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Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western
Science

Helaine Selin Editor

Parenting
Across
Cultures
Childrearing, Motherhood and
Fatherhood in Non-Western Cultures
Second Edition
Science Across Cultures: The History of
Non-Western Science

Volume 12

Series Editor
Helaine Selin, Faculty Associate and Science Librarian at Hampshire College
(retired), Massachusetts, MA, USA
The series Science Across Cultures: History and Practice, formerly called Science
Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science, seeks to describe and
document the scientific knowledge and beliefs of the world’s cultures. Comparative
and revealing, the series challenges our preconceived ideas about science and
culture. It is of special interest not only to those in the field of comparative history
and the history of science, but also to social scientists and humanists whose interest
areas are touched by the volumes in this series. This includes people working in
areas such as textiles, ceramics, architecture, farming, parenting and psychology.
Contributions are welcome from those working on topics involving the history and
practice of science and culture around the world.
Helaine Selin
Editor

Parenting Across Cultures

Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in
Non-Western Cultures

Second Edition
Editor
Helaine Selin
Faculty Associate and Science Librarian
at Hampshire College (retired)
Massachusetts, MA, USA

ISSN 1568-2145 ISSN 2215-1761 (electronic)

Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science
ISBN 978-3-031-15358-7 ISBN 978-3-031-15359-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15359-4

1st edition: © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014

2nd edition: © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by
similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Introduction

Here is some of what I said in my introduction to the First

Edition on Parenting Across Cultures

“And we find, on our journey around the world in this book, that there are many
ways of parenting, based on culture, character and hopes for the future generation. In
many parts of the world, especially in rural areas, the style of parenting practiced is
the same as that practiced by many generations before. If people are to live the same
kind of lives, the same kinds of parenting still apply. But, as people move to the
cities, as women join the labor force, as so-called modern life and mobile phones
infiltrate into people’s belief systems, the method of parenting has to change also.
There is less reliance on other family members, especially grandparents, and there is
a more limited social network for other activities. Children in many cultures are
heavily directed into better schools and classes.
I found differences in parenting relating to gender—often girls are ignored,
considered a liability, and not educated or even loved. At the same time, it is the
mothers who are most involved in raising and caring for children, and the children
often are closest to their mothers. Often in the chapters there is reference to
Baumrind’s parenting styles, which she introduced in 1967 and revised in 1987
(Baumrind 1967, 1987), to include authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, tradi-
tional and rejecting-neglecting parenting. Many authors try to relate these styles to
the countries they are writing about. Parenting style is a combination of attitudes
toward the child that creates an emotional climate in which parents act.
I also found that television and especially mobile phones have made their way
into cultures that were previously cut off from the rest of the world. Perhaps this
technological change will move people away from traditional ways of parenting. I
wonder if the new generation will want to be the kinds of parents their parents were,
or if they see a different life for themselves? It will be interesting to redo this book in
20 years and see how many things have changed and become homogenized and
globalized.”

v
vi Introduction

Well, it is less than 10 years since the first edition, and so many things have
changed radically. This is one new theme that has emerged. “Mobile phones are
everywhere in the world. Given an expected global population of just over eight
billion by then, that means that the smartphone penetration rate in 2023 will be at
around 85 percent. In other words, more than eight in ten people in the world will be
equipped with a smartphone” (OBERLO, 2022).
What this means is that people have access to the Internet, access to other ways of
being and living, more control over their own marketing, and a different outlook on
the world. At the same time, there is technology addiction, from a very early age in
some cultures, with parents often unable to control their children’s use of technol-
ogy. The subject of technology comes up in each chapter, and there are also separate
chapters on technology and addiction in this second edition.
And of course, the COVID pandemic has occurred, leaving people, especially
parents, with increased burdens and responsibilities. As of this writing in April 2022,
the CDC (Centers for Disease Control) in the USA estimates that 75% of children
have had COVID. The burden of caring for and educating children, while often
losing your own job or having to do it remotely at the same time as looking after
children, is enormous. The effect of COVID has been especially troubling with poor
people, as they have less access to health care and to technology. Every author in this
new edition has mentioned the effect of COVID in their country, and there are a few
chapters devoted especially to it.
Other themes in this new edition include a chapter on transgender, another on
technology, and another on transnational parenting. These are quite enormous
changes in just a few years.
I have found that parenting has become increasingly stressful all around the
world, as parents try to balance their own lives and aspirations and those they hold
for their children, in an increasingly difficult world.

References

Baumrind, D. (1967). Child care practices anteceding three patterns of preschool behavior. Genetic
Psychology Monographs, 75(1), 43–88.
Baumrind, D. (1987). A developmental perspective on adolescent risk taking in contemporary
America. New Directions for Child Development, 37, 93–125.
OBERLO. (2022). https://www.oberlo.com/statistics/how-many-people-have-smartphones
Contents

The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Pamela Akinyi Wadende, Jon Lasser, and Kathleen Fite
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective
on Parenting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Nicolette V. Roman and Fatiema Benjamin
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
Kevin Ray Bush, Ally Laila Murphy, and Gary W. Peterson
Understanding Childhood Shyness in the Changing Chinese
Context: The Parent Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Yiyuan Xu and Da Eun Suh
The Ethical Space of Indigenous Parenting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Peter Choate and Gabrielle E. Lindstrom
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore . . . . 85
Karen Mui-Teng Quek
Advances in the Study of Parenting in Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
María Cristina Richaud, Jael Vargas Rubilar, and Viviana Lemos
Childrearing in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Ayumi Nagase and Susan D. Holloway
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand: You Are Mine
and I Am Yours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Miri Scharf and Sharona Natan
Parenting in Contemporary Hong Kong: Observations Based
on Recent Research Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Daniel T. L. Shek, Rachel Sun, Janet T. Y. Leung, and Moon Law

vii
viii Contents

Vietnamese Parenting in the Digital Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

Son Duc Nguyen, Huyen Bui Thi Thu, and Phuoc Hoang Anh
Sociocultural and Religious Context of Malay Parenting in Malaysia . . . 175
Ziarat Hossain and Zainal Madon
Family Socialization in Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Isabel Martínez, Pablo Queiroz, Leoncio Camino, Cleonice Camino,
and Edie Cruise
Parenthood and Childrearing in Mexico: Patterns and Trends . . . . . . . . 215
Hans Oudhof and Erika Robles
Conflict and Parenting in Burundi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Lidewyde H. Berckmoes
Parenting in Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
M. Selenga Gürmen and Sude Kılıç
Fluid Families and Harshness as Adaptation in Haitian Childcare:
An Approach to Improving Life Outcomes for Haitian Children . . . . . . 259
Kate Schuenke-Lucien, Abigail Mills, and Bryanna Beamer
Between Tradition and Modernity: The Changing Patterns
of Parenting in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
Osifunke Ekundayo and Muyiwa Adigun
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures:
Findings from Western and Non-Western Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285
Diane L. Putnick, Marc H. Bornstein, and Joan T. D. Suwalsky
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s
Own Aggression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Jennifer E. Lansford
Grandparenting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
Barbara H. Settles
Parenting and Technology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
Jon Lasser and Jolene Ellis
Parents and Parenting in the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Review
of the COVID-19 Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Nicolette V. Roman
Parent-Child/Adolescent Relationships During the COVID-19
Pandemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
Ally Laila Murphy, Kevin Ray Bush, and Jayne Elise Jurasek
Contents ix

Parenting, Mental Health and Transgender Youth: Practices

and Perspectives in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385
Doyel Ghosh and Prasanta Kumar Roy
Parenting Children with Disabilities in East Asian Countries
and the U.S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401
Misa Kayama and Wendy Haight
Parenting and Adolescent Technological Addictions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417
Cristina Serna and Isabel Martínez
Becoming a Father in South Africa: Customary Practices
and Negotiating Fatherhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 437
Elena Moore and Jill Samukimba
Transnational Parenthood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453
Esra Demirkol Colosio
About the Editor

Helaine Selin was a Faculty Associate and Science Librarian at Hampshire College,
Amherst, Massachusetts, USA, from which she retired in 2012. She is the editor of
the Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in
Non-Western Cultures (3rd ed. Springer 2016) and nine books in Springer’s Science
Across Cultures series, on Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, Nature, Childbirth,
Parenting, Happiness, Death and Aging.

xi
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times:
An Update

Pamela Akinyi Wadende, Jon Lasser, and Kathleen Fite

Introduction

Family structures around the world reflect the saying that it “takes a village to raise a
child.” Parenting or cultural/developmental instruction and care of children is
assumed by the parents as well as the extended family and community; both at
home and in institutions that children attend such as school and church. That almost
everyone contributes to the development of children among them, underlines the
important position the young in any community occupy. Children represent the
future of the community. Consequently, if they are prepared well, the community,
and by extension the world’s, future is secured.
Parental roles and practices continuously evolve to adapt emerging ideas and
trends in varying degrees. These roles are modified by the changing social, eco-
nomic, cultural, and personal needs, ways of life of the community members and,
presently, diseases such as HIV and COVID-19. For instance, the effect of commu-
nication media such as the radio, television, and the Internet on parenting has been
widely researched, giving rise to wide-ranging findings. Citing such studies,
Schmidt et al. (2008) and Science Daily (2008) note that, for example, having a
television program on in the background disrupts a child’s toy play experience. Time
spent watching television programs may also take away from positive parent-child
engagement time. As children spend greater amounts of time in front of computers,

P. A. Wadende (*)
Kisii University, Kisii, Kenya
J. Lasser (*)
School Psychology Program, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
K. Fite
College of Education, Texas State University, San Marcos, TX, USA
e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 1

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of
Non-Western Science 12, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15359-4_1
2 P. A. Wadende et al.

mobile phones, and tablets, parents and caregivers continue to raised concerns about
the potential effects of these devices. Emerging research suggests that there may
indeed be adverse developmental effects on young children from excessive screen
time exposure (Brooks & Lasser, 2018; Madigan et al., 2019).

