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Laura McPherson
A Grammar of Tommo So
Mouton Grammar Library

Edited by
Georg Bossong
Bernard Comrie
Matthew Dryer
Patience L. Epps

Volume 62
Laura McPherson

A Grammar of
Tommo So
ISBN 978-3-11-030092-5
e-ISBN 978-3-11-030107-6
ISSN 0933-7636

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress.

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

6 2013 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Typesetting: RoyalStandard, Hong Kong
Printing and binding: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen
♾ Printed on acid-free paper
Printed in Germany

www.degruyter.com
For Ramata Ouologuem
Acknowledgments

It has been a journey preparing this grammar, a journey I could not have possibly
undertaken on my own. I owe the existence of this volume to many people –
consultants, friends, colleagues, editors – as well as to those reviewers who read
grant applications and thought that this work was worthwhile.
First and foremost, I want to thank my consultants, Ramata Ouologuem, Sana
‘M. le Maire’ Ouologuem, Issa Toloba, Zakaria Ouologuem, Ajumare Guindo, Endekiye
Ouloguem, and Ende Ouologuem for their patience and good humor in teaching me
their language. I would also like to extend my thanks to the people of Tongo-Tongo
for their hospitality. I am grateful to my non-Tommo friends in Mali as well, particu-
larly Minkailou Djiguiba, Seydou Moro, Oumar Koné, and Salif Morogoye, for help-
ing me so much in my day-to-day life in Mali. Thank you also to the linguists at the
Institut National des Langues – Abdoulaye Barry in Bamako for fruitful discussions
on the Dogon languages.
This work would not have been possible without Jeffrey Heath, who has trained
and supported me throughout this project. Seeing firsthand his hardwork and dedi-
cation in the field has shaped me as a fieldworker; if I can accomplish even a small
fraction of what he has, I will consider my career a success. Thank you also to my
colleagues in the Dogon Languages Project, Kirill Prokhorov, Steve Moran, Brian
Cansler, Vadim Dyachkov, and especially Abbie Hantgan, who have kept me com-
pany in the field. You are my fieldwork family.
This manuscript has benefitted from the comments of many colleagues, includ-
ing Mary Paster, Laura Kalin, Kevin Ryan, Byron Ahn, Natasha Abner, and Denis
Paperno, as well as my tireless advisors Bruce Hayes and Russell Schuh, who have
taken time out of their already busy schedules to read portions of this grammar and
suggest improvements. Any errors that remain are my own.
I am also very grateful to my contact editor, Matthew Dryer, for his careful read-
ing of the manuscript. This final product has greatly benefitted from his wisdom on
matters of typology and what makes a good reference grammar. Thank you as well
to all of the staff at de Gruyter Mouton, in particular to Julie Miess, for making the
preparation and publication of this grammar a smooth and enjoyable process.
Finally, I gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Fulbright Institute
for International Education and the National Science Foundation (grant numbers
BCS-0537435 (2006-2008) and BCS-0853364 (2009-2012)), who have funded my time
spent in the field. I am grateful to the NSF Graduate Student Fellowship Program
for allowing me the time in graduate school to prepare this grammar, and to the
UCLA Department of Linguistics for helping to support its publication.
Table of contents

Acknowledgments v
Abbreviations xxvi

1 Introduction 1
1.1 Dogon languages 1
1.1.1 Geographic distribution of the Dogon languages 1
1.2 Tommo So 2
1.3 Environment 4
1.4 Culture 5
1.5 Language use and vitality 6
1.6 Tommo So sources 6
1.6.1 Previous work 6
1.6.2 Current fieldwork 7

2 Grammatical sketch 8
2.1 Phonology 8
2.1.1 Segmental inventory and phonotactics 8
2.1.2 Tonal inventory and tonotactics 8
2.1.3 Key phonological alternations 9
2.1.4 Key tonal changes 9
2.2 Verbal inflection 10
2.2.1 Aspect 11
2.2.2 Negation 11
2.2.3 Imperative and hortative 11
2.3 Verbal derivation 12
2.4 Noun phrase (NP) 12
2.5 Case marking and PPs 13
2.6 Main clauses and constituent order 13
2.7 Relative clauses 14
2.8 Interclausal syntax 14

3 Segmental phonology 16
3.1 Consonants 16
3.1.1 Consonant phoneme inventory 16
3.1.2 Exceptional sounds 16
3.1.3 Gemination 17
3.1.4 Minimal pairs 18
3.1.4.1 /p/ 18
3.1.4.2 /b/ 19
x Table of contents

3.1.4.3 /t/ 19
3.1.4.4 /d/ 20
3.1.4.5 /k/ 20
3.1.4.6 /g/ 20
3.1.4.7 /m/ 21
3.1.4.8 /n/ 22
3.1.4.9 /ɲ/ 22
3.1.4.10 /ŋ/ 22
3.1.4.11 /s/ 23
3.1.4.12 /h/ 23
3.1.4.13 /j/ 23
3.1.4.14 /w/ 24
3.1.4.15 /y/ 24
3.1.4.16 /r/ 25
3.1.4.17 /l/ 25
3.2 Vowels 26
3.2.1 Vowel inventory 26
3.2.2 Nasal vowels 26
3.2.3 The status of [ə] 27
3.2.4 Vowel formants 28
3.2.5 Minimal pairs 29
3.2.5.1 /u/ 29
3.2.5.2 /o/ 29
3.2.5.3 /ɔ/ 30
3.2.5.4 /a/ 30
3.2.5.5 /ɛ/ 30
3.2.5.6 /e/ 31
3.2.5.7 /i/ 31
3.2.5.8 /uu/ 31
3.2.5.9 /oo/ 31
3.2.5.10 /ɔɔ/ 32
3.2.5.11 /aa/ 32
3.2.5.12 /ɛɛ/ 32
3.2.5.13 /ee/ 33
3.2.5.14 /ii/ 33
3.2.5.15 /ɔɔn/ 33
3.2.5.16 /aan/ 33
3.2.5.17 /ɛɛn/ 34
3.3 Syllable and stem structure 34
3.3.1 Syllable shape 34
3.3.2 Word minimality requirement 36
3.3.3 Stem lengths 36
 Table of contents xi

3.3.4 “Crypto-compounds” 37
3.4 Phonotactics 39
3.4.1 Constraints on individual consonants 39
3.4.1.1 Word-initial restrictions 39
3.4.1.2 Stem-internal restrictions 40
3.4.1.3 Word-final restrictions 41
3.4.2 Constraints on vowel quality 42
3.4.3 Constraints on nasalized vowels 42
3.4.4 Constraints on vowel length 42
3.4.5 Consonant clusters 44
3.4.5.1 Initial CC 44
3.4.5.2 Medial geminated CC 44
3.4.5.3 Medial non-geminate CC 45
3.4.5.4 Medial CCC 47
3.4.5.5 Final CC 48
3.4.6 [u] ~ [Ø] alternations 48
3.5 Vowel harmony 51
3.5.1 Stems 52
3.5.1.1 Initial syllable 53
3.5.1.2 Medial syllables 54
3.5.1.3 Final syllables 57
3.5.1.4 Disharmonic stems 59
3.5.2 Harmony in verbal derivational suffixes 60
3.5.2.1 Introduction 60
3.5.2.2 Idealized suffix behavior 60
3.5.2.3 Actual suffix behavior 62
3.5.3 Harmony in verbal inflectional suffixes 64
3.5.4 Harmony in nominal derivational suffixes 65
3.5.5 Harmony in nominal inflectional suffixes 65
3.6 Metrical structure 66
3.6.1 Vowel reduction 66
3.6.2 Vowel syncope 67
3.6.3 /g/ spirantization 69
3.7 Other phonological rules 69
3.7.1 Nasalization 69
3.7.2 Nasal place assimilation 70
3.7.3 Pre-suffixal vowel raising, or, vowel hiatus resolution 71
3.7.4 Vowel hiatus 72
3.7.5 Pre-palatal vowel fronting 73
3.7.6 Derhoticization 73
3.8 Clitic phonology 74
xii Table of contents

4 Tone 75
4.1 Lexical tone 75
4.1.1 The tone bearing unit and contour tone distribution 75
4.1.2 Lexical tone in nouns, numerals, and adjectives 77
4.1.2.1 Monosyllabic nouns 78
4.1.2.2 Disyllabic nouns 79
4.1.2.3 Trisyllabic nouns 83
4.1.3 Lexical tone in verbs 86
4.1.3.1 /H/ class verbs 87
4.1.3.2 /LH/ class verbs 88
4.1.3.3 Sub-minimal /L/ verbs 89
4.2 Tonal underspecification 90
4.2.1 Phonetic realization of tone 90
4.2.1.1 Phonetic realization of H and L 90
4.2.1.2 Declination 93
4.2.1.3 Downdrift 93
4.2.2 Phonetic realization of Ø: interpolation 94
4.2.2.1 Single syllable 95
4.2.2.2 Multiple syllables 98
4.2.3 Underspecification and epenthetic vowels 99
4.3 Phonological tone rules 100
4.3.1 Tonal absorption 100
4.3.2 Tone shift 101
4.4 Verbal grammatical tone 103
4.5 Grammatical tone in the NP 106
4.5.1 Unpossessed NPs 106
4.5.1.1 Controllers: adjectives, demonstratives, and relative clauses 107
4.5.1.2 Non-controllers: numerals, definite, plural, ‘all’ 108
4.5.2 Possessed NPs 108
4.5.2.1 Non-pronominal possessors 108
4.5.2.2 Pronominal possessors 109
4.5.3 Possessed NPs with other modifiers 109
4.5.3.1 Alienable possession 110
4.5.3.2 Inalienable possession 111

5 Nominal, pronominal, and adjectival morphology 113

5.1 Nominal morphology 113
5.1.1 Human suffixes 113
5.1.2 Irregular nouns (woman, man, child, girl, boy, person) 115
5.1.3 Human suffixes on kinship terms 117
5.1.4 So-and-so 118
5.1.5 Nominal reduplication 118
 Table of contents xiii

