be unconstitutional. If he was a State court, and one of these
certificates of discharge from debts should be pleaded in bar
before him, on an action brought for the recovery of the old
debt, he would treat the certificate as a nullity, and throw it out
of court. If commanded by the Supreme Court, he would resign
first. The English law held all bankrupts, whose certificates were
not signed by the given majority of the creditors, to be
uncertificated; and, as such, he held all these to be who had
received certificates under our law. They had no certificate of
discharge from a given majority of the creditors; and were,
therefore, what the English law called 'uncertificated bankrupts.'
He said the bankrupt systems formed the creditors into a
partnership for the management of the debtor's estate, and his
discharge from debt; and, in this partnership, a given majority
acted for the whole, all having the same interest in what was
lost or saved; and, therefore, to be governed by a given
majority, doing what was best for the whole. But even to this
there were limitations. The four-fifths could not release the debt
of the remaining fifth, except upon a certificate of integrity from
the commissioners who tried the case, and a final approval by
the Lord Chancellor. The law made itself party to the discharge,
as it does in a case of divorce, and for the sake of good morals;
and required the judicial certificate of integrity, without which
the release of four-fifths of the creditors would not extinguish
the debt of the other fifth. It is only in this way that Congress
can act. It can only act according to the established principles of
the bankrupt systems. It had no inherent or supreme authority
over debts. It could not abolish debts as it pleased. It could not
confound bankruptcy and insolvency, and so get hold of all
debts, and sweep them off as it pleased. All this was despotism,
such as only could be looked for in a government which had no
limits, either on its moral or political powers. The attempt to
confound insolvency and bankruptcy, and to make Congress
supreme over both, was the most daring attack on the
constitution, on the State laws, on the rights of property, and on
public morals, which the history of Europe or America exhibited.
There was no parallel to it in Europe or America. It was
repudiation—universal repudiation of all debts—at the will of the
debtor. The law was subversive of civil society; and he called
upon Congress, the State legislatures, the federal and State
judiciaries—and, above all, the people—to brand it for
unconstitutionality and immorality, and put it down.
"Mr. B. said he had laid down the law, but he would refer to
the forms which the wisdom of the law provided for executing
itself. These forms were the highest evidences of the law. They
were framed by men learned in the law—approved by the courts
—and studied by the apprentices to the law. They should also
be studied by the journeymen—by the professors—and by the
ermined judges. In this case, especially, they should be so
studied. Bankruptcy was a branch of the law but little studied in
 our country. The mass of the community were uninformed upon
it; and the latitudinarians, who could find no limits to the power
of our government were daringly presuming upon the general
ignorance, by undertaking to confound bankruptcy and
insolvency, and claiming for Congress a despotic power over
both. This daring attempt must be chastised. Congress must be
driven back within the pale of the constitution; and for that
purpose, the principles of the bankrupt systems must be made
known to the people. The forms are one of the best modes of
doing this: and here are the forms of a bankrupt's certificate in
Great Britain—the country from which our constitution borrowed
the system. [Mr. B. then read from Jacob's Law Dictionary, title
Bankruptcy, at the end of the title, the three forms of the
certificates which were necessary to release a debtor from his
debts.] The first form was that of the commissioners who
examined the case, and who certified to the integrity of the
bankrupt, and that he had conformed in all particulars to the
act. The second form was that of the certificate of four-fifths of
his creditors, 'allowing him to be discharged from his debts.' The
third was the certificate of the Lord Chancellor, certifying that
notice of these two certificates having been published for
twenty-one days in the London Gazette, and no cause being
shown to the contrary, the certificates granted by the
commissioners and by the creditors were 'confirmed.' Then, and
not till then, could the debtor be discharged from his debts; and
with all this, the act of 1800 in the United States perfectly
agreed, only taking two-thirds instead of four-fifths of the
creditors. Congress could only absolve debts in this way, and
that among the proper subjects of a bankrupt law: and the
moral sense of the community must revolt against any attempt
to do it in any other form. The present act was repudiation—
criminal repudiation, as far as any one chose to repudiate—and
must be put down by the community."

On the question for the repeal of the act, Mr. Benton took occasion
to show it to be an invasion of the rights of the States, over the
ordinary relations of debtor and creditor within their own limits, and
a means of eating up estates to the loss of both debtor and creditor,
and the enrichment of assignees, who make the settlement of the
estate a life-long business, and often a legacy to his children.