Country Summary

Kenya, with a population estimated at 47.5 million (KNBS, 2019), is one of the three
main East African countries, in addition to Uganda and Tanzania. Kenya shares
borders with Somalia to her West, Tanzania to her South, Uganda to her East, and
Ethiopia and Southern Sudan to her North. As a producer of world-famous tea,
flowers, and coffee, Kenya’s economic mainstay is agriculture. Politically, a multi-
party grand coalition of political groupings forms the government as a result of the
general elections held in 2017.
There are 43 ethnic communities in Kenya; the newest being the Makonde
community, originally from Mozambique, that was recognized and declared the
43rd ethnic community by a presidential directive in 2016 (Ndubi, 2017). All the
communities have distinctive languages and cultural practices. They all have desig-
nated areas considered their traditional ancestral lands, including, for example, the
areas around Lake Victoria for the Luo and lands in the Rift Valley area of Western
Kenya for the Kipsigis. However, due to internal migration, some of these ancestral
lands have a mixture of ethnic communities. On formal education matters, the
literacy level for men is estimated at over 80% and slightly below that for women.
Since 2003, an education policy by the government instituted free elementary school
education and another such policy in 2008 introduced cost-sharing (where parents
shared the cost with the government) in high school education. These two policies
have increased school attendance by learners hitherto unable to get a school educa-
tion (Wambugu and Mokoena, 2017). An assessment of the impact of this policy by
United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 2005
noted that attendance in elementary school had shot up from about five million
learners in 2003 to about eight million in 2005 (Kenya Ministry of Education, 2005).
The family unit in Kenya consists of immediate and extended family members.
This is especially the norm in families that reside in the rural and, in most cases,
traditional ethnic community lands. In all these communities, when a woman
marries, she is expected to move into the man’s home and live with his extended
family (Dietler & Herbich, 1989) and often even with his multiple wives. Mothers
raise their children by copying their parent’s child raising practices. Younger family
members are always expected to participate more actively in the child’s upbringing
when compared to more elderly family members who only take up occasional
advisory roles in the child’s life (Oburu & Palmérus, 2003). Younger people delved
into the nitty-gritty of childrearing such as instilling discipline in children. In fact,
these younger, active, and productive members of the community were traditionally,
and still are, expected to take care of elders such as grandparents as a reward for the
time such elders raised them (Oburu, 2004) (Fig. 1).
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update 3

Fig. 1 Map of Kenya (2013) showing the different ethnic communities’ traditional lands. (Source:
Kenyan embassy to the UN, Kenya National Bureau of Statistics)

In Kenya, most communities customarily assigned distinct child rearing roles to

mothers and fathers. Mothers are charged with taking care of infants’ basic training
until the children are able to operate independently (i.e., talk, walk and eat without
much assistance). Before becoming independent, the children stayed close to their
mothers in the home where usually the mothers serve as homemakers and care
providers (Nyagah, 2020; Ellis et al., 2007; Feldman, 1983; Karani, 1987). For male
children, after gaining some independence, the fathers were expected to provide a
sizable input into their sons’ upbringing. Although the fathers got to know about the
development of daughters, they did not play as direct a role in this process. For the
Luo and Kipsigis, male children started to learn their traditional sex roles by closely
associating with their fathers and other male family members. The same was also
true for the girls as they increasingly interacted with their female relatives and other
community members. Although this traditional child rearing scenario has undergone
change with the times, among them the introduction of hired child-minders and the
disruption of traditional family composition through internal migration of family
members, aspects of the traditional practices persist. Below are some of the changes
and possible impacts on parenting in the Luo and Kipsigis family life.
4 P. A. Wadende et al.

The Luo and Kipsigis of Kenya

The Luo and Kipsigis are Kenyan ethnic communities who neighbor each other in
their traditional lands situated in the Western part of Kenya. The Kipsigis belong to
the umbrella Kalenjin linguistic sub-group of ethnic communities; it is its largest
member. Other communities in the Kalenjin linguistic sub-group include the Tugen,
Nandi, and Maasai among others. In the 2019 census (KNBS, 2019) out of the 47.5
million Kenyans 10.7% were Luo and 13.4% were the Kalenjin community of which
the Kipsigis ethnic community is a dominant sub-group. Additionally, the Luo and
Kipsigis as two totally distinct ethnic communities, belong to the major Nilotic
linguistic group of Africa (Roberts & Bainbridge, 1963). The two communities,
however, have different languages and, to a large extent, different ways of life.
While the Kipsigis are traditionally herders, the Luo are fishermen. Another major
difference between them is that the Kipsigis traditionally practiced, and still do, to
some extent, female and male circumcision in addition to teeth excision. The Luo
only practice the latter and even that, in a different fashion. The Kipsigis removed
two lower front teeth, the Luo removed six. Teeth extraction or nag as the Luo refer
to it is a dying cultural practice. Apart from purposes inclusive of vanity and tribal
identification, teeth excision had other practical uses. One important use was that the
space created by the excised teeth allowed for orally ministering of medicine to
patients who suffered debilitation conditions such as lockjaw or were unconscious.
Modern medical science and fashion trends have made teeth excision unnecessary.
By tradition, among these communities, there were particular ways of raising the
young. The instruction and care of all infants was the duty of mothers and their
helpers, mostly any female relative available whom the Luo referred to as Japidi
(Oburu & Palmérus, 2003). At this age, from birth to about 3 years, the children
stayed close to the mothers and received specialized care, such as nursing and
hygiene needs. In traditional circumstances only a mother could give such care. As
per the traditional division of labor in families, women were caregivers and their
duty was to infants and young children (Nyagah, 2020). The mother nurtured the
young during their most impressionable years. Motherhood was and is revered
among all the ethnic communities in Africa. The mother was and is still the symbol
of life of the community.
In traditional African communities, where the collective need commonly over-
rode the individual’s, mothers were the first members of the family to present this
social lesson to their children. The mothers, in turn, received this lesson from their
mothers. The mothers and their helpers presented such lessons through teachable
moments bound to daily life activities. They used a variety of instructional methods
such as songs, sayings, proverbs, and play to teach the children the right attitudes and
behavior expected of them. The instructional methods and content proceeded from
the philosophical tenets of African indigenous education. Among the tenets were
that education was a preparation for a successful life in the community, was holistic,
was perennial and communal (Sifuna, 1990). The mothers thus depended on chance
and contrived teachable moments to train the children as opposed to developing an
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update 5

instructional curriculum and an organized plan of education. Such an organized plan

of instruction was often prepared for the educational experiences that the growing
children were exposed to in community programs such as instruction at
circumcision.
Mothers punished untoward behavior in various ways depending on its severity.
The severity of the behavior hinged on how disruptive of communal and personal
peace it was. This punishment ranged from reprimand, age-appropriate learning
chores, to infliction of pain such as paddling for children old enough to understand
its meaning. Because of this close interaction between the children and their mothers
in these formative years, the relationship that grew between them reinforced the
important status mothers held in the family and in their children’s eyes, even into
their adulthood (Shorter, 1977). Mothers were, and are, revered by their children
who consult and defer to them in their major decisions throughout life.
Since girls were considered the mothers’ protégés, the mothers acted as the
supervisor of a group of females that interacted with and trained the growing girls.
This started when the little girls had reached an age of about 3 years, when they
could get away from the close supervision of their mothers. These women involved
the girls in activities that prepared them for their roles as women in the community.
These activities included cookery, agriculture, indigenous architecture, and other
care-giving tasks that the community expected of women (Nyagah, 2020; Ellis et al.,
2007; Feldman, 1983; Karani, 1987). Although the fathers seldom took direct
responsibility in training the girls, the mothers kept them abreast of the girls’
development. However, they got involved when any emergencies, or out-of-the
ordinary happening concerning the girls, and even threatening the peace of the
community, required their attention. Just as the instruction from mothers was loosely
structured or not at all, but conducted on a chance basis, the instruction from female
relatives also followed the same format.
Among both the Kipsigis and the Luo people, while mothers led a group of
female relatives in the instruction of girls, fathers also led a group of male relatives
and gradually increased their presence in the boys’ lives. Fathers did this through
joint activities. These activities were educational and offered the boys an opportunity
to learn their roles and expectations. For instance, in animal herder communities
such as the Kipsigis, sons learnt to be herders under the supervision of their fathers
and other male relatives. In the same vein, fathers and male relatives taught the Luo
boys to be good fishermen. In all these lessons, lack of good judgment was punished
as appropriate. The fathers, in their turn, updated the mothers about their sons’
development.
As the children grew older and increasingly engaged with community members,
they became the responsibility of all in the community while still maintaining a
strong attachment to their nuclear families. At the age of about 10 years, more
structured instruction was designed for the children in the community. This kind of
instruction was additionally contrived when compared to the instruction the children
received from their parents and relatives. Some content that involved community
members required specialized instructors such as community youth sexuality coun-
selors. Such counselors organized instruction sessions for young people during rites
6 P. A. Wadende et al.

of passage into adulthood, such as teeth extraction for the Luo girls and boys. These
counselors also taught Kipsigis girls and boys about issues, such as family life,
before and during, the circumcision and clitoridectomy sessions. Clitoridectomy, or
female genital mutilation (FGM) (Sala & Manara, 2001), as it is currently called, is a
practice that is dying among the Kipsigis of Kenya and not practiced by the Luo. In
fact, in 2001 the then president Daniel Arap Moi banned the practice for girls less
than 18 years. The ban stands although some people still conduct clitoridectomy
illegally (ICW, 2004).

Social Strife, Poverty and Disease Unravelling Family

Structure

With continued industrialization, internal migrations, poverty, disease, and strife,

Kenyan ethnic communities have adapted their child-raising practices to the chang-
ing times. Initially, with the advent of the colonial period and the reorganization of
many families’ structures, grandmothers have, by necessity, played a more active
role in childcare. This type of role is an adaptation of the less hands-on tasks they
performed as per tradition (Oburu, 2004). This expectation for grandmothers started
when the colonists needed and acquired family men to work in the administrative
centers they set up all over the country. This process caused a disintegration of the
traditional family structure when women took on the work left behind by the men as
they moved to the new centers (Srujana, 1996). The women thus spend more time
away from home and, therefore, their child-raising duties. The grandmothers stepped
in by taking a more active role in the lives of toddlers and children (Oburu &
Palmérus, 2003; Adams & Swadener, 2000). Indeed, studies have shown that
grandmothers and other non-parental household members may play an important
role in children’s cognitive and academic development (Ong’ayi et al., 2020).
Poverty has also impacted the child-raising practices among the Luo and Kipsigis
of Kenya. Rising levels of poverty, and safety concerns due to internal strife in some
areas, has spurred rural urban migrations as people seek paid employment and
safety. This has resulted in an exodus of relatives and community members that
would traditionally have helped parents in raising their children. Poverty has also
meant that families cut back on spending their resources beyond the nuclear family
boundaries. This means that it is increasingly untenable for parents to support
relatives who would in turn help in raising the children in the family. The family
unit is shrinking due to dwindling resources. Later, as mothers needed to take up
paid positions in urban centers like the men, many were unable to rely on grand-
mothers for childcare. The grandmothers remained in the rural homesteads, being
unable, often unwilling, and so abhorring the disruption in their lives that would be
caused by relocating into urban centers with their childrens’ families, to mind their
grandchildren. The parents turned to paid domestic maids and, for ones unable to
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update 7

access this help, early childhood education day care centers opened by the govern-
ment (Adams & Swadener, 2000).
Disease, especially HIV/AIDS, has also taken a toll in the traditional family set
up. This disease, which targets the most productive age group between 18 and
50 years, because they are the most active sexually, has resulted in many orphaned
children in Kenya. In 1999 the then Kenyan president Daniel Arap Moi declared
AIDS a “national disaster” and asked leaders to take the front row in fighting it
(Dawes, 1999). Because of the increased numbers of orphans, grandparents in most
communities in Kenya, including the Luo and Kipsigis, have had to take up active
parental duties in their old age (Oburu & Palmérus, 2003). This has commonly
resulted in a conflicting situation in which children start life under the enthusiastic
but firm hand and watchful eyes of their parents who punish and reward behavior as
they deemed necessary for the success of the children. Such children, when suddenly
orphaned, find themselves living with their grandparents who are often mellowed
with age and are thus unable to take part energetically in the children’s lives. In cases
where there are no grandparents or other relatives willing to receive such orphans,
the children may even end up in child-headed households and thus miss out on the
wisdom of adult guidance in their growth. Lack of such guidance could result in
antisocial behavior (Laurenzi et al., 2021).
Disease has also given rise to single-parenthood, virtually unheard of in tradi-
tional pre-industrial society. All men managed to get wives in the community just as
all women got husbands, even if as one of a man’s multiple wives. Diseases such as
HIV/AIDS have resulted in children being orphaned or having only one parent.
Internal conflict has also given rise to more orphans or single-parent families.
Children raised by such parents sometimes miss out on the commonly enriching
experience that comes from both parents’ contributing to their development. When a
parent is sick or the busy sole provider for the family then he/she may be unable to
devote the time necessary to oversee the child’s physical and emotional develop-
ment. Such parents may not have ample time to play, train and even help their
children with homework. With the unraveling of the traditional family network that
helped with child care, such parents then depend on alternative child care providers
such as nannies and school teachers.