5.1.6 Diminutive 119

5.1.7 Frozen initial à(N)- in nouns 120
5.2 Nominalization 121
5.2.1 Deverbal derivation 121
5.2.1.1 Agentive nominals 122
5.2.1.2 Gerundive nominals 122
5.2.1.3 -igo or -ige derivation 126
5.2.1.4 Infinitives 126
5.2.2 Deadjectival derivation 127
5.2.2.1 Reduplicative derivation 127
5.2.2.2 Characteristic derivation (-gú) 128
5.3 Pronouns 129
5.3.1 Independent pronouns 129
5.3.2 Possessive pronouns 131
5.3.3 Suffixal pronouns 131
5.4 Definites and demonstratives 132
5.4.1 Definite determiner =gɛ 132
5.4.2 Deictic demonstratives 133
5.4.2.1 Demonstrative determiners 134
5.4.2.2 Demonstrative pronouns 135
5.4.3 Discourse definites 136
5.4.4 Presentatives (‘here’s…’) 136
5.5 Adjectives 138
5.5.1 Suffixed adjectives 138
5.5.2 Unsuffixed adjectives 140
5.5.3 Distributive reduplication 141
5.6 Verbs as modifiers 142
5.7 Numerals 143
5.7.1 Cardinal numbers 143
5.7.1.1 ‘One’, ‘same (one)’ 143
5.7.1.2 2 through 10 144
5.7.1.3 Decimal multiples (10, 20,…) and their combinations (22, 67,…) 145
5.7.1.4 Large numerals (100, 1000,…) and their composites 146
5.7.1.5 Currency 147
5.7.1.6 Distributive numerals 148
5.7.1.7 Negative polarity adverb dògò 148
5.7.2 Ordinal adjectives 149
5.7.2.1 Ordinal formation (-yém suffix) 149
5.7.2.2 ‘First’ and ‘last’ 149
5.7.3 Fractions and portions 150
xiv Table of contents

6 Nominal and adjectival compounds 151

6.1 Root compounds 151
6.1.1 Canonical compound [x̀L x] 151
6.1.1.1 Right-headed canonical compounds 151
6.1.1.2 Left-headed canonical compounds 152
6.1.1.3 Externally-headed canonical compounds 153
6.1.1.4 Complex canonical compounds 153
6.1.1.5 Compounds with íí ‘child’ and náá ‘mother’ 154
6.1.1.6 Compounds with àná ‘man’ or yàá ‘woman’ 156
6.1.1.7 Compounds with gùnnɔ́ ‘slave’ and náá, ‘fake’ and ‘authentic’ 158
6.1.2 Pseudo-genitive compounds [x x̀L] 159
6.1.2.1 Overview 159
6.1.2.2 Tonal variation between pseudo-genitive and canonical
compounds 160
6.1.2.3 Complex pseudo-genitive compounds 160
6.1.2.4 Unusual pseudo-genitives 161
6.2 Synthetic compounds 161
6.2.1 Agentive compounds 161
6.2.2 Compounds with final verbal noun; “[u] compounds” 163
6.2.3 Gerundive compounds 164
6.2.4 Purposive compounds 165
6.2.5 Other synthetic compounds 166
6.3 Adjectival compounds 167

7 Noun phrase structure 169

7.1 Organization of NP constituents 169
7.1.1 Linear order 169
7.1.2 Adjective-Numeral inversion 171
7.1.3 Detachability 173
7.1.4 Headless NPs 173
7.2 Noun plus adjective 175
7.2.1 Tone changes 175
7.2.2 Multiple adjectives 176
7.2.3 Ordinal numerals 176
7.2.4 ‘some’ 176
7.2.5 Participles 178
7.3 Noun plus numeral 178
7.4 Noun plus determiner 180
7.5 Noun plus quantifier 181
7.5.1 Plural 181
7.5.2 ‘all’ 182
7.5.3 ‘each’ 182
 Table of contents xv

7.6 Possession 183

7.6.1 Alienable possession 183
7.6.1.1 Non-pronominal NP possessor 183
7.6.1.2 Treatment of modifiers following the possessed noun 184
7.6.1.3 Non-pronominal possessor with genitive clitic =mɔ 185
7.6.1.4 Pronominal possession 186
7.6.1.5 Pronominal possession with modifiers 187
7.6.2 Inalienable possession 189
7.6.2.1 Non-pronominal possession 189
7.6.2.2 Non-pronominal possession with modifiers 190
7.6.2.3 Pronominal possession 190
7.6.2.4 Pronominal possession with modifiers 191
7.6.3 Recursive possession 192

8 Ideophones and onomatopoeia 194

8.1 Phonology of ideophones 194
8.1.1 Reduplication 194
8.1.2 Disharmonic stems 196
8.1.3 Unusual segments and phonotactics 197
8.1.4 Tone patterns 197
8.2 Adjectival intensifiers 198
8.2.1 Usage and morphology 198
8.2.2 List of adjectival intensifiers by phonological shape 201
8.3 Expressive adverbials 203
8.3.1 Adjective-like expressive adverbials 203
8.3.2 Adverb-like expressive adverbials 205
8.3.3 Expressive adverbials derived from nouns or verbs 207
8.4 Onomatopoeia 207
8.4.1 Animal calls 207
8.4.2 Body noises 208
8.4.3 Other noises 209
8.5 Sound symbolism 209

9 Coordination 211
9.1 Conjunction 211
9.1.1 NP conjunction 211
9.1.2 Ordering of the conjuncts 213
9.1.3 Conjunction of determiners 214
9.1.4 PP conjunction 215
9.1.5 Conjunction of adverbs 216
9.1.6 Conjunction of adjectival modifiers 216
9.1.7 Conjunction of adjectival predicates 217
xvi Table of contents

9.1.8 Clause-level conjunction 217

9.2 Disjunction 218
9.2.1 NP disjunction 218
9.2.2 Disjunction of determiners 218
9.2.3 Disjunction of PPs 219
9.2.4 Disjunction of adjectival modifiers 219
9.2.5 Clause-level disjunction 220

10 Postpositions and adverbials 221

10.1 Postpositions 221
10.1.1 Instrumental and associative =le 221
10.1.1.1 Instrumental 221
10.1.1.2 Comitative 222
10.1.1.3 Other uses of the associative 223
10.1.1.4 =le as a question marker 225
10.1.2 Locative =baa 225
10.1.3 Oblique =nɛ 226
10.1.3.1 Simple uses of =nɛ 226
10.1.3.2 ‘On (the head of)’ 229
10.1.3.3 ‘Next to, beside’ 229
10.1.3.4 ‘In front of/forwards’ and ‘behind/backwards’ 229
10.1.3.5 ‘Over/above’ and ‘under/below’ 231
10.1.3.6 ‘Between’ 231
10.1.3.7 ‘All the way to’ 232
10.1.4 Possessive or benefactive =mɔ 233
10.1.4.1 =mɔ in locative constructions 234
10.1.4.2 =mɔ as a benefactive 234
10.1.4.3 Other uses of =mɔ 235
10.1.5 Purposive or causal diyɛ 235
10.2 Adverbs 236
10.2.1 Similarity 236
10.2.2 Extent 238
10.2.2.1 ‘A lot’, ‘very’ díyɛ̀-go, sáy-ni, jóó-ni 238
10.2.2.2 ‘A little’ gààlɛ̌ y-ni, mɛ̀ ɛ́ -ni 240
10.2.3 ‘Exactly’, ‘specifically’ 241
10.2.4 Evaluation 242
10.2.4.1 ‘Well’ and ‘badly’ 242
10.2.4.2 ‘Appropriate’ 243
10.2.5 Epistemic modals 243
10.2.5.1 Certainly tájòrò, tílày 243
10.2.5.2 ‘Possibly’, ‘maybe’ 244
10.2.6 Manner 245
 Table of contents xvii

10.2.7 Spatio-temporal adverbs 245

10.2.7.1 Temporal adverbs 245
10.2.7.2 ‘First’ 246
10.2.7.3 Demonstrative adverbs 246
10.2.7.4 Directions 247
10.2.8 Other adverbials 248
10.2.8.1 ‘Straight’ 248
10.2.8.2 ‘Together’, ‘apart’ 249
10.2.8.3 ‘Always’, ‘never’ 249
10.2.8.4 ‘All, entirely’, ‘not at all’ 250

11 Verbal derivation 251

11.1 Factitive -ndɛ́ 251
11.1.1 Phonological form 251
11.1.2 Inchoative verbs 252
11.1.3 Factitives added to intransitive verbs 254
11.2 Reversive –ílɛ́ 256
11.2.1 Phonological form 256
11.2.1.1 Treatment of the stem-final vowel 257
11.2.1.2 Monosyllabic stems 258
11.2.1.3 Disyllabic stems 258
11.2.2 Opaque reversives 260
11.3 Transitive -írɛ́ and mediopassive -íyɛ́ 262
11.3.1 Phonological form 262
11.3.2 Transitive/mediopassive pairs 263
11.3.3 Suffixed mediopassive with bare stem transitive 264
11.3.4 Suffixed transitive with bare stem mediopassive 266
11.3.5 Mediopassive with no transitive counterpart 267
11.3.6 Transitive with no mediopassive counterpart 267
11.3.7 Inchoatives derived with the mediopassive 268
11.4 Causative -mɔ́ 269
11.5 Ambi-valent verbs 270
11.6 Denominal verbs 271

12 Verbal inflection 273

12.1 Overview of tense-aspect-negation (TAN) for regular verbs 273
12.2 Imperfective 277
12.2.1 Present/future imperfective 277
12.2.1.1 Affirmative 277
12.2.1.2 Negative 280
12.2.2 Past imperfective 282
12.2.2.1 Affirmative 282
xviii Table of contents