"A question cannot arise between two neighbors about a

dozen of eggs, without being liable to be taken from the
custody of the laws of the States, and brought up to the federal
courts. And now, when this doctrine that insolvency and
bankruptcy are the same, if a continuance of the law is to be
contrived, it must be done in conformity with such a fallacy. The
law has proved to be nothing but a great insolvent law, for the
abolition of debts, for the benefit of debtors; and would it be
maintained that a permanent system ought to be built up on
such a foundation as that?
"Some months ago, he read in a Philadelphia paper a notice
to creditors to come forward for a dividend of half a cent in the
dollar, in a case of bankruptcy pending under the old law of
1800, since the year 1801. And, three or four days ago, he read
a notice in a London paper, calling on creditors to come in for a
dividend of five-sixths of a penny in the pound, in a case of
bankruptcy pending since the year 1793. Here has been a case
where the waste of property has been going on for fifty years in
England, and another case where it has been going on in this
country forty-one or forty-two years. He had been himself
twenty-three years in the Senate, and, during that time, various
efforts were made to revive the old law of 1800 in some shape
or other; but never, till last session, in the shape in which the
present law passed. And how could this law be expected to
stand, when even the law of 1800 (which was in reality a
bankrupt law) could not stand; but was, in the first year of its
operation, condemned by the whole country?"

The passage of the act had been a reproach to Congress: its

repeal should do them honor, and still more the people, under whose
manifest and determined will it was to be done. The repeal bill
readily passed the Senate, and then went to the House, where it
was quickly passed, and under pressure of the previous question, by
a vote 128 to 98. The history of the passage of these two measures
(bankrupt and distribution) each of which came to an untimely end,
is one of those legislative arcana which should be known, that such
legislation may receive the reprobation which it deserves. The public
only sees the outside proceeding, and imagines a wise and patriotic
motive for the enactment of important laws. Too often there is
neither wisdom nor patriotism in such enactment, but bargain, and
selfishness, and duresse of circumstances. So it was in this case.
The misconduct and misfortunes of the banks and the vices inherent
in paper money, which had so long been the currency of the country,
had filled the Union with pecuniary distress, and created an
immense body of insolvent debtors, estimated by some at five
hundred thousand: and all these were clamorous for a bankrupt act.
The State of Mississippi was one of those most sorely afflicted with
this state of things, and most earnest for the act. Her condition
governed the conduct of her senators, and their votes made the
bankrupt act, and passed the fiscal bank through the Senate. Such
are the mysteries of legislation.
A bankrupt act, though expressly authorized by the constitution,
had never been favored by the American people. It was tried fifty
years ago, and condemned upon a two years' experience.
Persevering efforts had since been made for a period of twenty years
to obtain another act, but in vain. It was the opinion of Mr. Lowndes,
expressed at the last session that he served, that no act framed
upon the principles of the British system would ever be suitable to
our country—that the complex and expensive machinery of the
system, so objectionable in England, where debtors and creditors
were comparatively near together, would be intolerable in the United
States, where they were so widely separated, and the courts so
sparsely scattered over the land, and so inconvenient to the majority
of parties and witnesses. He believed a simple system might be
adopted, reducing the process to a transaction between the debtor
and his creditors, in which courts would have but little to do except
to give effect to their agreement. The principle of his plan was that
there should be a meeting of the creditors, either on the invitation of
the failing debtor, or the summons of a given number of creditors;
and when together, and invested with power to examine into the
debtor's affairs, and to examine books and take testimony, that they
themselves, by a given majority of two-thirds or three-fourths in
value, should decide every question, make a pro rata division of the
effects, and grant a certificate of release: the release to be of right if
the effects were taken. This simple process would dispense with the
vexatious question, of what constitutes an act of bankruptcy? And
substitute for it the broad inquiry of failing circumstances—in the
solution of which, those most interested would be the judges. It
would also save the devouring expenses of costs and fees, and
delays equally devouring, and the commissioners that must be paid,
and the assignees who frequently become the beneficiaries of the
debtor's effects—taking what he collects for his own fees, and often
making a life estate of it. The estate of a bankrupt, in the hands of
an assignee, Mr. Randolph was accustomed to call, "a lump of butter
in a dog's mouth;" a designation which it might sometimes bear
from the rapidity with which it was swallowed; but more frequently it
was a bone to gnaw, and to be long gnawed before it was gnawed
up. As an evidence of this, Mr. Benton read a notice from a
Philadelphia paper, published while this debate was going on,
inviting creditors to come forward and receive from the assignee a
dividend of half a cent in the dollar, in a case of bankruptcy under
the old act of 1800; also a notice in a London paper for the creditors
to come in and receive a dividend of five-sixths of a penny in the
pound in a case depending since 1793—the assignees respectively
having been administering, one of them forty-one years, and the
other fifty-two years, the estate of the debtor; and probably
collecting each year about as much as paid his own fees.
The system has become nearly intolerable in England. As far back
as the year 1817, the British Parliament, moved by the pervading
belief of the injustice and abuses under their bankrupt laws,
appointed a commissioner to examine into the subject, and to report
the result of their investigation. It was done; and such a mass of
iniquity revealed, as to induce the Lord Chancellor to say that the
system was a disgrace to the country—that the assignees had no
mercy either upon the debtor or his creditors—and that it would be
better to repeal every law on the subject. The system, however, was
too much interwoven with the business of the country to be
abandoned. The report of the commissioners only led to a revision of
the laws and attempted ameliorations; the whole of which were
disregarded by our Congress of 1841, as were the principles of all
previous bankrupt acts either in Great Britain, on the European
Continent, or in the United States. That Congress abandoned the
fundamental principle of all bankrupt systems—that of a proceeding
of the creditors for their own benefit, and made it practically an
insolvent law at the will of the debtor, for the abolition of his debt at
his own pleasure. Iniquitous in itself, vicious in its mode of being
passed, detested by the community, the life of the act was short and
ignominious. Mr. Buchanan said it would be repealed in two years:
and it was. Yet it was ardently contended for. Crowds attended
Congress to demand it. Hundreds of thousands sent up their
petitions. The whole number of bankrupts was stated by the most
moderate at one hundred thousand: and Mr. Walker declared in his
place that, if the act was not passed, thousands of unfortunate
debtors would have to wear the chains of slavery, or be exiled from
their native land.
 CHAPTER CXI.
MILITARY ACADEMY AND ARMY EXPENSES.
The instincts of the people have been against this academy from
the time it took its present form under the act of 1812, and those
subsequent and subsidiary to it: many efforts have been made to
abolish or to modify it: and all unsuccessful—partly from the intrinsic
difficulty of correcting any abuse—partly from the great number
interested in the Academy as an eleemosynary institution of which
they have the benefit—and partly from the wrong way in which the
reformers go to work. They generally move to abolish the whole
system, and are instantly met by Washington's recommendation in
favor of it. In the mean time Washington never saw such an
institution as now shelters behind his name; and possibly would
never have been in the army, except as a private soldier, if it had
existed when he was a young man. He never recommended such an
academy as we have: he never dreamed of such a thing: he
recommended just the reverse of it, in recommending that cadets,
serving in the field with the companies to which they were attached,
and receiving the pay, clothing, and ration of a sergeant, should be
sent—such of them as showed a stomach for the hardships, as well
as a taste for the pleasures and honors of the service, and who also
showed a capacity for the two higher branches of the profession
(engineering and artillery)—to West Point, to take instruction from
officers in these two branches of the military art: and no more. At
this session one of the usual movements was made against it—an
attack upon the institution in its annual appropriation bill, by moving
to strike out the appropriation for its support, and substitute a bill for
its abolition. Mr. Hale made the motion, and was supported in it by
several members. Mr. McKay, chairman of the committee, which had
the appropriation bill in charge, felt himself bound to defend it, but
in doing so to exclude the conclusion that he was favorable to the
academy. Begging gentlemen, therefore, to withdraw their motion,
he went on to say:

"He was now, and always had been, in favor of a very

material alteration in the organization of this institution. He did
not think that the government should educate more young men
than were necessary to fill the annual vacancies in the army. It
was beyond dispute, that the number now educated was more
than the average annual vacancies in the army required; and
hence the number of supernumerary second lieutenants—which
he believed was now something like seventy; and would be
probably thirty more the next year. This, however, did not
present the true state of the question. In a single year, in
consequence of an order issued from the war department, that
all the officers who were in the civil service of the railroad and
canal companies, &c., should join their respective regiments,
there were upwards of one hundred resignations. Now, if these
resignations had not taken place, the army would have been
overloaded with supernumerary second lieutenants. He was for
reducing the number of cadets, but at the same time would
make a provision by which parents and guardians should have
the privilege of sending their sons and wards there to be
educated, at their own expense. This (Mr. M. said) was the
system adopted in Great Britain; and it appeared, by a
document he had in his hand, that there were three hundred
and twenty gentlemen cadets, and fifteen officers educated at
the English Military Academy, at a much less expense than it
required to educate two hundred and twenty cadets at West
Point. He agreed with much of what had been said by the
gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Seymour, that it would be an
amelioration of our military service, to open the door of
promotion to meritorious non-commissioned officers and
privates. Under the present system, no man who was a non-
commissioned officer or private, however meritorious, had the
least chance of promotion. It was true that there were instances
 of such men getting commissions, but they were very rare; and
the consequence was, that the ranks of the army were filled
with some of the worst men in the country, and desertions had
prevailed to an enormous extent. Mr. McK. here gave from the
documents, the number of annual desertions, from the year
1830 to 1836, showing an average of one thousand. He would
not now, however, enlarge on this subject, but would reserve his
remarks till the bill for reorganizing the academy, which he
understood was to be reported by the Military Committee,
should come in."