Impact of COVID-19 on Parenting Practices in Kenya

Most recently, the COVID-19 pandemic and its attendant restriction to movement
has added a new dimension to parenting, where its effects are experienced in
different ways in different families. In African countries including Kenya, between
April and August 2020 research already showed that the pandemic exacerbated
existing inequalities where children who were most at risk and underserved were
further excluded from quality education (Human Rights Watch, 2020; Adeniran,
2020). Loss of livelihoods affected what parents can afford to offer their children.
Indeed, school closures and promotion of online class lessons affected which
8 P. A. Wadende et al.

children could continue with meaningful learning and which had limited to no access
to school classes.
Children who had more free time definitely needed more watching than those
kept busy with online lessons. Additionally, the role of family providers has been hit
by job losses that have impacted large numbers of fathers. According to Kenyan
Treasury Cabinet Secretary, Mr. Ukur Yattani when releasing the 2021 Economic
survey, 740,000 jobs were lost in Kenya due to the COVID-19 pandemic (KNBS,
2021). Most of these jobs were held by men given the gender disparities in
employment rates (KNBS, 2017) which showed that whereas 38% of women
engaged in paid wage employment a larger 51% men engaged in the same. The
family breadwinners who lose their jobs will doubtless be distressed, making them
unfit to spend even more time with their children (Laurenzi et al., 2021).
Indeed, the current pandemic has had a lot of negative impacts but also some
positive ones. Restrictions of movement ensured that parents and, especially, fathers
spent a lot more time at home with their children and thus had the chance to offer
guidance; a situation acknowledged by studies as important for positive child
development (McMunn et al., 2017; Menning, 2006). Rapidly expanding scientific
research and enhanced information technology has facilitated the sharing of new
information such as this, about the importance of fathers in children’s lives and
others about the effect of television on parenting and on many other aspects of life.
Below are some features of traditional and evolving parenting practices among the
Kenyan Luo and Kipsigis ethnic communities.

Global Trends and Parenting Practices in Kenya

Other issues that have affected child rearing practices between the Luo and Kipsigis
of Kenya include globalization and especially its ever-increasing awareness of
people and cultures across the world. Increased exchange of information in the
world, one result of globalization, has had an impact in child rearing practices
among Kenyan parents. Parents are able to read results of research on raising
children and copy aspects that they favor. These parents are also able to study and
adopt aspects of parenting that they admire from various regions of the world. Such
information exchange has given rise to institutions that offer baby classes for
children, even those under 3 years of age and who would previously still be within
close watch of their parents.
Indeed, children who are not raised in the traditional way avoid the sex casting of
roles in the community that is the bane of their counterparts raised in traditional
settings. Whereas children raised in the traditional settings would uphold their
expected roles in the community, children brought up according to modern practices
or even some aspects of it are able to be creative and choose non-traditional roles for
themselves in the community such as girls wanting to be doctors or engineers.
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update 9

Conclusion

In exploring parenting practices among the Western Kenyan Luo and Kipsigis
communities, this chapter has dwelt on the traditional practices and adaptation to
modern influences on the family. As is often the reality that social entities are
impacted by cultural shifts, the Kenyan family has undergone change brought
about by changing times and ways of life. Although the Kenyan family may have
shrunk due to internal migration, poverty, disease, and other influences, family
members still maintain strong ties to the extended family as much as they are able.
Such family ties are manifested in the pride and sense of obligation with which
people attend family gatherings during festive seasons or family ceremonies such as
weddings and circumcision. In this respect, Kenyan parenting is dynamic and
responsive, maintaining traditional elements while simultaneously adapting to mod-
ern times. It is noteworthy to mention that the COVID-19 pandemic is currently the
biggest threat to parenting in Kenya as people cannot move as freely as they want
and so also cannot fully take advantage of extended family help in child care
responsibilities. Whereas parents could readily appeal to extended family members
for support in taking care of children, the pandemic situation has limited this in terms
of who can get in contact with the very young and the very old in families.
Additionally, the pandemic spurred loss of jobs which has even further complicated
this situation when parents are unable to adequately cater for the needs of their
children as required of them and participate in extended family obligations including
taking care of the elderly members as they would have done before.

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The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times: An Update 11

Pamela Akinyi Wadende is a senior lecturer at Kenya’s Kisii University, where she teaches and
supervises graduate students from East Africa and other parts of the world. She holds a Masters in
Educational Psychology from Kenyatta University, Kenya and a Ph.D. in Adult, Professional and
Community Education from Texas State University at San Marcos. She is interested in how human
beings acquire and change behavior across the life span, and she believes that environmental factors
heavily shape developmental outcomes. Successful interventions should therefore target individual
environments and experiences in order to facilitate behavioral changes such as learning new content
or embracing new health practices. Some of her publications include; An eco-cultural approach to
early childhood development. Lancet Glob Health. 2021 Mar;9(3):e229–e230. doi: 10.1016/
S2214-109X (20)30521-0. Epub 2020 Dec 17. PMID: 33341151. Among other publication cen-
tered on family health and development.

Jon Lasser is a professor in the School Psychology Program at Texas State University. He holds a
master’s degree in Human Sexuality Education from the University of Pennsylvania, and a
doctorate in School Psychology from the University of Texas at Austin. He has served as Chair
of the Institutional Review Board (IRB), Associate Dean for Research in the College of Education,
and Program Coordinator for the School Psychology Program. His books include Tech Generation:
Raising Balanced Kids in a Hyper-Connected World (Oxford University Press), School Psychol-
ogist as Counselor: a Practitioner’s Handbook (National Association of School Psychologists),
and a series of social-emotional learning books with the American Psychological Association’s
Magination Press (Grow Happy, Grow Grateful, Grow Kind, & What Boys Do).

Kathleen Fite is a retired, Professor Emerita, College of Education, Texas State University. She
specializes in development and learning across the lifespan, with emphasis on early childhood. She
is an international advocate for children and education, author, researcher, and consultant.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A
South African Perspective on Parenting

Nicolette V. Roman and Fatiema Benjamin

Introduction

Parenting is one mechanism that is of significant importance in child development. It

is in the parent-child interaction and relationship that a child learns appropriate vs
inappropriate behavior, right vs wrong choices in decision making, skills, and to
understand roles and accept (or not) the norms of a community. Parenting has been
and is a controversial topic because there is no single prescriptive book for parents
showing them how to raise their children, which can sometimes become challenging.
The reciprocal nature of the parent-child relationship calls for a different parenting
approach at different stages in the development of the child, which makes under-
standing parenting quite complex (Knauer et al., 2019; Kuppens & Ceulemans,
2019; Meier et al., 2018). A child in infancy or early childhood will be parented
differently from a child in middle childhood or adolescence. Added to this complex-
ity is the diversity of culture and socio-economic status. This is especially prominent
in a country such as South Africa (Hall & Posel, 2019; Romero et al., 2018).
As of 2021, South Africa has an estimated population of over 60 million people
spread across nine provinces with different levels of socio-economic status. The
inhabitants of South Africa are called the ‘rainbow nation’ because of their diverse
cultures, languages and ethnic groups or races. During the era of apartheid, people
were designated as White, Black African, Coloured (people of mixed race) and
Asian/Indian. South Africa also has 11 official languages. To a large extent,
South Africa’s socio-political history encouraged this diversity based on the princi-
ples of separation and segregation (Ginwala, 1990).

N. V. Roman (✉) · F. Benjamin

Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of Children, Families and Society, University of the Western
Cape, Cape Town, South Africa
e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 13

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of
Non-Western Science 12, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15359-4_2
14 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

Before 1994, the National Party imposed stringent laws and passes as control
strategies separating groups of people into white and non-white (Black African,
Coloured and Indian) people. These control strategies included Pass Laws, the
Groups Areas Act, the Migrant Labour System and Influx Control. Segregation
occurred at all levels, including resources, services, education, and transportation.
Religion was another factor that the National Party used to wield its power. For
example, it encouraged a patriarchal society, based on biblical beliefs, with the belief
that women had to be subservient, were considered minors and therefore could not
access resources without the permission of a male person in the family. With regard
to parenting, the belief was that if you “spare the rod, you spoil the child” and
therefore harsh, authoritarian parenting was the approach used to discipline children
or minors. In order for non-whites, especially Black Africans, to enter white areas,
they needed to have a pass and their presence within a specific location had a time
limit of72 h. Non-adherence to the laws meant arrest. This meant that many people
were unemployed and urban family life was destroyed. Families could ill afford the
income loss because of their dependence on the meagre earnings of the breadwinner
in the family (especially the father). The arrests also meant that many women were
left to head their households (consisting of children, old and disabled family
members) and the survival of the family was constantly threatened (Bernstein,
1985; Posel, 1991). As a result of the dire socio-economic circumstances, women
were forced to access ‘forbidden’ areas for work, and care of the children was left to
grandmothers and other female family members. All these laws, which formed the
system of apartheid, led to the eventual breakdown and disintegration of husbands
and wives, parents and children and general family life, ultimately affecting
South African family structures (Hall & Posel, 2019). The impact of apartheid left
deeply entrenched scars of pain, anxiety and fear. At the same time, these scars
became the driving force behind the struggle against the oppression of apartheid. On
a daily basis, the struggle for many women was to maintain the existence of their
families, continue relationships with their husbands, have their children with them,
and be allowed to work in the towns.
In the two decades since the abolishment of apartheid, many changes have
evolved. People previously categorized as non-white have more access to resources.
Corporal punishment was removed in schools and people are able to live in previ-
ously advantaged areas and children to attend schools in these areas. Socio-
economically, there are opportunities for growth and development across all groups
of people. Despite the decolonization process within South Africa, which exposes
and dismantles the colonial power in its many forms (van der Wal, 2018), the
scourge of apartheid continues to run deep. The divide is clearly indicated geograph-
ically, with the majority of poor people still being non-white and living in the areas
allocated by the National Party. Socio-economically, the divide is still based on race
and class with Whites having supremacy. Therefore, families continue to be affected
by the ever-changing socio-economic situation in the country and global crises, such
as the COVID-19 pandemic.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 15