12.2.2.2 Negative 284

12.2.3 Focused imperfective 285
12.3 Perfective (non-focused) 285
12.3.1 Affirmative 286
12.3.1.1 Present 287
12.3.1.2 Past 288
12.3.1.3 Future 290
12.3.1.4 Temporally unmarked 290
12.3.2 Negative 291
12.4 Defocalized perfective 293
12.4.1 Phonological form 294
12.4.2 Usage 296
12.5 Imperfective perfective 297
12.6 Experiential perfect 299
12.7 Progressive 301
12.7.1 Present 304
12.7.1.1 Affirmative 304
12.7.1.2 Negative 306
12.7.2 Past 306
12.7.2.1 Affirmative 306
12.7.2.2 Negative 307
12.7.3 Future 308
12.7.3.1 Affirmative 308
12.7.3.2 Negative 309
12.8 Subject agreement 309
12.8.1 Historical development of subject marking 309
12.8.2 3pl suffix marking 310
12.8.3 Phonetic interaction between aspect and subject marking 311
12.8.3.1 1sg -m 312
12.8.3.2 2sg -w 312
12.8.3.3 1pl and 2pl -y 312
12.9 Imperatives and hortatives 312
12.9.1 Imperative 312
12.9.1.1 Affirmative 312
12.9.1.2 Negative 314
12.9.2 Hortative 315
12.9.2.1 Affirmative 315
12.9.2.2 Negative 316
12.9.3 Optative 317
12.9.3.1 Affirmative 317
12.9.3.2 Negative 318
 Table of contents xix

13 VP and predicate structure 319

13.1 Regular verbs and VP structure 319
13.1.1 Valency 319
13.1.1.1 Intransitive verbs 319
13.1.1.2 Transitive verbs 321
13.1.1.3 Ditransitive verbs 321
13.1.2 Verb phrase and clause structure 322
13.1.3 Fixed subject-verb combinations 323
13.1.4 Fixed object-verb combinations 324
13.1.5 Cognate nominals 326
13.1.5.1 Phonological resemblance between noun and verb 327
13.1.5.2 Predictability of noun class membership 333
13.1.5.3 Morphologically complex cognate nominals 333
13.1.5.4 Compound and modified cognate nominals 334
13.1.5.5 Grammatical status of the cognate nominal 336
13.1.6 Object marking 337
13.2 Copula, quasi-verbs and statives 339
13.2.1 Copula clitics 339
13.2.1.1 Affirmative copula 339
13.2.1.2 Negative copula 341
13.2.2 Existential and locative quasi-verbs and particles 342
13.2.2.1 wɔ 343
13.2.2.2 kɔ̂ 345
13.2.2.3 yɔ̂ 346
13.2.2.4 tóò 347
13.2.3 Statives and other defective verbs 349
13.2.3.1 Stative verbs 349
13.2.3.2 Morphologically regular ‘become’ and ‘remain’ 352
13.2.3.3 Irregular verbs 353
13.3 Existential particles yé= and kó= 354
13.4 Adjectival and adverbial predicates 358
13.4.1 Adjectival predicates 359
13.4.1.1 Regular predicates 359
13.4.1.2 Defocalized predicates 360
13.4.2 Adverbial predicates 361
13.5 Possessive predicates 361
13.5.1 Quasi-verb sɛ ‘have’ 361
13.5.2 Possessive predicates with =mɔ and the copula 362

14 Comparatives 364
14.1 Asymmetrical comparatives 364
14.1.1 Predicate adjective with diyɛ ‘than’ 364
xx Table of contents

14.1.2 Verbal predicate with diyɛ ‘than’ 366

14.1.3 ‘Be better than’ íré 367
14.1.4 ‘Surpass’ gàlá 368
14.1.5 Superlatives 368
14.2 Symmetrical comparatives 370
14.2.1 Predicate adjective with =gonu ‘like’ 370
14.2.2 ‘Be equal to’ kɛ́ gu 370
14.2.3 ‘Attain’ dɔ̀ɔ́ 371
14.3 ‘A fortiori’ sákò 372

15 Focalization and interrogation 373

15.1 Focus 373
15.1.1 Subject focus 374
15.1.2 Object focus 377
15.1.3 PP or adverbial focus 379
15.1.4 Verb and VP focus 380
15.2 Interrogatives 381
15.2.1 Polar (yes/no) interrogatives 381
15.2.2 ǎ ‘who?’ 384
15.2.3 ɲ́ jɛ́ ‘what?’, ‘why?’, ‘when?’ 386
15.2.3.1 ‘What?’ 386
15.2.3.2 ‘Why?’ 388
15.2.3.3 ‘When?’ 388
15.2.4 yàbáá, yàgú=nɛ ‘where?’ 389
15.2.5 yǎŋ(geni) ‘how?’ 390
15.2.6 àŋgé ‘how much’, ‘how many’ 392
15.2.7 yàgú ‘which (one)?’ 393
15.2.8 Embedded interrogatives 394

16 Relativization and clause nominalization 397

16.1 Overview of relative clauses 397
16.2 Tone marking on the head NP in a relative clause 398
16.3 Relative participle 400
16.3.1 Subject marking in relative clauses 400
16.3.2 TAN on the relative participle 403
16.3.2.1 Imperfective 403
16.3.2.2 Perfective 404
16.3.2.3 Experiential perfect 405
16.3.2.4 Progressive 406
16.3.3 Quasi-verbs as relative participle 406
16.3.4 Relative participles based on adjectival predicates 407
16.3.5 Relative participles with verb chaining 407
 Table of contents xxi

16.4 Headless relative clauses 408

16.4.1 ‘Person’ or ‘thing’ 408
16.4.1.1 ‘Person’ or ‘one who…’ 408
16.4.1.2 ‘Thing’ or ‘that which…’ 409
16.4.2 ‘Time’ 410
16.4.3 ‘Fact’, or nominalized clauses 410
16.4.4 Headless relative clauses as main or conjoined clauses 411
16.5 Subject relative clauses 413
16.5.1 Subject relatives: head placement 413
16.5.2 Conjoined NP subjects as head of a relative clause 415
16.5.3 Coordinated relatives with a shared subject head 416
16.5.4 The participle and subject agreement in subject relatives 416
16.6 Object relatives 417
16.6.1 Object relatives: head placement 417
16.6.2 Conjoined NP objects as head of a relative clause 419
16.7 Possessive relatives 419
16.7.1 Possessed-type relatives 419
16.7.1.1 Non-pronominal alienable possession 420
16.7.1.2 Pronominal alienable possession 421
16.7.1.3 Non-pronominal inalienable possession 422
16.7.1.4 Pronominal inalienable possession 423
16.7.2 Possessor-type relatives 424
16.7.2.1 Non-pronominal alienable possession 425
16.7.2.2 Pronominal alienable possession 426
16.7.2.3 Non-pronominal inalienable possession 426
16.7.2.4 Pronominal inalienable possession 426
16.8 PP relatives 427
16.9 Recursive relative clauses 429
16.10 Relative clauses with adverbial meanings 429
16.10.1 ‘When’ 430
16.10.2 ‘Where’ 430

17 Conditional constructions 432

17.1 Hypothetical conditional with =yo ‘if’ 432
17.1.1 Conditional particle =yo 432
17.1.2 Form of the verb in hypothetical constructions 433
17.1.2.1 Antecedent verb: perfective 433
17.1.2.2 Antecedent verb: imperfective 434
17.1.3 Post-particle kɛ̀mL ‘all’ 435
17.1.4 ‘If’ on non-verbal predicates 436
17.2 ‘Even if’ 436
17.3 ‘Whether or not’ conditionals 437
17.4 Counterfactual conditional 439
xxii Table of contents

18 Clause chaining and subordination 441

18.1 Verb chaining 441
18.1.1 Morphological form of non-final verbs 441
18.1.1.1 Affirmative 442
18.1.1.2 Negative 443
18.1.2 Treatment of arguments 445
18.1.2.1 Subject marking on non-final verbs 445
18.1.2.2 Non-pronominal arguments 446
18.1.3 Common chain verbs 447
18.1.3.1 yɛ̀-ndɛ́ ‘look at’ 447
18.1.3.2 bìɲjé ‘pull’ 448
18.1.3.3 sɛ ‘have’ 449
18.1.3.4 mɔ̀ɔ̀ndɔ́ or mɔ̀ɔ̀mb-íyɛ́ ‘assemble, do together’ 449
18.1.3.5 dàá ‘kill’ 450
18.1.4 Adverb-like non-final verbs 450
18.1.5 Clause subordination with non-final verbs 451
18.1.5.1 ‘Until’ 451
18.1.5.2 ‘As soon as’ 452
18.1.5.3 ‘After’ 452
18.1.5.4 níŋ-íyɛ́ ‘be afraid that’ 453
18.1.5.5 gɛ̀=sɛ ‘think that’ 454
18.1.5.6 bàrá ‘help’ 455
18.1.5.7 jɛ̀ ‘finish’ 455
18.1.5.8 bɛ̀lɛ́ ‘was able to’ 456
18.1.6 -ee complements 456
18.1.6.1 m̀ bɛ́ ‘want’ 457
18.1.6.2 níŋ-íyɛ́ ‘be afraid to’ 458
18.1.6.3 dàgá ‘be good’ (‘should’, ‘must’, ‘have to’) 458
18.1.6.4 tɔ́ lɔ́ ‘start’ 459
18.2 Conditionals as clause chaining 460
18.3 Infinitival complements 461
18.3.1 nàá ‘forget’ 461
18.3.2 m̀ bɛ́ ‘want, like’ 462
18.3.3 níŋ-íyɛ́ ‘be afraid to’ 463
18.3.4 dàgá ‘be good’ 464
18.3.5 pádá ‘cease’ 464
18.3.6 yàbá ‘accept’ 465
18.4 Complements with a gerundive compound 465
18.4.1 nàá ‘forget’ 466
18.4.2 m̀ bɛ́ ‘want’ 466
18.4.3 pádá ‘cease’ 467
18.4.4 pádá-mɔ́ ‘prevent’ 467
 Table of contents xxiii