Mr. McKay was not counted among the orators of the House: he
made no pretension to fine speaking: but he was one of those
business, sensible, upright men, who always spoke sense and
reason, and to the point, and generally gave more information to the
House in a few sentences than could often be found in one of the
most pretentious speeches. Of this character were the remarks
which he made on this occasion; and in the four statements that he
made, first, that upwards of one hundred West Point officers had
resigned their commissions in one year when ordered to quit civil
service and join their corps; secondly, that there was a surplus of
seventy graduates at that time for whom there was no place in the
army; thirdly, that at the English Military Academy, three hundred
and thirty-five cadets and officers were instructed at much less
expense than two hundred and twenty with us; fourthly, that the
annual desertions from the rank and file of the army had averaged
one thousand men per annum for six years together, these
desertions resulting from want of promotion and disgust at a service
which was purely necessary. Mr. McKay was followed by another
speaker of the same class with himself—Mr. Cave Johnson, of
Tennessee; who stood up and said:

"That there was no certainty that the bill to be reported by

the Military Committee, which the gentleman referred to, would
be reached this session; and he was therefore for effecting a
reform now that the subject was before them. He would,
 therefore, suggest to the gentleman from New Hampshire to
withdraw his amendment, and submit another, to the following
effect: That no money appropriated in this bill, or hereafter to
be appropriated, shall be applied to the payment of any cadet
hereafter to be appointed; and the terms of service of those
who have warrants now in the academy shall be held to cease
from and after four years from the time of their respective
appointments. The limitation of this appropriation now, would
put an end to the academy, unless the House would act on the
propositions which would be hereafter made. He was satisfied it
ought to be abolished, and he would at once abolish it, but for
the remarks of his friend from North Carolina; he therefore
hoped his friend from New Hampshire would adopt the
suggestions which had been made."

Mr. Harralson, of Georgia, chairman of the Committee on Military

Affairs, felt himself called upon by his position to come to the
defence of the institution, which he did in a way to show that it was
indefensible. He

"Intimated that that committee would propose some

reductions in the number of cadets; and when that proposition
came before the House, these amendments could be
appropriately offered. The proposition would be made to reduce
the number of the cadets to the wants of the army. But this
appropriation should now be made; and if, by any reductions
hereafter made, it should be found more than adequate to the
wants of the institution, the balance would remain in the
Treasury, and would not be lost to the country. He explained the
circumstances under which, in 1836, some persons educated as
cadets at West Point became civil engineers, and accepted
employment on projected lines of railroad; and asserted that no
class of our countrymen were more ready to obey the call of
their country, in any exigency which might arise."
 Mr. Orlando Ficklin, of Illinois, not satisfied with the explanations
made by the chairman on military affairs, returned to the charge of
the one hundred resignations in one year; and said:

"He had listened to the apology or excuse rendered by the

chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, for the cadets
who resigned in 1836. And what was that excuse? Why,
forsooth, though they had been educated at the government
expense, yet, because they could get better pay by embarking
in other pursuits, they deserted the service of the country which
had educated them, and prepared them for her service. He did
not intend to detain the committee at present, but he must be
permitted to say to those who were in favor of winding up the
concern, that they ought not to vote an appropriation of a single
dollar to that institution, unless the same bill contained a
provision, in language as emphatic as it could be made,
declaring that this odious, detestable, and aristocratic
institution, shall be brought to a close. If it did not cost this
government a single dollar, he would still be unwilling that it
should be kept up. He was not willing that the door of
promotion should be shut against the honest and deserving
soldier, and that a few dandies and band-box heroes, educated
at that institution, should enjoy the monopoly of all the offices.
Mr. F. adverted to the present condition of the army. It was filled
up, he said, by foreigners. Native Americans, to whom they
should naturally look as the defenders of the country, were
deterred from entering it. It would be well, he thought, to have
a committee of investigation, that the secrets of the prison-
house might be disclosed, and its abuses brought to light."

Mr. Black, of Georgia, proposed an amendment, compelling the

cadets to serve ten years, and keeping up the number: upon which
Mr. Hale remarked:

"The amendment of the gentleman from Georgia would seem

to imply that there were not officers enough: whereas the truth
 was there were more than enough. The difficulty was, there
were already too many. The Army Register showed a list already
of seventy supernumeraries; and more were being turned out
upon us every year. The gentleman from New York had made a
most unhappy illustration of the necessity for educating cadets
for the army, by comparing them with the midshipmen in the
navy. What was the service rendered by midshipmen on board
our national vessels? Absolutely none. They were of no sort of
use; and precisely so was it with these cadets. He denied that
General Washington ever recommended a military academy like
the present institution; and, if he had done so, he would,
instead of proclaiming it, have endeavored to shield his great
name from such a reproach."

The movement ended as usual, in showing necessity for a reform,

and in failing to get it.
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