What has clearly changed is the advocacy for strengthening and supporting the
family, the development and implementation of the Children’s Act (Act 38 of 2005),
which affords more rights to children, and less focus on religion being a tool for
discipline and punishment.
While evidently there have been some improvements, life is still difficult for
parents and children, and this could have later behavioral outcomes once the children
grow up. The South African parent faces many different challenges. According to
the 2020 General Household Survey (Statistics South Africa, 2021),
• 11.4% of people lived in informal structures, commonly referred to as shacks or
shanties. This percentage decreased from 15.4% in 2007. It is likely that this is
due to the rapid growth of households receiving some kind of government
assistance to access housing. There are proportionately fewer households living
in shacks in provinces such as Limpopo and KwaZulu-Natal as compared to the
Western Cape and Gauteng provinces. The percentage of households living in
informal dwellings was on the increase in the Northern Cape.
• Household size in South Africa largely consisted of 2–3 persons (36.6%). This
was most common in Free State (44.6%) and least common in Limpopo (28.9%).
Households that consisted of six or more people were more notable in rural areas
(23.9%) than urban areas (11.3%).
• Between July–September 2020 and July–September 2021, the unemployment
rate increased from 30.8% to 34.9% respectively. There was a significant increase
in households receiving at least one social grant between the years 2003 (30.8%)
and 2019 (45.5%) before sharply increasing in 2020 (52.4%). The COVID-19
Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant is believed to have contributed to this as
5.3% of respondents 18 years and older received the SRD grant. This increased
the percentage of households that benefitted from social grants by 3.5%.
• Households that were vulnerable to hunger decreased from 11.7% in 2006 to
10.8% in 2020. In contrast, households with limited access to food increased from
17.8% to 20.6% between 2019 and 2020.
• Although 51.1% of the South African population is female, female-headed
households remain more challenged when compared to male-headed households,
especially in larger rural areas. For instance, it was estimated that 51% of
households in the Eastern Cape are female-headed, followed by KwaZulu-Natal
(48.8%). The gender differences are prominent in education with 9.3% of men
aged 20 years and above having no formal education as compared to 10.7% of
women. However, this number has significantly decreased since 2002 (26.7% and
30% respectively), reducing the gender gaps in education.
In general, the main indicators of poverty showed improvement during the period
2006 to 2020. The General Household Survey (Statistics South Africa, 2021)
showed an improvement in education, health, employment, food security, access
to services and facilities such as water, electricity and sanitation which contributed to
an increase in the improvement of living circumstances. However, the COVID-19
16 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

pandemic significantly contributed to an increase in some of these areas, such as

unemployment, food insecurity, and children attending educational facilities,
between 2019 and 2020. Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic significantly exacer-
bated the challenges many South African families already faced pre-pandemic
(Adebiyi et al., 2021). This is particularly true since the COVID-19 pandemic
resulted in significant job losses and put the world into a recession, undermining
decades of poverty reduction progress (United Nations, 2020).
In the revised White Paper on Families in South Africa (2021), the family is
mentioned as having the potential to enhance individual and society wellbeing,
including socioeconomic wellbeing. However, the reality of family life is indicated
by single motherhood, the impact of HIV/AIDS and the COVID-19 pandemic,
teenage pregnancy, the gendered nature of care, absentee fathers, substance use,
gender-based violence, crime, and the impact of violence and engagement in at-risk
behavior of youth, all of which continue to crucially affect families in South Africa.
Some of these issues will be discussed later in the chapter.
There are serious challenges that South African parents have to deal with while
trying to be the best possible parents they can be in order to raise well-adjusted
adults. How do we understand parenting then within these challenging contexts?
Although there has been a growth in literature, there is limited South African
research information with regard to parenting styles and thus there is no clear picture
as to a definitive style of parenting. In general, and in a sense based on the socio-
political history of the experiences of South African parents and families, resilience
has been central to coping within challenging contexts. This would mean that parents
provide support, warmth and care in most families. Additionally, cultural traditions
have been the mechanism of transferring beliefs and values and the mechanisms
through which children are raised (Sahithya et al., 2019). This would naturally be
culture-specific and based on the traditions followed in the different cultures.
Families were able to cope because of kinship networks which enabled social control
and a sense of collectivity. According to Makiwane and Kaunda (2018) moderniza-
tion has the potential to cause division in families, resulting in African societies
becoming more individualized. Therefore, the emphasis has moved more towards
individualism and there are more social problems and families are more challenged.
In order to examine parenting in South Africa, as a developing country, there is often
a dependency on Western theoretical perspectives.

Theoretical Underpinning of Parenting Styles and Practices

All parents have a different approach in the way they raise their children. Some
parents allow the child to do as he or she pleases, while some parents are very
restrictive in what they allow. Parents are the primary agents in the process of
socializing their children with the purpose of encouraging their children to become
participants in a community as responsible adults (Kuppens & Ceulemans, 2019;
Kalil & Ryan, 2020; Lee & Kreutzer, 2021). Ultimately, the way in which parents
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 17

raise their children is related to the child’s behavioral outcomes and his or her
behavior as an adult.
Baumrind (1966, 1967, 1968, 1978) was one of the first researchers to look at
parenting styles. She first proposed three styles of parenting identified as authorita-
tive, authoritarian, and permissive parenting styles. Subsequent parenting research
identified the involved parent (Maccoby & Martin, 1983) and the traditional parent
(Baumrind, 1987).
Authoritative parents have structures and rules in place when raising their chil-
dren, but they also encourage their children to provide input in decision-making in
the family and provide reasons for rules and structures. Authoritative parenting is
warm, supportive, encouraging, accepting and responsive. Permissive or indulgent
parents are accepting, assenting and have a benevolent and compassionate manner
towards the child’s impulses and actions. The parent becomes a resource rather than
the socialisation agent to shape and change the child’s behavior and will not apply
rules and structures when raising the child. Authoritarian parents are extremely
restrictive in communication. Obedience is very important and compliance is often
physically and harshly enforced. The authoritarian parent appears harsh, stern, strict
and cruel without warmth and tenderness towards the child.
Uninvolved parents are often neglectful, indifferent and dismissive. They may
offer little to no supervision, be emotionally distant and unable to support their
children emotionally.
The traditional parent is known to have a “non-lenient” approach to parenting
(Baumrind, 1987, p. 110). Traditional parents spend time with their children, and
discipline and religion are central to the family and the community. Subsequently,
there are strong beliefs in the family that are maintained through various cultural
traditions.
These styles are continuously being researched for in order to understand the
effects each might have on behavior (Suárez-Relinque et al., 2019; Goering & Mrug,
2021; Mak et al., 2020). For example, the effect of authoritarian parenting results in
children exhibiting internalizing and externalizing behavioral problems (Steele &
McKinney, 2019). They have poor self-esteem outcomes, decreased benevolence
(Martinez et al., 2020), and aggressive behavior (Latouf & Dunn, 2010; Masud et al.,
2019; Anjum et al., 2019). They often exhibit delinquent behavior (Tapia et al.,
2018; Kuppens & Ceulemans, 2019) and have higher academic achievement (Yang
& Zhao, 2020). Children raised by permissive or indulgent parents often perform
badly at school and are more likely to engage in risk-taking behavior such as
substance abuse (Baumrind, 1991). They usually rank low in happiness, self-
regulation and self-control (Abci Joseph & Mathew, 2022) and have trouble
establishing any form of relationship or friendship (Sahithya et al., 2019). This
form of parenting stimulates children to be bad-mannered, egocentric and demand-
ing (Baumrind, 1997). Authoritative parents promote children’s sense of individu-
alism and enhance self-development (Baumrind, 1991). These children become
well-adjusted adults (McKinney et al., 2016). They make secure attachments in
later relationships (Doinita & Maria, 2015), have improved academic performance
and competence (Jabagchourian et al., 2014; Yang & Zhao, 2020) and show
18 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

autonomous decision-making (Jabagchourian et al., 2014). They develop interper-

sonal skills and take responsibility (Llorca et al., 2017). Children of uninvolved
parents have similar behavioral and emotional outcomes as children raised by
permissive or indulgent parents. The outcomes include being emotionally with-
drawn, experiencing fear, anxiety and stress, having difficulty forming emotional
attachments and exhibiting inappropriate behavior in social settings (Joseph &
Mathew, 2022; Barton & Hirsch, 2016).
Parenting research in South Africa has grown but it remains limited in terms of
parenting styles and practices. Studies in South Africa specifically using the parent-
ing styles constructs (authoritarian, authoritative and permissive) had children in
early childhood (Latouf & Dunn, 2010), adolescents (Davids et al., 2015; Roman
et al., 2015) and young adults (Roman et al., 2016; Papageorgiou & Callaghan,
2018) as participants in their studies. In early childhood, which in South Africa is age
0 to 9 years, the results of the study conducted by Latouf and Dunn (2010), show that
the authoritative parenting style resulted in more acceptable behavior, while previous
research by Moremi (2002) had inconsistent findings to previous relationships and
found no direct relationships with children’s socio-emotional adjustment at school.
In adolescence (Davids et al., 2015) and young adulthood (Roman et al., 2016)
authoritative parenting styles were perceived as the most prevalent parenting style in
both mothers and fathers. Mothers were perceived to be more dominant in their
parenting, which could be explained by the amount of time mothers spend with their
children. There are similarities and inconsistencies for parenting styles in
South Africa as compared to the findings of research in other countries.
Research is now examining positive and negative parenting with literature
suggesting that stressful environments, experiences and conditions increase parents’
use of negative parenting (Blacher et al., 2013). However, parenting styles do not
provide an understanding of what parents actually do in positive and negative
parenting, and that parenting styles are in fact an ‘umbrella’ for more practical
applications of parenting. In this way the context becomes relevant. A theory that
focuses on parental practices is Self-Determination Theory.
Self-Determination Theory (SDT) states that in order for any individual to be
psychologically well and strive towards reaching his or her optimal potential, three
basic psychological needs have to be satisfied: relatedness, autonomy and compe-
tence (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Krause et al., 2019; Jeno et al., 2018). For relatedness to
be satisfied an individual would need to experience a sense of belonging. The
satisfaction of autonomy affords an individual the space to make decisions, have
self-control and self-regulated behavior, while at the same time maintaining close
ties with the parent. Being competent means feeling able, knowledgeable and skilled
in a task. When these needs are not met the individual will be frustrated and lack the
motivation to progress. In addition to having these needs met, SDT emphasises that
the environment or context becomes the conduit for enhancing or hindering the
satisfaction of these needs (Krause et al., 2019). In essence, when an environment is
enhancing, it is supportive, but when it is hindering, then it creates a controlling
environment.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 19

Supportive parenting is defined as being involved, warm, nurturing, caring

parents who provide structure for their children (Seay et al., 2014). These parents
encourage self-initiation and acknowledge the child’s perspective and feelings. As
involved parents, they act as a resource for their children and take an interest in their
activities. They spend more time with their children and know more about what they
are doing in their daily lives and therefore apply monitoring principles. In providing
structure, children are taught limits and boundaries such as how to eat properly at a
table, to respect others and their possessions and go to bed at an appropriate time.
Parenting is conducted in a way that provides “reasons and purposes for doing
activities; communicating expectations that are optimally challenging; explaining
and consistently administering consequences and providing informational feedback”
(Grolnick et al., 1997, p. 147). In this way, children know what to expect and
subsequently feel more secure because they know what the consequences of their
behavior are. It is suggested that positive parenting acts as a buffer for delinquent
problems in children (Boeldt et al., 2012). It significantly impacts child self-esteem
and improves academic achievement (Batool, 2020) and helps children to thrive and
acts as a buffer in stressful environments (Maepa et al., 2015; Romero et al., 2018).
The outcome of supportive parenting is self-regulation, self-control and self-
determination. Overall, children raised by supportive parents acquire problem-
solving skills and are competent and generally well-adjusted in later phases of
development. Studies in South Africa focusing on autonomy-supportive parenting
have shown that when mothers use autonomy-supportive parenting, children are
psychologically well with the majority having higher scores on tests of self-esteem
and satisfaction with life. In addition, it has been reported that this parenting practice
contributes to the positive adjustment of students in their first year of university, and
could be depicting the relationship between positive parenting, positive behavior,
and a child’s wellbeing (Daniels et al., 2019). A cross-cultural study in the area of
supportive parenting included participants from South Africa (McNeely & Barber,
2010). They found consistent results, across the different participating countries,
indicating similarities in adolescents’ perceptions of supportive parenting. Variabil-
ity was found in supportive parenting also being perceived as guidance and advice,
which were additional aspects not indicated in the Western sample. Guidance and
advice encouraged parent-adolescent closeness, but this might have been a cultural
indicator of parental love and support. Additionally, in a review conducted by
Davids et al. (2017), autonomy-supportive parenting and encouragement by parents
were found to be associated with behaviors that promote child and adolescent health.
While limits, boundaries and monitoring are imperative in order for children to
feel safe, secure and well-adjusted, being overly involved could result in controlling
parenting. Children may perceive this “as pressure to think, feel or behave in
specified ways” (Deci & Ryan, 1985, p. 95). Controlling parenting is defined as
“control attempts that intrude into the psychological and emotional development of
the child (e.g., thinking processes, self-expression, emotions and attachment to
parents)” (Barber, 1996, p. 3296). A form of controlling parenting, as a more
negative type of parenting, is psychological control, which is indicated by behaviors
such as intrusiveness, parental direction and control through guilt, possessiveness,
20 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