18.4.5 bɛ́ ɛ̀ -dɛ̀ ‘it is possible that’ 469

18.4.6 bàrá ‘help’ 469
18.5 Nominalized subordinate clauses 470
18.5.1 àmbà bòó ‘hope that’ 470
18.5.2 ɛ̀ lɛ̀ lú=wɔ ‘be happy that’ 471
18.5.3 mììlɛ́ ‘doubt that’ 472
18.5.4 kǎy-go=wɔ and màá-go=wɔ ‘be important that’ 473
18.5.5 ì~íŋɛ̀ ‘be necessary that’ 474
18.5.6 yàbá ‘consent’ 474
18.5.7 ‘Because of’ 475
18.5.8 ‘As soon as’ 475
18.6 Postpositions 476
18.6.1 ‘Before’ 476
18.6.2 ‘After’ 477
18.6.3 ‘From… to…’ 479
18.6.4 ‘As though’ 479
18.7 =gɛ complementizer 480
18.7.1 nàá ‘forget’ 480
18.7.2 yɛ̀ ‘see that’ 481
18.7.3 ɛ́ gɛ́ ‘hear that’ 481
18.7.4 íg-go=wɔ ‘know that’ 482
18.7.5 ɛ́ sɛ́ ‘be clear that’ 482
18.8 Complement with a null complementizer 484
18.8.1 íg-go=wɔ ‘know that’ 484
18.8.2 mùlú-go=wɔ ‘it seems that’ 485
18.8.3 ìŋɛ̀-lɛ́ ‘maybe’ 486
18.8.4 kó=diyɛ and pàské ‘because’ 487
18.8.5 tílày ‘necessary that’ 488
18.9 Participial complements 489
18.9.1 yɛ̀ ‘see’ 489
18.9.2 ɛ́ gɛ́ ‘hear’ 490
18.9.3 tɛ́ mbɛ́ ‘find’ 490
18.9.4 tɔ́lɔ́ ‘begin’ 491
18.9.5 ‘in order to’ 491
18.9.6 Adverbial clauses with -gú or -nú participles 492
18.10 Other complement constructions 495
18.10.1 gàá ‘be about to’, ‘almost’ 495
18.10.2 bè-lí ‘did not want’ 496
18.10.3 tɛ́ mbɛ́ ‘find that’ 496
18.10.4 àŋǎy ‘way’ (‘such that’ or ‘so that’ constructions) 497
18.10.5 Durative verb iterations chained to a motion verb 497
18.10.6 Complements of ‘be able to’ with [u]- or [y]-final verb 498
xxiv Table of contents

19 Quotative constructions 500

19.1 gɛ̀ ‘say’ 500
19.1.1 gɛ̀ ‘say’ with nominal complements 500
19.1.2 gɛ̀ ‘say’ with phrasal complements: direct vs. indirect
quotations 501
19.1.3 Non-quotative uses of gɛ̀ ‘say’ 503
19.2 Quotative particle =wa 504
19.2.1 Phrase-final =wa 504
19.2.2 Addressee-marking =wa 507
19.2.3 Embedded subjects marked with =wa 508
19.3 Jussive complement 510
19.3.1 Embedded imperatives 510
19.3.2 Embedded hortatives 512

20 Anaphora 514
20.1 Reflexives 514
20.1.1 Reflexives with kúú ‘head’ 514
20.1.1.1 Direct object reflexives 514
20.1.1.2 Indirect object reflexives 517
20.1.1.3 Reflexive possessors 519
20.1.1.4 Emphatic reflexives 520
20.1.2 Adverbial reflexive strategies 521
20.2 Reciprocals 522
20.3 Logophoric pronouns 524
20.3.1 Logophors as subjects and objects 524
20.3.2 Logophors as possessors 525
20.3.3 Logophoric pronouns in relative clauses 527

21 Grammatical pragmatics 528

21.1 Topic 528
21.1.1 Bare topics 528
21.1.2 kay or gay 530
21.1.3 yàà 532
21.1.4 nɛɛ 533
21.2 ‘Also’ and ‘even’ 535
21.2.1 =lɛ ‘also’ 535
21.2.2 hálè ‘even’ 537
21.3 Pre-sentential discourse markers 538
21.3.1 yállà ‘wonder’ 538
21.3.2 káá, mɛ̀ , dògò ‘but’ 540
21.3.3 sàbé ‘because’ 541
21.3.4 nɛ́ ɛ́ (kay) and nìmɛ̌ m ‘now’ 542
 Table of contents xxv

21.3.5 French loans bon, est-ce que 545

21.4 Emphatics 546
21.4.1 koy 546
21.4.2 de 546
21.4.3 jáàtì ‘exactly’ 547
21.4.4 wàlláy ‘by Godǃ’ 547
21.5 Back-channeling and uptake check 548
21.6 Greetings 549
21.6.1 Time of day greetings 549
21.6.2 Activity greetings 551
21.6.3 General greetings 552
21.6.4 Specific occasion greetings and expressions 553
21.7 Benedictions 554

22 Dialects 556
22.1 Phonological differences 556
22.1.1 /d ~ t ~ s / 556
22.1.2 /d ~ j / 557
22.1.3 /m ~ N / 557
22.1.4 Vowel correspondences 558
22.1.5 Tone correspondences 559
22.2 Morphological differences 559
22.2.1 /m/ vs. /N/ 559
22.2.2 Negative imperative 560
22.3 Lexical differences 560

23 Texts 561
23.1 Why people named Kanda cannot be Hogon 561
23.2 The arrival of the Dogons, clan wars, the arrival of the Fulani and
French 564
23.3 Origin of Tongo-Tongo 584
23.4 Dogon funerals in the old days 597
23.5 The story of the co-wives and their children 603
23.6 The story of the animals and the sun 610

References 616
Index 618
Abbreviations

1 1st person LOG Logophoric

2 2nd person MP Mediopassive
3 3rd person NAA Prohibitive dummy verb
ADV Adverb NEG Negative
AGT Agentive NF Non-final
AN Frozen an- prefix NOM Nominal
ASSOC Associative OBJ Object
CAUS Causative OBL Oblique
COP Copula OPT Optative
DD Discourse definite PFV Perfective
DEF Definite PFV.L Defocalized perfective
DIM Diminutive PL Plural
DIST Distal POSS Possessive
EMPH Emphatic PPL Participle
EXIST Existential PRO Pronoun
EXP Experiential PROH Prohibitive
FACT Factitive PROX Proximal
FOC Focus PST Past
FR French Q Question
GER1 Gerundive (-ílé) QUOT Quotative
GER2 Gerundive (-íyé) RECIP Reciprocal
HORT Hortative RED Reduplicant
HUM Human REL Relative
IMPER Imperative REV Reversive
IMPF Imperfective SG Singular
INF Infinitive TOP Topic
% Intonational lengthening
↑ Question intonation
Chapter 1
Introduction

1.1 Dogon languages

The Dogon language family comprises approximately twenty languages spoken on
the plains and mountains in the eastern part of Mali’s Région de Mopti, with small
crossover into neighboring Burkina Faso. The position of Dogon within the larger
Niger-Congo macro-family has been the subject of much debate. In particular, the past
70 years have seen it classified as Voltaic (Baumann and Westermann 1948, Bertho
1953, Manessey 1981), Mande (Holas 1951, Delafosse 1952), and Gur (Westermann
and Bryan 1952 and Greenberg 1963); however, the current hypothesis (Blench
2005) is that the Dogon family should form its own branch of Niger-Congo. The lack
of detailed grammatical descriptions of the Dogon languages has no doubt exacer-
bated this situation.
At present, the internal classification of the language family also remains to be
determined – another consequence of the lack of description. The Dogon Language
Project was founded by Dr. Jeffrey Heath of the University of Michigan in an attempt
to fill this gap. Since 2004, Dr. Heath and other members of the project including
myself have worked to create in-depth grammars of all Dogon languages. In addi-
tion, project members have also produced a comparative lexicon of over 8000
entries, which facilitates preliminary grouping of the languages in terms of lexical
similarity.1 As the project and technology progress, we aim to make these data as
maximally available as possible for researchers interested in the Dogon language
family.

1.1.1 Geographic distribution of the Dogon languages

In the absence of internal genetic classifications, we can group the Dogon languages
based on their geographic distribution in so-called Dogon Country.

Northeast Toro Tegu (Heath, in preparation;a)

Bankan Tey (Heath, in preparation;b)
Ben Tey (Heath, in preparation;c)
Jamsay (Heath 2008)

1 At the time of writing, the comparative lexicon and all of the unpublished grammar manuscripts
listed below are available on our project website at www.dogonlanguages.org.
2 Introduction

North central Nanga (Heath, in preparation;d)

Yanda Dom (Heath, in preparation;e)
Tebul Ure (Heath, in preparation;f )
Ana (Heath, in preparation;g)
Northwest Najamba-Kindige (Heath, in preparation;h)
(AKA Bondu So)
Tiranige Diga (AKA Duleri) (Heath, in preparation;i)
Central plateau Tommo So (current volume)
Donno So (Kervran and Prost 1986)
Bunoge (AKA Korandabo) (Heath, in preparation;j)
Dogulu Dom (Cansler, in preparation)
West-central Mombo (Prokhorov, in preparation;a)
Ampari (Prokhorov, in preparation;b)
Eastern cliffs Toro So (Calame-Griaule 1968; Moran,
in preparation)
South-central Tengu-Kan (Heath, in preparation;k)
Togo-Kan (Heath, in preparation;l)
Southwest Tomo-Kan (Dyachkov, in preparation)

One may notice that many of the language names appear to be bipartite or com-
pound in structure. This is because most Dogon language names are made up of
the name of the ethnicity or location followed by a word meaning ‘language’ (Kan,
So, Dom, Tey, Diga, etc.). There is a certain redundancy in saying “the Tommo So
language”, but these are the naming conventions based on previous work and on
speakers’ own preferences, and hence we follow suit.
The references given after each language indicate grammatical descriptions,
either published or in progress. Some languages, such as Toro So, represent dialect
clusters which may end up being split into multiple languages, pending further
investigation.
The list above should not be understood as representing genetic similarity. For
example, despite the fact that Tommo So and Dogulu Dom are both spoken in the
central areas of Dogon country, the preliminary results of our current fieldwork
suggest that Tommo So bears a closer relation in terms of its grammar and lexicon
to Najamba or Donno So, while Dogulu Dom bears a closer relation to Mombo
and Ampari.