protectiveness, nagging, negative evaluation, strictness and punishment. Barber

(1996, p. 3297) describes psychological control as “insidious” which potentially
inhibits psychological development through manipulation and exploitation of the
parent-child bond (love withdrawal and guilt induction), negative, affect-laden
expressions and criticisms (disappointment and shame), and excessive personal
control (possessiveness and protectiveness). There is a distinct difference between
psychological and behavioral control. Behavioral control is used by parents as an
attempt to control and manage the behavior of their children (Barber, 1996; Barber
et al. 2012). According to Barber (1996, p. 3299), psychological control is “inhib-
itive”, while behavioral control is “facilitative”. Behavioral control is important so
that children can have structure, limits, boundaries and parameters in their interac-
tion with others. Behavioral control is also important for parents to monitor their
children’s activities. This process of control is especially important for children
living in high-risk environments where there is the constant threat of being coerced
to participate in gang-related activities and crime (a phenomenon that is quite
common in South African communities). The outcome of psychologically control-
ling parenting for the behavior and adjustment of children has been presented in
research studies. These studies have linked psychological control to low self-esteem
levels, anxiety, depression, higher drop-out rates at school, maladaptive learning
attitudes, substance abuse, and risky cyber behavior (Deneault et al., 2020; Rogers
et al., 2020; Romm & Metzger, 2018).
Research conducted in this area of parenting has in the main been conducted in
Western counties. The argument is often that the results of parenting research
conducted in Western countries may not necessarily reflect that of non-western
countries and therefore should not be generalized to other countries. Significant
differences were found in parenting research, as parenting styles and practices varies
across cultures (Mousavi & Juhari, 2019), but in some instances, there are also
similarities (Devlin et al., 2018). In reference to psychologically controlling parent-
ing in South Africa, research findings are similar to that found in other countries
which found that the psychological control of parents can lead to both internalizing
and externalizing behavioral and emotional problems (León-Del-Barco et al., 2019).
For example, Roman et al. (2012) found a relationship between psychologically-
controlling parenting and anti-social behaviour in young adults. They also found that
maternal psychological control was a stronger predictor of anti-social behaviour than
paternal psychological control. This is supported by a cross-cultural study conducted
by Barber et al. (2012) who found that parental psychological control significantly
predicted depression and anti-social behavior in adolescents. Similarly, Roman
(2008) found a significantly negative relationship between maternal psychological
control and child self-esteem and satisfaction with life. In the same study, psycho-
logical control was significantly positively related to conflict, and negatively related
to cohesion, organisation and independence in the family. The research conducted in
South Africa produced similar results as studies conducted in Western countries,
suggesting the negative effects of psychologically controlling parenting.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 21

What is important in parenting research and practice is that Westernised research

and practices are contextualised and specific to a culture so that parenting interven-
tions have an impact.

Parenting in a Challenging South African Environment

While it is important to understand the effect of different parenting approaches on

child outcomes, often other types of parental behaviours and parent-child interac-
tions are considered in South African research due to the challenging environments
prevalent.
A report published by Statistics South Africa (2020) indicates that approximately
16.2% of women and 26.7% of men aged 15–34 years started sexual intercourse
before the age of 16 years; 5.4% of women and 20.2% of men reported having
multiple sexual partners in the 12 months before the survey; 29.3% of women and
60.3% of men consumed alcohol. Additionally, it is estimated that 67% of children
were exposed to some form of violence at home or in the community (Patel et al.,
2021) and 64.4% of South African youth (15–24 years old) were unemployed by the
second quarter of 2021 (Trading Economics, 2022).
Although the National Development Plan (2030) aims to reduce inequality and
eliminate poverty by promoting gender equality and better educational and eco-
nomic opportunities, these statistics paint a sad picture of the current status of youth
and often this can be traced to parental behavior and family life. For instance, parents
participating in a study conducted by Goldschmidt et al. (2021) reported that parental
substance abuse and exposure to violence significantly affects parental nurturance.
Thus, the nurturing relationship between a parent and child is affected by environ-
mental challenges that many South African families face. Furthermore, Jordaan and
Hesselink (2018) conducted a study on criminogenic factors associated with youth
sex offenders. They found that substance abuse and parental absence play a contrib-
utory role to the criminal behavior of offenders, suggesting that many participants
within their sample received inadequate parental support and grew up in single-
parent households. The South African Institute of Race Relations (2011) proposes
that the structure of families may be a key factor in negative child outcomes.

Parenting Children with Disabilities

Childhood disabilities can impact a child’s development into adulthood and can
include physical, mental, intellectual, and sensory impairments that compromise that
child’s wellbeing and ability to participate in society (Mathye & Eksteen, 2016).
Caring for a child with a disability often contributes to stress and strain experienced
within families as it often requires greater involvement from parents and caregivers.
As a result, families experience various difficulties including separation or divorce,
22 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

poor family relationships, difficulties in caring for other children (Mkabile & Swartz,
2020) and disruptions in their daily routines (Jackson & Andipatin, 2021). In
addition, parents often require substantial resources when caring for a disabled
child, including money and access to services. Unfortunately, these are resources
many South African families struggle with. This is particularly true as disabled
children and their families are among the most marginalized groups in South Africa
(van der Mark et al., 2019). This contributes to the barriers families face in caring for
their disabled children. For instance, a study conducted by Pretorius and Steadman
(2018) found that financial strain, stigma, lack of social support, lack of access to
services, lack of information, lack of transport, and geographical location serves as
barriers for caregivers caring for a child with a disability. These barriers may
influence parents’ experiences in parenting their children. Having social support in
the process of parenting can substantially improve caregiving quality (Bizzego et al.,
2021). However, this is not always the case for many families in South Africa. A
study conducted by Davids et al. (2021) found that parenting a child with a hearing
loss is experienced as lonely due to parents being socially isolated. This is due to
study participants indicating that they receive no support from family members. This
social isolation and lack of support are often related to lack of knowledge,
stigmatisation from family and community members, as well as cultural beliefs
that disability is a result of witchcraft, God’s decision, punishment from ancestors,
and the customary practice of disabled children being rejected in some South African
cultures (Pretorius & Steadman, 2018; Mathye & Eksteen, 2016). However, a
paucity of research exists related to parenting practices in parenting a child with a
disability within the South African context.

The Effect of Family Structure on Parent-Child Relationships

Marital status has been identified as an important factor in the behavior and adjust-
ment of children. Often the comparison is drawn between single and married parent
families or male- and female-headed households. Often, it is the single female parent
or female household head that is portrayed as having more challenges than her
married counterpart (Hatch & Posel, 2018; Heintz-Martin & Langmeyer, 2020).
Historically, apartheid created and maintained the status of the single female parent
heading the household due to the Migrant Labour System. Research in post-
apartheid South Africa shows this phenomenon of single motherhood is still prev-
alent. For example, the General Household Survey (2021) indicates that 41.9% of
households in South Africa were female-headed households with 50% in rural areas
and 38.4% in urban areas. Similarly, 43.1% of children between the ages of
0–17 years lived with mothers only, 3.3% with fathers, 33.8% with both biological
parents, and 19.8% lived with neither parent (General Household Survey, 2019).
According to a review by September et al. (2017), mothers with higher income,
higher education, and married status were more responsive to their children than
those with less education, lower income, and single status. However, Davids et al.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 23

(2015) found no significant differences between single and two-parent families in terms
of perceived parenting styles, adolescent decision making, and healthy lifestyle behav-
iors. In reality, most female-headed households are viewed as having lower education
levels, lower incomes, and many structural disadvantages (Jacobs & Andrews, 2021;
Agnafors et al., 2019). A single mother is often faced with the most challenging
circumstances and this is frequently related to the parent-child relationship.
South African research studies comparing child outcomes and parental involve-
ment in married and single-parent households present contrasting findings. For
example, regardless of marital status, there were no significant differences in the
way children perceived their mother’s parenting (Roman, 2011). Mother-child self-
esteem was significantly positively correlated regardless of marital status and socio-
economic status (Roman, 2008). Makwakwa’s study (2011) suggests that young
adults raised in households with both parents were more thorough in their decision-
making styles than young people raised in single-parent households. According to
Jordaan and Hesselink (2018) children who are raised in single-parent families
would more than likely engage in risk-taking behaviour. The focus of single
parenting is often gendered with the focus being on mothers. Fathers are often silent
in single parenting because fathers are not taking on the responsibility of fatherhood.
In 2017, it was recorded that 62% of children 0–17 years old had an absent father
(Mkhwanazi et al., 2018), indicating that a substantial number of children grow up
without their fathers present in their lives. Research related to fathers and fatherhood
is an emerging field in South Africa as there is the realisation of the importance of
understanding fathers’ experiences in parenting and that intervention with fathers
could improve conditions for children (Lesch & Kelapile, 2016; Hosegood et al.,
2016; Freeks, 2020; Jackson & Andipatin, 2021; Lachman et al., 2016). Father
involvement is also found to be regulated by mothers. For example, Makusha and
Richter (2016) found that within married couples, mothers often regulate father
involvement in childrearing and interactions, care, and housework whereas single
mothers would control father-child access and involvement largely due to the
father’s inability to provide economically and lack of emotional support. Addition-
ally, Morrell et al. (2012) and Swartz and Bhana (2009), in their book Books and
babies: Pregnancy and young parents in schools and Teenage Tata: Voices of young
fathers in South Africa provide insight into the challenging issue of teenage parent-
hood and its effects on teenage mothers and fathers. While the debate continues both
locally and internationally regarding the effect of family structure on parenting and
child adjustment, what is clear is that these factors often play a major role in the
process of parenting.

Parenting: Culture and Diversity

Some researchers in South Africa have compared parenting in different social

contexts. The issue of race or ethnicity is never quite discussed as there is always
the possibility of portraying one race against another, and there is also the sense that
24 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

the term ‘race’ has negative connotations for many South Africans. So if we examine
the research in South Africa the findings of the effect of parenting in particular
studies may be quite different from findings in parenting research in other countries
if races are compared. The researchers of these studies support this and therefore
caution against generalization. Thus the research which focuses on parenting in
different ethnic groups provides the following information:
• Roman et al. (2016) conducted a comparative study with a cross-sectional
research design. The majority of their sample identified as black African
(67.6%) followed by coloured, and white. This study compared parenting styles
in different ethnic groups. The findings suggest that the young adult participants
perceived authoritative parenting styles to be more prevalent than any other
parenting style. However, in comparing mothers’ and fathers’ perceived parent-
ing styles within and between groups, there were significant differences. Within
the black African and coloured groups, fathers scored significantly lower than
mothers in all three parenting styles whereas, within the white group, there were
no significant differences in perceived mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles. For
between groups, only fathers were perceived as significantly different in their
parenting styles, and not mothers
• Jordaan and Hesselink (2018) conducted a qualitative study to explore and
identify the criminogenic factors associated with youth sex offenders. Their
sample consisted of nine black Africans and two coloured participants. Although
no ethnic differences were identified, it was found that nine of the 11 participants
aged 18–20 years indicated that their parents (including stepparents and grand-
parents) abused substances and that they themselves abused substances before or
during the committed offence. Moreover, the offending youth reported growing
up with absent fathers and single parents and attributed these experiences to their
poor parent-child relationships and insufficient parental involvement and
supervision.
• Davids et al. (2015) conducted a study that aimed to describe the prevalence of
perceived parenting styles, decision-making styles, and healthy lifestyle behav-
iours and compare these between one and two-parent families in a rural area.
Participants consisted of 457 grade 9 learners from two-parent families (69.4%)
and single-parent families (30.6%). Researchers found no significant differences
between parenting styles, decision-making styles, and healthy lifestyle behaviors
as authoritative parenting styles, vigilant decision making, and engaging in
healthy lifestyle behaviors were the most prevalent in both single and
two-parent families.
• Latouf and Dunn’s (2010) study found that different dimensions in each parenting
style elicit different social behavioural outcomes in five-year-olds based on
parents’ reports. This multi-cultural study found that the higher fathers are rated
as using verbal hostility (dimension of authoritarian style), the higher the teacher
rates acceptable social behaviour from the five-year-old child. However, different
behavioural outcomes were identified when parents use punitive parenting in that
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 25

the higher the mother rates the father as using punitive parenting the higher the
teacher rates the five-year-old as aggressive. And the higher the father rates the
mother as using punitive parenting the higher the teacher rates disrespect in the
child.
• Coert et al. (2021) conducted a cross-sectional comparative study among 160 sin-
gle teen mothers from a low socioeconomic community. The purpose of this
study was to compare parental efficacy and social support across different family
systems. This study found no significant differences between single teen mothers
living with one parent or single teen mothers living with two parents.
• Makwakwa (2011) had a majority Black African sample in her study. This study
was conducted with university students in the phase of emerging adulthood. In a
retrospective study, she examined the relationship between parenting styles and
the decision-making styles of emerging adults. The results suggest that the
authoritative parenting style is the prevalent style used by parents and is signif-
icantly positively correlated to the thoughtful decision-making of emerging
adults. There were also significant differences between the parenting styles of
mothers and fathers. The results suggest that mothers were more authoritative,
authoritarian and permissive than fathers.
• In their study, Ganz et al. (2020) found that parents who overestimate support for
violent parenting are more likely to use violence against their children them-
selves. This was found among parents of children 2–7 years old in both Ocean
View and Khayelitsha, which are both considered peri-urban settlements.
• De Jager (2011) compared White and Coloured adolescents’ relationships with
their mothers, fathers, best friends and romantic partners. Adolescents had stron-
ger mother-adolescent relationships than father-adolescent relationships as indi-
cated by nurturance, support, satisfaction, affection and intimacy. This study
found that Coloured adolescents viewed their mothers as more important than
their fathers when compared to a group of White adolescents. Additionally,
adolescents from high socio-economic households were more satisfied with
their relationships with their fathers than adolescents from middle to
low-income households. Furthermore, Coloured adolescents living in middle
and low-income households reported more punishment and conflict in
relationships.
• Bomester (2012) examined the parent-adolescent relationship in a Coloured
low-socioeconomic community and found strong mother-daughter and father-
son relationships. In general, mothers spent more time with the adolescent-child
than fathers did.
These research studies were the studies available and accessible but may not provide
definitive information regarding parenting in South Africa. What do these studies
tell us?
• Maternal parenting has a stronger effect on child and youth outcomes than
fathers. As a developing country, there could be remnants of the patriarchal
26 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

ideologies of apartheid with males being providers and women caring for children
or the family (Makusha & Richter, 2016). Parents’ perceptions of parenting
influence their parenting practices which in turn significantly contribute to child
behavioural outcomes. The traditional parenting style (Baumrind, 1987) could
still be dominant in certain ethnic groups, particularly in the Black African group.
• The majority of research studies suggest that parents use a more authoritative
style of parenting.
• There are differences across races or ethnic and socio-economic status groups but
not necessarily between family structures in terms of support for children.
Children raised in low socio-economic environments experience more hostility
and conflict in relationships with their parents. Parenting differences in socio-
economic status groups could be due to families or parents experiencing more
stressors. So although parenting differs across ethnic groups, differences become
more prominent when comparing socio-economic groups. In South Africa, race,
socio-economic status and geographical location continue to be intertwined as
created during apartheid, although the laws have changed.

Conclusion

Trying to describe parenting in South Africa can be quite a challenge as there is so

much diversity. What may be prominent in one culture may not necessarily be found
in another. Historically, South Africa has evolved from an oppressive patriarchal
society into a democratic society. However, these patriarchal beliefs are still prom-
inent in many South African cultures. The existence of the family during apartheid
was constantly under threat and parents struggled to maintain cohesion in the family.
Today, there are different challenges, such as substance abuse, teenage pregnancy,
single parenting, HIV/AIDS, and global crises such as COVID-19, which threaten
the existence and wellbeing of the family. In order to understand the parenting
approaches used in South Africa, Western theories are used to understand parenting
in South Africa. Thus, constructs such as parenting styles and practices may have
similar and different meanings when applied to South African parenting.
South African research presents authoritative parenting as prevalent and linked to
more positive outcomes for children. Additionally, the mother-child relationship is
identified as stronger than the father-child relationship in families. However, there is
an increase in literature focusing on fatherhood and factors regulating father-child
interactions. What is clear is that there are different parent-child relationships and
parenting approaches across different ethnic groups with additions of socio-
economic status and education.
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 27

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32 N. V. Roman and F. Benjamin

Nicolette V. Roman, PhD, is a South African Research Chair in the Development of Human
Capabilities and Social Cohesion through the Family, the PI in Early Childhood Development
(UWC), an Established Researcher in the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of Children, Families
and Society (CISCFS), at the University of the Western Cape (UWC). She is the founder of
CISCFS. Professor is appointed as a Visiting Professor at the University of Huddersfield (UK). Her
research focuses on family life, strengthening capable families through the family-parent-child
relationship across the lifespan ultimately achieving family and social cohesion. She has published
extensively locally and internationally. She currently leads a COVID-19 project exploring Family
Life during COVID-19 and has co-authored Chapter 8 of the Country Report on Covid-19 focusing
on Civil Society.

Fatiema Benjamin is a Research Psychologist and PhD candidate in the Centre for Interdisciplin-
ary Studies of Children, Families and Society (UWC) who is working to develop a tool to screen for
anxiety in early childhood. Ms Benjamin has worked on and managed various research projects
focusing on the family; the health and well-being of children; exploring human capabilities;
Trafficking in Persons (TIP) in Cape Town. Her research interests include early childhood devel-
opment, mental health in children, socio-emotional development and parenting. She has worked on
various manuscripts that focuses on mental health services, parenting experiences, and early
childhood development and health.
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships
in Chile

Kevin Ray Bush, Ally Laila Murphy, and Gary W. Peterson

The purpose of this chapter is to review scholarly literature and theory related to
parenting and parent-child/adolescent relationships in Chile. Consistent with most
other societies, families play an important role in Chilean society, a fundamental
aspect of which is the parent-child relationship. Strong family bonds are not unique
to Chile but play a vital role in the socialization of the young and as protective factors
throughout the life span. Consequently, this chapter begins with a brief overview of
the country itself and then an introductory description of Chilean society and family
life. This is followed by an overview of parenting and parent-child relationships in
Chile based on previous studies.

Chile

Chile is a country that is fairly easy to recognize on maps because of its unique
shape, location, and size. Stretching approximately 2600 miles along the Pacific
Ocean across 38 degrees of latitude from its northern borders with Peru to its
southern borders with Argentina, Chile is the longest north to south trending country
in the world (Central Intelligence Agency, 2021). With the average width of the

K. R. Bush (✉)
Educational Psychology, Family Science and Social Work, Miami University,
Oxford, OH, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
A. L. Murphy
Education and Society, Miami University, Hamilton, OH, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
G. W. Peterson
Family Science and Social Work, Miami University, Oxford, OH, USA
e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 33

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of
Non-Western Science 12, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15359-4_3
34 K. R. Bush et al.

country being just 110 miles (177 km) and the widest being 250 miles (400 km), the
ocean and mountains always seem within reach. The World Factbook from the
U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimates the July 2021 population of
Chile to be over 18 million people, with almost 90% of the population living in
urban areas (Population Reference Bureau, 2022). Prior to colonialization by the
Spanish in the sixteenth century, the indigenous Inca and Mapuche ruled and
inhabited present-day Chile. Independence from Spain was gained in 1810, with a
series of elected governments prior to a 1973 military coup which took power until a
democratic government and president was elected in 1990. The majority of the
population speaks Spanish, which is the official language, although Mapudungun,
German and English are also spoken. Based on 2012 data, over 85% of inhabitants
are of Christian faith, with the majority (67%) being Roman Catholic (Central
Intelligence Agency, 2022) (Fig. 1).

Chilean Society and Family

Similar to other developing nations, Chilean society has experienced numerous

changes in the last several decades. Since the establishment of democracy in 1990,
Chile has experienced substantial alterations in governmental practice and social
policies that impact families along with influences from globalization (e.g., media
from the United States and other nations) and increased urbanization. During these
changing times, the Chilean family has undergone significant changes, including
declining marriage rates and births to married couples, while age at marriage,
cohabitation rates, and births outside of marriage have all increased (Salinas,
2011; Torche & Abufhele, 2021). Many of these trends started in the 1960s, and
in recent years cohabitation has become the main form of domestic union in Chile as
cohabitation has continued to rise as marriage rates have continued to decline
(Ramm & Salinas, 2019). That is, of all women in domestic unions (i.e., both
marriage and cohabitation), almost 53% were in cohabiting relationships in 2017.
Moreover, this pattern is more prevalent among younger cohorts (ages 20–29) of
whom 75% of unions were cohabitating relationships; compared to only 43.5% of
unions being cohabitation among those aged 30–45 (Ramm & Salinas, 2019).
Most parents in all cultures desire to foster positive outcomes in their children and
go about doing this by setting expectations that are consistent with normative
behavioral and value standards within their socio-cultural context (Bloom, 1990;
Bush & James, 2020; Cote & Bornstein, 2021). Parents in different cultures may face
distinctive life conditions and thus have values and priorities that are somewhat
unique and reflect these particular circumstances. Parents’ general values and prior-
ities, in turn, influence parental goals, expectations, and related behaviors that are
components of the socialization process (Bush & James, 2020; Cote & Bornstein,
2021; Peterson & Bush, 2012). One commonality across most cultures is that parents
are primarily responsible for socializing children to meet culturally acceptable norms
for behavior. In Chile, socially acceptable norms for behavior have drastically
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 35