1.2 Tommo So
Tommo So (Tɔ̀mmɔ̀ Sɔ̀ɔ́ , literally ‘Tommo language’) is a Central Dogon language
spoken on the plateau between Douentza and Bandiagara by an estimated 40,000–
 Tommo So 3

Figure 1: Main Tommo communes on the Bandiagara escarpment

60,000 people (Hochstetler et al. 2004). This makes it the second-most populous
language, the most populous being Jamsay with 130,000 speakers according to the
same survey. It is considered by the Dogon people to be one of the traditional core
Dogon languages. An indication of this is the fact that most songs are sung in
Tommo So regardless of what language the singers themselves speak (Hochstetler
et al. 2004). The communes2 of Ningari, Mory, Tédié, Dè, Ondogu, Kani Goguna and
Kéndié constitute the heart of Tommo territory; each of these communes has a
market whose lingua franca is Tommo So. Figure 1 shows a close-up of the Tommo
area. This grammar is based on the northernmost Tédié dialect, which according
to recent surveying is considered by Tommo speakers to be the purest and most
eloquent form of the language (Hochstetler, p.c.). In terms of neighboring lan-
guages, Tommo So is bordered to the northwest by Najamba-Kindige, to the east by
Nanga and Jamsay, to the west by Tiranige Diga (known in Tommo So as Dùlɔ̀ Sɔ̀ɔ́ ),
and to the south by Donno So and Dogulu Dom.
Based on the available description of Donno So (personal fieldnotes, Kervran
and Prost 1986, Farquharson, field notes), this language seems to be Tommo So’s
closest relative. Donno So is spoken in and around the major market town of
Bandiagara, and this geographic location makes it a prominent language in the

2 Mali is divided into régions, which are subdivided into cercles, and finally into communes. Com-
munes tend to be made up of several villages, each of which has a traditional chief. Thus, most of
my work was done in the village of Tongo-Tongo, part of the commune of Tédié, in the circle of
Douentza and the region of Mopti.
4 Introduction

area. Until recently, Tommo So was not listed as a separate language in the Ethno-
logue (Lewis 2009), simply due to the fact that Donno So was documented earlier
by Catholic missionaries (Kervran and Prost 1986) and the two languages were
deemed close enough to be considered dialects. While it is true that some dialects
of the two languages are mutually intelligible, particularly those dialects of Tommo
So closest to Bandiagara (e.g. Kani Gogouna), the data I have seen suggest that
Donno So is an intermediate step between two poles formed by Tommo So and
Toro So, with the nominal domain closely resembling Tommo So and the verbal
domain closely resembling Toro So.

1.3 Environment
Tommo villages are all situated on the plateau of a rocky inselberg3 mountain
known as the Bandiagara Escarpment, located between Douentza and Bandiagara;
none can be reached by paved roads. The rocky paths are most easily navigable by
motorcycle or on foot, though a well-built 4 × 4 can get onto the plateau via the
gravel roads at Dogani or Bandiagara.
The landscape consists of areas with large boulders interspersed with pebbly or
clayey plains and punctuated by small densely wooded copses. The climate is arid,
with a rainy season between June and September, when millet (Pennisetum glaucum)
is cultivated along with other minor crops such as sorghum (Sorghum bicolor),
cow-pea (Vigna unguiculata), sesame (Sesamum indicum), roselle (Hibiscus sabdariffa
in red and green varieties), okra (Hibiscus esculentus), peanut (Arachis hypogaea), and
groundnut (Vigna subterranea). Wild fruits such as shea fruit (Vitellaria paradoxa),
wild grapes (Lannea microcarpia), and zaba (Saba senegalensis) are also harvested
at various points throughout the year.
Aside from farming, Tommo people also do a small amount of herding, mainly
of sheep, goats and cows. Most of the herding knowledge appears to have originated
with the Fulani people, indicated by the near total lack of native Dogon words for
practices of animal husbandry. Large game animals have mostly disappeared from
the region, but small mammals, such as hedgehogs, mongooses, and rock dassies,
as well as many species of insects, birds, and reptiles, still thrive.
In the dry season, there are few ponds or other natural bodies of water; wells
and pumps provide water to most villages in the region. Given this arid climate,
plant life is confined for most of the year to those trees and shrubs not requiring
much water, such as the doum palm, indigo, baobab, and a few species of Acacia
trees. When the rains arrive, the sandy soil bursts to life with many varieties of
grasses, and Ipomoeia flowers line the banks of nascent streams.

3 Inselbergs, literally “island mountains”, are small isolated mountains that rise abruptly from level
surroundings.
 Culture 5

Figure 2: A pile of newly chiseled stone bricks in Tongo-Tongo, Mali

The Dogon people are famous for their mud brick architecture, and Tommo
villages are no exception. In the commune of Tédié, stone bricks are hammered
and chiseled into shape from huge boulders (see Figure 2). Once the walls of a house
have been constructed out of these stone bricks and the roof from tree trunks and
branches, the whole structure is plastered with mud brick. Houses are clustered
close together in villages, which are surrounded by the residents’ fields.

1.4 Culture
The traditional religion of the Dogon people was animist, though this has been
rapidly disappearing with the arrival of Islam and Christianity in the area. In the
village I worked in, most people identify as Muslim and attend one of the area’s
mosques on religious holidays. However, some older people maintain animist tradi-
tions and the village still contains a mud fetish; as an outsider, it is hard to know
how deeply these animist traditions run.
The family structure is patriarchal, and men will often have more than one wife.
Families typically live in compounds with small houses and granaries opening onto
an inner courtyard, where domestic animals like goats and chickens may be kept.
6 Introduction

In addition to Islamic holidays like Ramadan and Eid al-Adha (known locally
as Tabaski), the village celebrates traditional Dogon festivals. One of the biggest
festivals of the year is Ondom Piri, wherein a series of dances take place over several
days. People compose songs for these dances to point out the wrongdoings of com-
munity members in the previous year as a way of social policing.

1.5 Language use and vitality

My experience in Mali suggests that Tommo So is not immediately threatened.
Children in villages still learn it as their first language and use it almost exclusively
until they are school-aged, when they begin to learn French. Even then, the usage of
French is limited to the classroom or to interactions with foreigners such as myself.
Bilingualism in another Dogon language, typically Jamsay or Najamba, is not un-
common but is by no means universal. Men in particular may also speak Fulfulde,
with this language typically acquired through herding experience. People who have
spent time in other parts of Mali may also speak Bambara, the lingua franca of the
country and the language of most radio broadcasting.

1.6 Tommo So sources

1.6.1 Previous work

To my knowledge, the only scholarly work published on the grammar of Tommo So

is Dogon (1995), written by Vladimir Plungian for LINCOM’s Languages of the World
series. While providing a good introduction to the language, the sketch is brief and
the author does not mark tone, a key grammatical feature of all Dogon languages.
Further, his work is based on the dialect spoken around Ningari, which differs
slightly from the dialect discussed here (see Chapter 22). Several articles have ap-
peared over the last fifty years that mention Tommo So (often under the name
Tombo So) among other dialects of Dogon, including several by Plungian. For a de-
tailed bibliography, see Hantgan (2007).
In terms of lexical work, the Direction Nationale de l’Alphabétisation Fonc-
tionnelle et de la Linguistique Appliquée (D.N.A.F.L.A., now known as the Institut
National des Langues – Abdoulaye Barry) has published Eléments de Terminologie
Dogon (1984) based on Tommo So, and several other articles provide limited word-
lists (Arnaud 1921, Barth 1912, Bertho 1953, DNFLA/DRLP 1981, Galtier 1993, Ongoiba
1988).
 Tommo So sources 7

1.6.2 Current fieldwork

The data in this grammar are from work with speakers from the commune of Tédié
(specifically the villages of Tongo-Tongo and Anji) from June 2008 to February 2012.
Elicitation was done both in situ and in the nearby towns of Douentza and Sévaré
with consultants from Tédié. Most elicited data were provided by two speakers, a
young woman from Tongo-Tongo (Ramata Ouologuèm) and a young man from Anji
(Issa Toloba). Elicited data were supplemented by naturalistic data from recorded
texts. Audio recordings were made using a Zoom H4 digital recorder and analyzed
using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2011). Video recordings were made using a Sony
HDR-CX190 digital HD camcorder. In addition to notebooks, data were stored in
Microsoft Word, Excel, and Filemaker Pro.
Chapter 2
Grammatical sketch
This chapter will provide an introduction to the main grammatical features of
Tommo So, all of which will be covered more in depth later in the grammar.

2.1 Phonology

2.1.1 Segmental inventory and phonotactics

The phonemic inventory of Tommo So consists of 17 consonants and 7 vowels, for

which length and nasalization are contrastive. ATR, backness, and height harmony
is present in stems and to a lesser extent between stems and derivational affixes;
almost all inflectional affixes are outside the domain of harmony. An interesting fea-
ture of Tommo So harmony is that it is variable, and the rates of harmony correlate
with morphological distance from the stem. For further discussion, see section 3.5.
Unlike some Dogon languages, /l/ and /r/ are contrastive, but neither liquid
occurs in word-initial position. Only sonorant consonants can serve as codas.
The transcription system used in this grammar is a modified form of IPA. The
divergences are intended to make it closer to standard orthographies in use for other
West African languages like Bambara. Thus, affricate /ʥ/ is written ‘j’, tap /ɾ/ as ‘r’,
and /j/ as ‘y’, while long vowels are written as two consecutive vowels (‘aa’ rather
than /aː/). Nasalization is marked with a superscript n {vn} to distinguish it from
nasal codas; this also ensures maximum visibility of tone marking, since the use of
tilde would require stacking diacritics.