Fig. 1 Map of Chile

36 K. R. Bush et al.

changed over recent decades as society has adjusted from that of a military dicta-
torship to a democratically elected government (Martinez et al., 2006). As a conse-
quence, contemporary Chileans increasingly appear to resist the authoritarian control
that was common throughout society under military rule and affirm more democratic
values (Darling et al., 2008). An important result is that social norms within many
arenas of interpersonal relationships, including parent-child relationships, are
readjusting in like fashion to be consistent with broader social convictions. Although
the society remains highly family oriented, individualistic values are on the rise, and
social and sexual norms have become more liberal, especially among younger
cohorts (Martinez et al., 2006).
Beyond the political changes experienced by Chilean society, other general
beliefs and value systems, such as those associated with individualism and collec-
tivism, have become surprisingly different from what one might expect in a South
American country. Individualism and collectivism are useful constructs for concep-
tualizing differences and similarities across cultures. Collectivism refers to cultural
influences that lead individuals to emphasize the values and goals of the group
(family, community, etc.) over the values and goals of individuals (Triandis, 1995).
As a result, parents whose values and beliefs are based on collectivism are more
likely to emphasize conformity, obedience, and group values in their childrearing
approach. In contrast, parents who identify with individualism are more likely to
emphasize granting age-appropriate autonomy and independence to their offspring.
Complicating things even more is the idea that individualism and collectivism are
not mutually exclusive in the sense that the increased presence of one does not entail
that the other become less evident or influential (Bush & James, 2000; Peterson &
Bush, 2012). Moreover, with the expanding reality of globalization, it is becoming
more likely that parents in traditionally collectivistic cultures might increasingly
adhere to some tenets of individualism and vice versa (Bush, 2000; Bush & James,
2000; Ingoldsby et al., 2003). Illustrative of this is a notable meta-analytic study by
Oyserman et al. (2002), who note that several countries with a Latino culture
(Argentina, Chile, Colombia, and Puerto Rico) scored higher on measures of
individualism and lower on collectivism than did European Americans, who are
typically considered to be one of the most individualistic groups. However, both
systems of values were prevalent within both the European American and Chilean
samples. The results from a recent study by Benavides and Hur (2020) support this
earlier finding, as Chilean adults scored higher on independent compared to
interdependent self-construal. Recently, scholars have proposed that Chile’s chang-
ing political and societal circumstances have impacted socialization through
increased underscoring of democratic or autonomy-granting values and decreased
emphasis on authoritarian or autocratic values (Martinez et al., 2006). These findings
suggest the importance of considering the influence of both individualism and
collectivism as co-existing value and belief systems within Chile.
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 37

Parenting

Turning to more specific issues about parenting children in Chile, an examination of

the literature on parenting and parent-child relationships reveals a sizable growth of
in-depth studies since the last version of this chapter a decade ago. Previous
assessments of earlier studies examining socialization in Chile revealed few
in-depth studies (Darling et al., 2007; Ho et al., 2013). Many earlier studies utilized
single global assessments of family relationships, parent-child relationships, or
single item measures to assess specific aspects of parenting such as support or
monitoring/knowledge. However, in the past decade or so, a sizeable proportion of
studies have applied family functioning concepts, previously researched parenting
constructs, and empirically established instruments to samples of Chilean families.

Parental Support/Responsiveness

Parental supportive practices refer to the extent to which parents are responsive and
convey warmth, acceptance, confidence, affection, nurturance, companionship, and
love to their offspring. Parents convey supportive meanings to the young using both
verbal and nonverbal communications. Findings from studies of other Latino groups
suggest that children also may perceive supportive meanings in parents’ use of
certain forms of firm behavioral control (e.g., the use of reasoning and/or monitor-
ing), provided that a close, trusting relationship exists between child and parent
(Bush et al., 2004; Hill et al., 2003).
Studies among Chilean samples have found parental support to be positively
related to children’s cognitive functioning (Wu et al., 2019; family involvement and
parental monitoring (Ho et al., 2013), perceptions of parents having legitimate
authority (Darling et al., 2008) and obligation to comply with them (Darling et al.,
2008). Similarly, studies have found parental support to serve as a protective factor
against numerous undesired child and adolescent behaviors (Ma et al., 2016; Nelson
et al., 2019). For example, Ma et al. (2016) found that parental warmth was
negatively related to anxiety and depressive symptoms, social problems, attention
problems, as well as delinquent and aggressive behaviors of adolescents. Other
studies in Chile have found parental support negatively related to aggressive or
deviant behaviors (Bares et al., 2011; Nelson et al., 2019), sexual intercourse
(Sanchez et al., 2010), attention problems, and rule-breaking behaviors (Bares
et al., 2011) adolescent substance abuse (Nelson et al., 2019) and depression
(Cumsille et al., 2015).
38 K. R. Bush et al.

Parental Behavioral Control

Firm parental socialization or disciplinary practices that are intended to regulate

children’s behavior through a consistent and coherent system of predictable rules
and consequences are conceptualized as behavioral control (Bush & Peterson, 2012).
This follows Maccoby and Martin’s (1983) conceptualization of parenting demand-
ingness and what Hoffman (1983) refers to as rational power assertion, which
involves the use of reasoning or induction in a firm manner to influence child
outcomes that are components of social competence. The system’s consistency
and fairness help to foster positive parent-child relationships, trust, and open com-
munication (Bush & Peterson, 2012). Parenting practices in this category include
reasoning/induction, monitoring, clearly communicated expectations, enforced
rules, and consistent discipline. Among these different aspects of firm control,
parental monitoring and/or knowledge is the most prevalent dimension in Chilean
families and parent-child relations studies.
Parental monitoring refers to a type of firm control attempts through which
parents track the activities and behaviors of their young, with the purpose being to
increase their knowledge about and influence the everyday and long-term develop-
mental outcomes of children that prevent problem behavior. Monitoring involves
asking about or regulating where their children are, who they are with, and what they
are doing. Monitoring increases parental knowledge and allows parents to under-
stand the contexts in which their children exist and then implies that parents will
adjust their socialization/disciplinary strategies accordingly (Bares et al., 2015;
Darling et al., 2008; Patterson & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1984). It also has been
proposed that monitoring may convey care and concern to children and adolescents
when parents are perceived as supervising the young to ensure their welfare (Hill
et al., 2003). Based on data from the Global School-Based Student Health Survey
(GSBSHS) in Chile, a majority of children and adolescents report that their parents
are knowledgeable about their behavior, which may acknowledge both their parents’
supervisory role and the trust they have in their parents’ appropriate judgment to do
so. More specifically, across four representative samples from different areas/regions
in Chile, between 70% and 73% of youth agreed with the statement that their parents
“really know what you were doing with your free time” (Rudatsukira et al., 2008;
World Health Organization, 2012). A downside of this study was that the measure-
ment of monitoring/knowledge and parenting behavior was assessed with only
single-item measures that assessed parents’ monitoring in general rather than in
reference to each parent and specific area of the child’s activity. This particular study
also examined monitoring of homework by parents (61–65% endorsed). Although
such methodological limitations are important to identify, the consistency of results
across four different regions/samples is encouraging.
Among Chilean children and/or adolescents, parental monitoring/knowledge has
been found to be positively related to global self-esteem (Bush et al., 2016), self-
efficacy (Ingoldsby et al., 2003), conformity to parental expectations (Darling et al.,
2007; Darling et al., 2008), school achievement orientation (Ingoldsby et al., 2003),
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 39

legitimate parental authority (Darling et al., 2008), and connectedness with mothers,
fathers, peers, and school (McWhirter & McWhirter, 2011). Similarly, parental
monitoring has been found to be negatively associated with adolescent cigarette
use (Bares et al., 2015), aggressive behaviors (Bares et al., 2011; Rudatsukira et al.,
2008), sexual intercourse (Sanchez et al., 2010), rule-breaking (Bares et al., 2011),
and externalizing behaviors (Han et al., 2012).

Parental Psychological Control

Parenting practices that are characterized as excessive, arbitrary, coercive, and

inhibiting children’s development of psychological autonomy fall into the category
of parental psychological control attempts (Barber et al., 2012; Bush & Peterson,
2012; Peterson, 2005). Parental practices in this category are conceptualized as being
both covert and indirect, as well as overt through the use of unqualified power
assertion (Hoffman, 1983). This combination of two quite different kinds of arbitrary
control has fostered a debate as to whether a single concept adequately represents
both dimensions or whether separate constructs are needed (Bush & Peterson, 2012;
Peterson, 2005). When considered in combination, these practices enforce a rigid
hierarchy in the family as parents demand prompt compliance without the use of
reason, explanation or discussion, and focus on the manipulation of the child’s
emotional experiences (Baumrind et al., 2010). In other words, psychological
control consists of two distinct dimensions, (1) punitiveness or unqualified power
assertion and (2) intrusive forms of psychological control (cf. Bush & Peterson,
2012).
Punitiveness is the type of psychological control that involves the use of verbal or
nonverbal strategies in which unqualified power assertion is used to impose parental
authority overtly. Intrusiveness, the second form of psychological control, is where
parents impose their authority overtly or covertly through manipulation of the
children’s emotions to foster dependency and interfere with progress toward auton-
omy (Bush & Peterson, 2012; Peterson, 2005).

Punitiveness

Parents’ use of unqualified power assertion or coercive control attempts (verbal or

physical) refers to punitiveness, which is commonly conceptualized as the featured
behavior of authoritarian parenting (Baumrind, 1978). That is, parents impose
arbitrary authority to demand children’s compliance (Bush & Peterson, 2012;
Peterson & Rollins, 1987). Physical discipline is often a component of punitiveness
and evidence from previous research indicates that the use of physical punishment
with children has been a component of traditional, Chilean, child-rearing practices
(Cova et al., 2020; UNICEF, 2015; Vargas et al., 1995; Williamson, 1972). How-
ever, recent public discourse in Chile, reflects less favorable attitudes toward
40 K. R. Bush et al.

physical punishment, perhaps related to policies and campaigns in recent decades

that are intended to decrease child abuse and domestic violence (Cova et al., 2020;
Vargas et al., 1995).
In a recent evaluation of a parent training program focused on strengthening
positive parenting practices in Chile, Cova et al. (2020) found that the program
successfully decreased child behavior problems by decreasing harsh parenting and
physical punishment. The authors identified harsh parental discipline and physical
punishment (as well as inconsistent discipline) as mediators in this process. Errázuriz
et al. (2016) conducted a qualitative study examining the implementation of the
Triple P Parenting Program within a Chilean sample of parent participants. The
authors concluded that parents saw their participation as helping to improve their
parenting, decrease parental stress, increase communication between parents, and
improve children’s behavior and parent-child relationships (Errázuriz et al., 2016).
Regarding improving their parenting, one parent stated: “So I would lose control and
now I try to control the situation, to control myself, and I know what I can do with
these tools that I can apply in certain situations to actually try to guide
him...“(Errázuriz et al., 2016, p. 3444). One parent described how the program
helped to improve his relationship with his child: “As his father, I have discovered
that he could reason and have conversations . . . such as that he comes to me and I to
him and we’re talking, and I didn’t think we could have a conversation. . .”
(Errázuriz et al., 2016, p. 3444). The authors of both of these parenting program
evaluations encourage the implementation of these programs among Chilean fami-
lies (Cova et al., 2020; Errázuriz et al., 2016).
In a study conducted in the mid 1990s, Vargas et al. (1995) found that 80% of
sampled Chilean parents, whose fourth to eighth grade children attended public
school, indicated that they used physical punishment, while only 57% of parents,
whose children attended a private Catholic school, also acknowledged the use of
physical punishment. Vargas and colleagues also surveyed school children (seventh
and eighth graders) in these same schools and found congruence, with 87% of the
children in the public schools reporting being physically punished, while only 54%
of children in the private school reported being exposed to physical punishment by
their parents. Despite these findings, 34% of parents of children attending the public
schools and 52% of parents with children in the private school indicated that
physical punishment should never be used.
A decade or so later, Runyan et al. (2010) used a modified version of the Parent-
Child Conflict Tactics Scale to assess parental discipline across six countries,
including Chile. The authors reported that, of the sampled Chilean mothers, 37%
of mothers used harsh verbal discipline, 69% used moderate physical discipline,
25% used harsh physical discipline, while only 4.5% used harsh physical discipline
that included hitting with an object. Based on these recent data by Runyan and
colleagues, using a random cluster sampling strategy within the Chilean community
of Santa Rosa, harsh physical discipline was not found to be quite as prevalent as that
reported in previous decades. The credibility of these findings was reinforced by the
in-depth and psychometrically sound instruments and clearly specified definitions
used by Runyan et al. (2010).
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Index of the
Project Gutenberg Works of John Fiske
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Title: Index of the Project Gutenberg Works of John Fiske

Author: John Fiske

Editor: David Widger

Release date: February 20, 2019 [eBook #58925]

Most recently updated: February 25, 2021

Language: English

Credits: Produced by David Widger

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDEX OF THE

PROJECT GUTENBERG WORKS OF JOHN FISKE ***
INDEX OF THE PROJECT
GUTENBERG

WORKS OF

JOHN FISKE

Compiled by David Widger

 CONTENTS
Click on the ## before many of the titles to
view a linked
table of contents for that volume.

Click on the title itself to open the original

online file.

## MYTHS AND MYTH-MAKERS

## THE UNSEEN WORLD AND OTHER ESSAYS

POLITICAL IDEAS

THE MEANING OF INFANCY

## THE BEGINNINGS OF NEW ENGLAND

## THE DESTINY OF MAN

## THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

## THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, Vol. 1 (of 2)

## CRITICAL PERIOD AMERICAN HISTORY

LIFE EVERLASTING
## THROUGH NATURE TO GOD

## A CENTURY OF SCIENCE AND OTHER ESSAYS

## THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

TOBACCO AND ALCOHOL, It Does Pay to Smoke

## OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS, Vol. 1 (of 2)

## OLD VIRGINIA AND HER NEIGHBOURS, Vol. 2 (of 2)

## IDEA OF GOD--MODERN KNOWLEDGE

TABLES OF CONTENTS OF
VOLUMES
MYTHS AND MYTH-MAKERS
Old Tales and Superstitions
Interpreted by Comparative
Mythology
 By John Fiske
CONTENTS

PREFACE.
MYTHS AND MYTH-MAKERS.
I. THE ORIGINS OF FOLK-LORE.
II. THE DESCENT OF FIRE.
III. WEREWOLVES AND SWAN-MAIDENS.
IV. LIGHT AND DARKNESS.
V. MYTHS OF THE BARBARIC WORLD.
VI. JUVENTUS MUNDI. [150]
VII. THE PRIMEVAL GHOST-WORLD.
NOTE.
FOOTNOTES:

THE UNSEEN WORLD AND

OTHER ESSAYS
 By John Fiske
CONTENTS

ESSAYS.
I. THE UNSEEN WORLD.
PART FIRST.
PART SECOND.
II. "THE TO-MORROW OF DEATH."
III. THE JESUS OF HISTORY.
IV. THE CHRIST OF DOGMA.
V. A WORD ABOUT MIRACLES.
VI. DRAPER ON SCIENCE AND RELIGION.
VII. NATHAN THE WISE.
VIII. HISTORICAL DIFFICULTIES.
IX. THE FAMINE OF 1770 IN BENGAL.
X. SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS.
XI. LONGFELLOW'S DANTE.
XII. PAINE'S "ST. PETER."
XIII. A PHILOSOPHY OF ART.
XIV. ATHENIAN AND AMERICAN LIFE.
FOOTNOTES
 THE BEGINNINGS OF NEW
ENGLAND
Or The Puritan Theocracy In Its Relations To
Civil And Religious Liberty
 By John Fiske
1892

CONTENTS

PREFACE.
DETAILED CONTENTS.
THE BEGINNINGS OF NEW ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I. THE ROMAN IDEA AND THE ENGLISH IDEA.
CHAPTER II. THE PURITAN EXODUS.
CHAPTER III. THE PLANTING OF NEW ENGLAND.
CHAPTER IV. THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERACY.
CHAPTER V. KING PHILIP'S WAR.
CHAPTER VI. THE TYRANNY OF ANDROS.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
NOTES:

THE DESTINY OF MAN

VIEWED IN THE LIGHT OF
HIS ORIGIN
 By John Fiske
1884

CONTENTS

Man’s Place in Nature as affected by the Copernican Theory.

As affected by Darwinism.
On the Earth there will never be a Higher Creature than Man.
The Origin of Infancy.
The Dawning of Consciousness.
Lengthening of Infancy and Concomitant Increase of Brain-Surface.
Change in the Direction of the Working of Natural Selection.
Growing Predominance of the Psychical Life.
The Origins of Society and of Morality.
Improvableness of Man.
Universal Warfare of Primeval Men.
First checked by the Beginnings of Industrial Civilisation.
Methods of Political Development, and Elimination of Warfare.
End of the Working of Natural Selection upon Man. Throwing off
the Brute-Inheritance.
The Message of Christianity.
The Question as to a Future Life.
THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
 By John Fiske
With Maps, Index, And A Biographical Sketch

CONTENTS

chap page
Biographical Sketch. vii
I. Introduction. 1
II. The Colonies In 1750. 4
III The French Wars, and the First Plan of Union. 26
IV. The Stamp Act, and the Revenue Laws. 39
V. The Crisis. 78
VI. The Struggle for the Centre. 104
VII. The French Alliance. 144
VIII. Birth of the Nation. 182
Collateral Reading. 195
Index. 197

LIST OF MAPS

Facing
Page
Invasion of Canada 92
Washington's Campaigns in New Jersey and 119
Pennsylvania.
Burgoyne's Campaign 130
The Southern Campaign 172

THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

 By John Fiske
VOL. I (of II)

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.
ANCIENT AMERICA.
page
The American aborigines 1
Question as to their origin 2, 3
Antiquity of man in America 4
Shell-mounds, or middens 4, 5
The Glacial Period 6, 7
Discoveries in the Trenton gravel 8
Discoveries in Ohio, Indiana, and Minnesota 9
Mr. Cresson's discovery at Claymont, Delaware 10
The Calaveras skull 11
Pleistocene men and mammals 12, 13
Elevation and subsidence 13, 14
Waves of migration 15
The Cave men of Europe in the Glacial Period 16
The Eskimos are probably a remnant of the Cave men 17-19
There was probably no connection or intercourse by water
between ancient America and the Old World 20
There is one great American red race 21
Different senses in which the word "race" is used 21-23
No necessary connection between differences in culture and
differences in race 23
Mr. Lewis Morgan's classification of grades of culture 24-32
Distinction between Savagery and Barbarism 25
Origin of pottery 25
Lower, middle, and upper status of savagery 26
Lower status of barbarism; it ended differently in the two
hemispheres; in ancient America there was no pastoral stage of
development 27
Importance of Indian corn 28
Tillage with irrigation 29
Use of adobe-brick and stone in building 29
Middle status of barbarism 29, 30
Stone and copper tools 30
Working of metals; smelting of iron 30
Upper status of barbarism 31
The alphabet and the beginnings of civilization 32
So-called "civilizations" of Mexico and Peru 33, 34
Loose use of the words "savagery" and "civilization" 35
Value and importance of the term "barbarism" 35, 36
The status of barbarism is most completely exemplified in ancient
America 36, 37
Survival of bygone epochs of culture; work of the Bureau of
Ethnology 37, 38
Tribal society and multiplicity of languages in aboriginal America
38, 39
Tribes in the upper status of savagery; Athabaskans, Apaches,
Shoshones, etc. 39
Tribes in the lower status of barbarism; the Dakota group or family
40
The Minnitarees and Mandans 41
The Pawnee and Arickaree group 42
The Maskoki group 42
The Algonquin group 43
The Huron-Iroquois group 44
The Five Nations 45-47
Distinction between horticulture and field agriculture 48
Perpetual intertribal warfare, with torture and cannibalism 49-51
Myths and folk-lore 51
Ancient law 52, 53
The patriarchal family not primitive 53
"Mother-right" 54
Primitive marriage 55
The system of reckoning kinship through females only 56
Original reason for the system 57
The primeval human horde 58, 59
Earliest family-group; the clan 60
"Exogamy" 60
Phratry and tribe 61
Effect of pastoral life upon property and upon the family 61-63
The exogamous clan in ancient America 64
Intimate connection of aboriginal architecture with social life 65
The long houses of the Iroquois 66, 67
Summary divorce 68
Hospitality 68
Structure of the clan 69, 70
Origin and structure of the phratry 70, 71
Structure of the tribe 72
Cross-relationships between clans and tribes; the Iroquois
Confederacy 72-74
Structure of the confederacy 75, 76
The "Long House" 76
Symmetrical development of institutions in ancient America 77, 78
Circular houses of the Mandans 79-81
The Indians of the pueblos, in the middle status of barbarism 82,
83
Horticulture with irrigation, and architecture with adobe 83, 84
Possible origin of adobe architecture 84, 85
Mr. Cushing's sojourn at Zuñi 86
Typical structure of the pueblo 86-88
Pueblo society 89
Wonderful ancient pueblos in the Chaco valley 90-92
The Moqui pueblos 93
The cliff-dwellings 93
Pueblo of Zuñi 93, 94
Pueblo of Tlascala 94-96
The ancient city of Mexico was a great composite pueblo 97
The Spanish discoverers could not be expected to understand the
state of society which they found there 97, 98
Contrast between feudalism and gentilism 98
Change from gentile society to political society in Greece and Rome
99, 100
First suspicions as to the erroneousness of the Spanish accounts
101
Detection and explanation of the errors, by Lewis Morgan 102
Adolf Bandelier's researches 103
The Aztec Confederacy 104, 105
Aztec clans 106
Clan officers 107
Rights and duties of the clan 108
Aztec phratries 108
The tlatocan, or tribal council 109
The cihuacoatl, or "snake-woman" 110
The tlacatecuhtli, or "chief-of-men" 111
Evolution of kingship in Greece and Rome 112
Mediæval kingship 113
Montezuma was a "priest-commander" 114
Mode of succession to the office 114, 115
Manner of collecting tribute 116
Mexican roads 117
Aztec and Iroquois confederacies contrasted 118
Aztec priesthood; human sacrifices 119, 120
Aztec slaves 121, 122
The Aztec family 122, 123
Aztec property 124
Mr. Morgan's rules of criticism 125
He sometimes disregarded his own rules 126
Amusing illustrations from his remarks on "Montezuma's Dinner"
126-128
The reaction against uncritical and exaggerated statements was
often carried too far by Mr. Morgan 128, 129
Great importance of the middle period of barbarism 130
The Mexicans compared with the Mayas 131-133
Maya hieroglyphic writing 132
Ruined cities of Central America 134-138
They are probably not older than the twelfth century 136
Recent discovery of the Chronicle of Chicxulub 138
Maya culture very closely related to Mexican 139
The "Mound-Builders" 140-146
The notion that they were like the Aztecs 142
Or, perhaps, like the Zuñis 143
These notions are not well sustained 144
The mounds were probably built by different peoples in the lower
status of barbarism, by Cherokees, Shawnees, and other tribes
144, 145
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