2.1.2 Tonal inventory and tonotactics

Like all Dogon languages, Tommo So is tonal, with tonal primitives H[igh] and L[ow],
marked {v́} and {v̀}, respectively. It also has two contour tones, <LH> rising ({v̌} or
{v̀v}́ ) and <HL> falling ({v̂} or {v́v}̀ ), though instances of the latter are rare. Tommo
So lacks the “bell-shaped tone” (following Heath 2008) <LHL> characteristic of other
Dogon languages such as Jamsay or Nanga, but it does maintain a three-way con-
trast between H, L and toneless, with the latter constrained to clitics and certain
suffixes (McPherson 2011).
Native Tommo So stems all have one of two melodies: /H/ or /LH/, but loan-
words have introduced /HL/ and /LHL/ tone melodies into the lexicon. /HLH/ is
not a licit surface melody. Word-level tone melodies can be overwritten in certain
grammatical contexts; these changes are listed at the end of this sub-section and
described in depth in Chapter 4.
 Phonology 9

2.1.3 Key phonological alternations

One salient feature of Tommo So phonology is the variable epenthesis of [u] after
sonorants. While Plungian (1995) lists ‘sun’ as nàmú, most of the speakers in Tédié
will say simply nǎm. On other words, like ‘white’, they may vary, pronouncing either
pílu or píl. The fact that the vowel is epenthetic is clear from the fact that it is
toneless and does not harmonize with the stem. This will be discussed further in
section 3.4.6.
Vowel hiatus is pervasive in the morphophonology. Many suffixes are vowel-
initial, and most stems are vowel-final. When these two vowels come together, the
final vowel of the stem deletes:

(1) káná-ee → kán-ee ‘doing (non-final)’

See section 3.7.4.

A final phonological effect to note is that like other Dogon languages such as
Jamsay (Heath 2008: section 3.5.3), Tommo So shows the effects of a single left-
aligned trochee, in that the second syllable, particularly in longer words, tends to
be metrically weak. This results in both vowel syncope and vowel reduction. For
examples and discussion, see section 3.6.

2.1.4 Key tonal changes

Grammatical tone is very prevalent in Tommo So, with typically word level tone
changes in both the nominal and verbal realms. The following summarizes some
possible tonal overlays:

Overlaid all L (“tone lowering”)

NP as head of a relative clause
Relative participle before demonstrative
NP before adjective or demonstrative
Possessed NP following full NP (non-pronominal) possessor
First stem in canonical and synthetic compounds
Second stem in pseudogenitive compounds
Verb stem before negative suffixes
Overlaid all H
Singular affirmative imperative of most verbs
Inalienably possessed nouns (1–2 moras) with a pronominal possessor
Verbal stem in gerundive compounds
Certain nominalized verbs
10 Grammatical sketch

Overlaid HL
Perfective and negative relative participles
Possessed kinship terms (3+ moras) with a pronominal possessor
Verb stems in the imperfective affirmative

Overlaid LH
Certain nominalized verbs
For more on grammatical tone, see section 4.4–5.

2.2 Verbal inflection

The basic word order is SOV; the inflected verb (be that auxiliary or otherwise)
comes at the end of the sentence. Like nominal stems, verb stems in Tommo So
belong to one of two tonal classes: /H/ or /LH/ with the L on the first syllable or
mora (on monosyllabic verbs). In the rare monomoraic verbs, /LH/ surfaces as
simply [L] in the absence of a second mora. Depending on the inflection, the H may
surface on the following suffix. Which tone pattern a verb stem will take is partially
predictable by the first consonant, with voiced obstruent-initial stems taking /LH/,
voiceless obstruent- and vowel-initial stems taking /H/, and sonorant-initial stems
lexically listed.
As indicated in section 2.1.4, the lexical tone of the stem is often overridden by
grammatical tone patterns when inflected. I will discuss this in conjunction with
verbal inflectional paradigms below.
The basic form of the verb in main clauses is as follows:

(2) [stem- (derivational suffix(es))] – aspect/negation – subject marking

This final subject marking is achieved through the addition of the following subject
suffixes:

(3) 1sg -m 1pl -y

2sg -w 2pl -y
3sg 3pl (-N)

I have placed the third person plural suffix in parentheses because there is no single
suffix that surfaces in each inflected form. Rather, the third person plural seems to
have at least some nasal element that morphs and fuses with the aspectual suffix.
Verbal inflection is marked in two ways: by discrete inflectional suffixes and by
stem-level tone overlays; they typically cannot be divorced one from the other. For
the full treatment of aspect and verbal inflection, see Chapter 12.
 Verbal inflection 11

2.2.1 Aspect

There are two affirmative perfective forms for each verb, one of which carries the
suffix -aa and the other of which carries one of three allomorphs [-i, -e, -ɛ]; I abbre-
viate this latter form as the E-perfective. The choice of allomorph is largely pre-
dictable by stem length and vowel harmony, with stems with three or more moras
always taking the allomorph [-i], but some stems are lexically listed for one allo-
morph or the other. See section 12.4.
The two perfective forms differ in their tonal contours as well. The -aa form has
no effect on the lexical tone of the stem. The second perfective form, however, does
change the tone of the stem. If the verb is defocalized, it undergoes tone lowering
(its tone is overwritten with {L}). If it is focused and reduplicated, it takes {HL} with
a L-toned initial reduplicant.
The choice of which perfective form to use is dependent on focus and relativiza-
tion. The E-perfective is used in relative clauses and usually when there is a non-
verbal focused element in the phrase, and the AA‑perfective is used elsewhere. A
reduplicated form the E-perfective is used when the verb itself is focused.
The imperfective is used for the habitual and the future, and it takes the suffix
-dɛ̀ (-dìɲ for 3pl). In this form, the verb takes a {HL} overlay with H on the first mora.
The progressive is made up of a participle and an auxiliary verb, either ‘have’
=sɛ or ‘be’ =wɔ. In my consultants’ speech, there is no discernible difference between
the two forms. In the dialect described by Plungian (1995), however, the former is used
for the simple progressive and while the latter is used for an iterative progressive
(Plungian 1995). The participial suffix is -gú (occasionally -nú), which comes with
no grammatical tone overlay. Because of this, I typically use the progressive to iden-
tify the underlying stem. Stems listed in the lexicon are based off of the progressive.

2.2.2 Negation

The basic form of the negative suffix is /-lV/, with the vocalism of ‘V’ depending on
the aspect of the inflected verb. In all negative forms, the stem takes a {L} overlay.
The distinctions seen in the affirmative perfective are collapsed into one negative
form. Here, the negative takes the suffix -lí (-nní for 3pl.), suffixed onto the verb
stem. For the imperfective, the habitual/future negative takes the suffix -éélè (-énnè
for 3pl). The negative progressive merely inflects the auxiliary, which we will come to
in a more detailed discussion of auxiliary and modal verbs (see Chapter 13).

2.2.3 Imperative and hortative

The imperative makes a distinction between second person singular and plural, with
the singular having no overt marking and the plural the suffix -ɲ̀ . The imperative
stem variably takes either a {H} overlay or no overlay. A falling tone is formed on
12 Grammatical sketch

the last syllable of the plural imperative due to the presence of the L-toned suffix.
The negative imperative has the suffix ‑gú, which becomes [-gîɲ] in the plural from
the vowel fronting in the combination of -gú + -ɲ̀ .
The hortative is interesting in that here a distinction is made between first
person dual and plural. The dual (you and I) suffix is -mɔ́ , while the plural (you
all and I) is -mɔ́ -ɲ̀ . Once again, this can be analyzed as the plural suffix from the
imperatives, and so these hortatives are better seen as meaning “me and one single
person” and “me and several people”, respectively.

2.3 Verbal derivation

There are five main derivational suffixes in Tommo So: factitive -ndɛ, transitive -irɛ,
reversive -ilɛ, mediopassive -iyɛ, and causative -mɔ. When more than one suffix is
present, they surface in roughly this order. As mentioned in section 2.1.1 above, one
of the most interesting aspects of Tommo So morphophonology is the variable appli-
cation of vowel harmony in these derivational suffixes. For more on verbal deriva-
tion, see Chapter 11.

2.4 Noun phrase (NP)

The NP can be maximally made up of the following constituents, in order:

(4) a. possessor NP and/or pronoun possessor

b. noun stem
c. adjective(s)
d. (numeral)
e. possessive pronoun
f. demonstrative, definite
g. plural particle
h. (numeral)
i. ‘all’

There is some variation in the placement of the numeral, shown by its double listing
in parentheses above. For a discussion of what licenses this variation, see section
7.3. An example of a fairly complex NP is given below:

(5) yàà-nàL ɛ̀sú=gɛ jàndùlùL gɛ̀mL=gɛ=mbe tààndú-go

female-HUM.SG pretty=DEF donkey black=DEF=PL three-ADV
‘the pretty woman’s three black donkeys’
 Main clauses and constituent order 13

The NP is the site of many interesting tonal interactions, since both demonstratives
and adjectives force tone lowering on the preceding noun, be it simple or compound,
while numerals do not interact tonally at all. Nonpronominal NP possessors cause
tone lowering on the following noun. Tommo So makes an inalienable/alienable dis-
tinction in possession, which is evident both from differing domains of grammatical
tone and the use of different possessive pronouns for each type of possession.
Inalienable nouns consist of kinship terms and practically nothing else. For more
on the NP, see Chapter 7.

2.5 Case marking and PPs

The object can be optionally marked for case with the enclitic =ɲ̀ . Human objects,
both direct and indirect, are obligatorily case marked if only one human object is
present; if two are present, the first of the two objects may be bare. For more discus-
sion, see section 13.1.6. Subjects are not case-marked.
Tommo So also has postpositions, which are grammatically enclitics: oblique
=nɛ meaning ‘in’, ‘on’ and occasionally ‘for’; associative =le meaning ‘with’ or
‘and’; locative =baa meaning ‘at’; possessive =mɔ meaning ‘for’ or ‘belonging to’.
Indirect objects like benefactives may be marked with postpositions. The distinction
between ‘in’ and ‘on’ is made by both context and the choice of copula. More com-
plex spatial relations are made by adding a postposition (typically =nɛ or =baa) after
a body part word such as ónnu ‘back’ or gíré ‘face’, which is then used in a genitive
construction with object of reference for location. For example, to say that the child
is behind the chair, one would say ‘the child is at the chair’s back’. See Chapter 10
for more on postpositions.

2.6 Main clauses and constituent order

As previously stated, the basic word order of main clauses in Tommo So, like many
Dogon languages, is SOV. Temporal adverbials such as yògó ‘tomorrow’ are generally
clause-initial, followed by the full-NP subject (if there is one), indirect object or
direct object (variable order), and the verb, loosely in that order. Pronominal sub-
jects are expressed through verbal suffixes; independent subject pronouns, which
come clause-initially, are generally only used if the subject is focalized, as illustrated
in (6).

(6) a. Mòòmíyó mí=ɲ̀ támbá-gú=sɛ.

scorpion 1SG.PRO=OBJ strike-PPL=have
‘The scorpion is striking me.’

b. Mí áí H=ɲ̀ màŋgóró ób-aa=be-m.

1SG.PRO friend=OBJ mango give-PFV=be.PST-1SG
‘I gave my friend a mango.’
14 Grammatical sketch

c. Yògó bɔ̀gɔ̀ L ɛ̀sú úwɔ ɛ́ bɛ̀-dɛ̀-m.

tomorrow dress pretty 2SG.POSS buy-IMPF-1SG
‘Tomorrow I will buy you a pretty dress.’

d. É émmé=le Tɔ̀mmɔ̀L Sɔ̀ɔ́ sɔ́ ɔ̀-dɛ̀-y.

2PL.PRO 1PL.PRO=ASSOC Tommo speech speak-IMPF-2PL
‘You speak with us in Tommo So.’

Note that in example (6b), the independent pronoun mí is acting as a possessor, not
as a subject.

2.7 Relative clauses

In relative clauses, the relative participle is devoid of subject inflection. In Jamsay,
it is treated nominally, evident from the fact that it agrees with the head noun in
nominal features like animacy, but this marking is very limited in Tommo So as a
whole and is not present on the relative participle. Relative clauses are typically
head-internal, and the head takes the all {L} overlay typical of other modifiers. The
subject of the relative participle, if pronominal, is expressed by an independent
pronoun before the verb. If the relative clause is modified by a demonstrative, then
the tone of the participle is lowered as well, but not the tone of its subject or any
other non-head constituents. If the head of the relative clause is a possessor plus
possessed noun combination, tone lowering does not take effect; that is, possessives
are impervious to tone lowering beyond what is already imposed by the possessor.

(7) a. Aràmátá nàà L gɛ̀m L mí sɛ́ m-ɛ̀=gɛ

Ramata cow black 1SG.PRO slaughter-PFV.REL=DEF
yúú ḿmɔ tɛ́ mɛ́ -gú=be.
millet 1SG.POSS eat-PPL=be.PST
‘Ramata’s black cow that I slaughtered used to eat my millet.’

b. Àn-nà L sɔ̀ɔ́ sɔ̀ɔ̀-gù L mí sɛ̀ L nɔ́

man-HUM.SG speech speak-PPL 1SG.PRO have this
mí báá H íg-go=wɔ.
1SG.PRO father know-ADV=be
‘This man I am speaking to knows my father.’

2.8 Interclausal syntax

There are a number of ways to combine clauses. I have schematically listed a few of
the more common ways below to be discussed in greater depth in Chapters 17–19.
 Interclausal syntax 15

(8) Structure Typical function

a. Chaining
…verb suffixed with -ee Same subject VPs, imperfective
…verb suffixed with -aa Same subject VPs, perfective
b. Conditionals
[…inflected verb]=yo If (when)…
c. Adverbials
[…participle] Temporal, by… (while…)
[…bare verb stem]=nɛ Before…
d. Quotative
[…inflected verb] ‘say’ Quotative (reported assertion)
e. Complement
[…bare verb stem] Complement (with ‘want (past)’, ‘begin’)
[…inflected verb] Complement (with ‘finish’, ‘can’ etc.)
[…infinitive] Complement (with ‘want’, ‘be afraid’, ‘forget to’, etc.)
f. Purposive
[…participle] Purposive (with ‘go’, ‘come’, etc.)

In each of the above, it is understood that a main clause follows what is found in the
first column. For instance, an illustration of (8a) would beː

(9) Pédu=gɛ píy-aa kúú=gɛ jìjìb-ì.

sheep=DEF cry-PFV head=DEF shake-PFV.L
‘The sheep cried and shook its head.’
Chapter 3
Segmental phonology
This chapter deals exclusively with segmental phonology: phoneme inventory,
syllable structure, phonotactics, vowel harmony, and phonological rules. For a
description of tonal phonology, see the next chapter. All minimal pairs, frequency
counts, and phonotactic generalizations are based on a lexical corpus of 8930
entries. Further data on vowel harmony (section 3.5) are drawn from field notes.

3.1 Consonants

3.1.1 Consonant phoneme inventory

Seventeen consonant sounds can be considered phonemic in Tommo So based on

their appearance in regular (non-ideophonic) lexical items and their involvement in
minimal pairs; these are summarized in the following chart. With the exception of
[h], all other phonemes are native to Tommo So. Here and throughout the grammar,
Tommo So will be written in a practical orthography inspired by the standard
orthographies of local languages like Bambara but differing in a few regards (i.e.
the use of superscript rather than plain ‘n’ to mark nasalization). In the chart below,
IPA is given in brackets following the letter of the practical orthography where the
two differ:

(10) Tommo So consonant inventory

Bilabial Alveolar Alveolo- Palatal Velar Glottal
palatal
Plosive pb td kɡ
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Fricative s h
Affricate j [ʥ]
Approximant w y [j]
Tap r [ɾ]
Lateral approximant l

3.1.2 Exceptional sounds

In addition to the phonemes listed above, there are a few consonant sounds that are
not in variation with (allophones of) any phoneme. However, they are found in such
a limited range of examples that I choose not to consider them part of the phoneme
inventory. The first of these is the voiced alveolopalatal fricative [ʑ], which is attested
only in the word ʑìmààɡú ‘Sarcostema viminale (plant species)’. While this sound
 Consonants 17

would help fill out the alveolo-palatal place of articulation, otherwise represented
only by the affricate /ʥ/, it is difficult to argue for the phonemic status of a sound
based on one rather obscure example alone. For this reason, I leave [ʑ] out of the
phoneme chart pending further data.
Similarly, ideophones (see Chapter 8) often contain consonants that are not part
of the regular phoneme inventory, a common phenomenon cross-linguistically. One
such sound found in ideophones but not in regular lexical items is glottal stop [ʔ]
(practical orthography [’]), as in ku’ ku’ ku’ (sound of two women pounding millet).
Another example is the voiceless alveolo-palatal affricate [ʨ] (practical orthography
[c]), found in ideophones like cákàm-cákàm (noisy chewing). Given that neither
consonant is found in regular vocabulary, I do not consider them to be phonemes
of the language.

3.1.3 Gemination

Consonant length is phonemic, but in native words, only sonorants are geminate.
At first glance, this seems puzzling from a typological perspective, particularly the
presence of typologically rare geminate glides and not typologically common geminate
stops. However, this phenomenon arises from the fact that the only permissible coda
consonants in Tommo So are sonorants; an intervocalic geminate stop would result
in an ill-formed syllable.
The distribution of sonorant geminates is further restricted in stems to nasals
and one instance of geminate /ww/. Geminates [ll] and [yy] can arise from the
morphophonology, but geminate [rr] is not attested (in native words). The geminate
velar nasal /ŋŋ/ is also not attested, despite the presence of other geminate nasals.
The following minimal or near-minimal pairs demonstrate the length distinction in
consonants. Where gemination is the result of a morphophonological rule, I include
the base form.

(11) a. dɛ̀nɛ́ ‘spend the day’ dɛ̀nnɛ́ ‘look for’

b. dàmá ‘taboo’ dàmmá ‘type of hoe’
c. gìɲɛ́ ‘beg’ gìɲɲɛ́ ‘intersperse’
d. úwɔ ‘yours’ túwwɔ́ ‘nine’
e. dùyɔ́ ‘insult’ dùyyɔ́ ‘carry’ < dùy-íyɔ́
f. yɛ̀lɛ̀ ‘he came’ yɛ́ llɛ̀ ‘he’ll come’ < yɛ́ lɛ̀-dɛ̀

The geminate approximants [ll] and [yy] derive from vowel syncope, and in the case
of [ll], subsequent regressive assimilation of /d/ to [l]. See section 3.6.2 for further
discussion of this rule.
The phonemic status of geminate /ww/ is tenuous at best. In addition to the fact
that it is attested in only one word, túwwɔ́ ‘nine’, singleton /w/ in this context (u_ɔ)
18 Segmental phonology

is only attested in the 2sg possessive pronoun úwɔ, itself historically derived from
the independent pronoun ú and a possessive clitic =mɔ. It is unsurprising that /w/
in this context would be rare, given the perceptual difficulties involved in hearing a
labial glide between two round vowels. It is possible that túwwɔ́ ‘nine’ was histori-
cally a singleton that strengthened to a geminate in order to remain distinct from its
neighboring vowels. This tentative explanation is bolstered by the form of the
numeral ‘nine’ in other Dogon languages, such as Jamsay láːrúwà (Heath 2008) and
Najamba twây (Heath, in preparation;h), each of which contain a singleton /w/.
In (11c), a minimal pair is given with singleton and geminate /ɲ/, but in fact
only the geminate surfaces as a nasal stop. Intervocalic singleton /ɲ/ in Tommo So
has weakened into a nasalized palatal sonorant [y n], with words like gìɲɛ́ ‘beg’ pro-
nounced as [gìy n ɛ́]. This development has parallels in the diachrony of other Dogon
languages, such as Jamsay, where singleton *m became the phoneme /w n/ while
historical geminate *mm has become a singleton /m/. Thus we see cognates like
Jamsay nàmá and Tommo So nɔ̀mmɔ́ ‘Dogon water god’, where a geminate in Tommo
So corresponds to a singleton in Jamsay, and pairs like Jamsay nàw ná and Tommo
So nàmá ‘meat’, where a Tommo So singleton nasal stop corresponds with a Jamsay
nasalized approximant. In Tommo So, the same shift is taking place at the palatal
place of articulation, but degemination has not yet occurred, and as such we have
no evidence for treating [y n] as anything but an allophone of the palatal nasal. See
section 3.1.4.9 for more on /ɲ/.
Though native Tommo So words do not allow geminate obstruents, for the
phonotactic reasons pointed out above, we do find such geminates in loanwords,
particularly from Fulfulde. Examples include sɔ́ bbɔ̀ ‘dry sowing’ or ɛ́ ddɛ̀ ‘widow’s
four month period of mourning’. However, these geminates are relatively rare. See
section 3.4 on phonotactics for token numbers in the lexicon.

3.1.4 Minimal pairs

The following subsections address each phoneme in detail, showing allophonic

variation where applicable and providing minimal and near minimal pairs with
similar phonemes to illustrate their phonemic status.

3.1.4.1 /p/
Voiceless stops /p, t, k/ are all unaspirated in Tommo So, with an average VOT (voice
onset time) of around 20ms. Since the Dogon languages lack a labiodental fricative
/f/, it is characteristic of Dogon speech to replace all initial /f/ in loanwords with /p/.
Thus, the Fulani people are referred to as púlɔ̀, and a French loanword like fête
‘party’ will often be pronounced pɛ́ du. Due to the fact that voiceless stops only occur
 Consonants 19

in word-initial position, medial /f/ will typically co-vary with /b/ in this position
rather than /p/, as in màlfá ~ màlbá ‘gun’. See section 3.4 for more on phonotactic
restrictions.
The following pairs show that voicing is contrastive for labial stops (/p/ vs. /b/),
that place of articulation is contrastive for voiceless stops (/p/ vs. /t, k/) and that
nasality is contrastive for labial stops (/p/ vs. /m/).

(12) Minimal pairs for /p/ vs…

/b/ pílu ‘white’ bílu ‘ladder’
/t/ pɛ́ ɛ́ n ‘harden’ tɛ́ ɛ́ n ‘hobble’
/k/ pɛ́ dɛ́ ‘gin (cotton)’ kɛ́ dɛ́ ‘cut’
/m/ pàndé ‘widowhood’ màndé ‘Mande’

3.1.4.2 /b/
The last subsection showed that /b/, fully voiced in Tommo So, often stands in for
a word-medial /f/ in loanwords. It is also stands in for /v/ in French loanwords
like avion ‘airplane’, yielding Tommo So pronunciation àbíɔ̀n. Native /b/ undergoes
no allophonic variation.
Voicing, nasality, place, and sonorancy are all contrastive for voiced stops.

(13) Minimal pairs for /b/ vs…

/p/ bílu ‘ladder’ pílu ‘white’
/m/ bɔ̀ɔ̀ndɔ́ ‘pamper’ mɔ̀ɔ̀ndɔ́ ‘stock up’
/d/ bàbá ‘respect’ bàdá ‘heal’
/g/ bòó ‘call’ gòó ‘go out’
/w/ jàbá ‘replaster’ jàwá ‘branch out’

3.1.4.3 /t/
Like /p/, voiceless alveolar /t/ is also unaspirated. The following minimal pairs
demonstrate the phonemic status of the voiceless alveolar stop with regards to
voiced alveolar stops, nasal alveolar stops, voiceless stops at other places of articu-
lation, and finally frication, showing that /t/ contrasts with /s/.

(14) Minimal pairs for /t/ vs…

/d/ tɛ̀bɛ́ ‘cross pole’ dɛ̀bɛ́ ‘get stuck’
/n/ táá ‘shoot’ náá ‘mother’
/p/ tɛ́ ɛ́ n ‘hobble’ pɛ́ ɛ́ n ‘harden’
/k/ tɛ́ mɛ́ ‘eat (meat)’ kɛ́ mɛ́ ‘pinch’
/s/ tɛ́ mɛ́ ‘eat (meat)’ sɛ́ mɛ́ ‘slaughter’
20 Segmental phonology

3.1.4.4 /d/
Before high front /i/, /d/ becomes slightly affricated. While this means that its
pronunciation approaches that of /j/, the two sounds remain distinct, as indicated
by the presence of minimal pairs. Likewise, /g/ and /d/ also contrast before /i/,
showing that the palatalized allophones of each are not close enough to result in
neutralization. See section 3.1.4.6 for a discussion of /g/’s allophonic behavior.
The following pairs show that /d/ is contrastive for voicing with /t/, for nasality
with /n/, and for place of articulation with /b/ and /g/.

(15) Minimal pairs for /d/ vs…

/t/ dɛ̀bɛ́ ‘get stuck’ tɛ̀bɛ́ ‘cross pole’
/n/ dàá ‘kill’ nàá ‘forget’
/b/ bàdá ‘heal’ bàbá ‘respect’
/j/ dìŋɛ́ ‘tie’ jìŋɛ́ ‘approach’
/g/ dìnɛ́ ‘(sb’s) turn’ gìnɛ́ ‘house’

3.1.4.5 /k/
The phoneme /k/, also unaspirated, has the allophone [c] (IPA palatal stop, not
orthographic affricate) before high front /i/, but this allophony is purely distribu-
tional and does not form the basis of any morphophonological alternations; the
underlying sequence /ki/ always surfaces as [ci], but this sequence is never created
on the surface from morphological operations. We find the same contrasts in terms
of voicing and place of articulation that we did for the other voiceless stops, but
the contrast for nasality is less clear-cut. This is due to the fact that in native stems,
/ŋ/ cannot occur in word-initial position, the only position in which /k/ can appear.
One near-minimal pair (differing in tone) is offered here using the Arabic loanword
jákà ‘Islamic tithe’ (from Arabic zakat, borrowed via Fulfulde). However, since /k/
contrasts with /g/ and /g/ contrasts with /ŋ/, it seems safe to say that /k/ also
contrasts with /ŋ/.

(16) Minimal pairs for /k/ vs…

/g/ kìyé ‘bone’ gìyé ‘thorn’
/ŋ/ jákà ‘Islamic tithe’ jàŋá ‘put (on a stand)’
/p/ kɛ́ dɛ́ ‘cut’ pɛ́ dɛ́ ‘gin (cotton)’
/t/ kɛ́ mɛ́ ‘pinch’ tɛ́ mɛ́ ‘eat (meat)’

3.1.4.6 /g/
There are four allophones of the voiced velar stop /g/. These are: [ɟ] before /i/, [gw]
before round vowels, [ɣ] in the contexts /a_a/ and /ɔ_ɔ/, and [g] elsewhere.
 Consonants 21

Like /k/, /g/ will also become palatalized before /i/, which makes it difficult for
non-native ears to distinguish it from /j/. There are no minimal pairs in the data set
for /g/ and /j/ before /i/, which suggests neutralization in this context, but the fact
that speakers correct me if I pronounce a word with the wrong phoneme (/g/ for /j/
or /j/ for /g/) shows that it is not true neutralization. Before /i/, /g/ surfaces as a
mildly affricated [ɟ], while /j/ continues to surface as [ʥ]. This area would reward
phonetic analysis. Though /g/ does not palatalize before the other front vowels /e/
and /ɛ/, there are still no minimal pairs contrasting /g/ and /j/ in this context.
Before a round vowel, the voiced velar stop has a rounded allomorph, yielding
pronunciations like [gwu], [gwo], and [gwɔ]. Why this rounding is not present or
audible on the voiceless velar stop is not clear.
Finally, /g/ lenites to [ɣ] in some metrical contexts when flanked by two /a/
vowels or two /ɔ/ vowels. For a discussion of this lenition, see section 3.6.3.
The minimal pairs below show that /g/’s voicing, orality, and place are phonemic.

(17) Minimal pairs for /g/ vs…

/k/ gìyé ‘thorn’ kìyé ‘bone’
/ŋ/ pɛ́ gɛ́ ‘button’ pɛ́ ŋɛ́ ‘knot’
/b/ gòó ‘go out’ bòó ‘call’
/d/ gɔ̀ɔ́ ‘dance’ dɔ̀ɔ́ ‘arrive’
/j/ gɔ̀mbɔ́ ‘open wide’ jɔ̀mbɔ́ ‘peck at’

3.1.4.7 /m/
/m/ is represented by a single allophone [m], though it can assimilate in place of
articulation to a following stop; see section 3.7.2. The minimal pairs below demon-
strate its phonemic status with regards to nasality, place of articulation, and con-
tinuancy. I have given minimal pairs for both singleton /m/ vs. /ɲ/ and geminate
/mm/ vs. /ɲɲ/, since the former are further differentiated by the fact that /ɲ/
surfaces as a nasalized approximant. Further, /m/ is only contrastive with /ŋ/ in
intervocalic position due to phonotactic restrictions on the velar nasal.

(18) a. Minimal pairs for /m/ vs…

/b/ mɔ̀ɔ̀ndɔ́ ‘stock up’ bɔ̀ɔ̀ndɔ́ ‘pamper’
/w/ ámá ‘in-law’ áwá ‘catch’
/n/ máá ‘dry’ náá ‘mother’
/ɲ/ dìmɛ́ ‘tamp down’ dìɲɛ́ ‘prop up’
/ŋ/ ámá ‘in-law’ áŋá ‘mouth’

b. Minimal pairs for /mm/ vs…

/ɲɲ/ ímmɛ́ ‘inflate’ íɲɲɛ́ ‘lift (a heavy rock)’
22 Segmental phonology

3.1.4.8 /n/
Like /m/, the surface form /n/ does not undergo allophonic variation. The following
minimal pairs show the phonemic status of nasality and place of articulation for /n/.
The minimal pair with /ɲ/ shows the contrast in word-initial position, a rare position
for palatal /ɲ/. The two also contrast intervocalically, as in dìnɛ́ ‘(sb’s) turn’ and dìɲɛ́
‘prop up’.

(19) Minimal pairs for /n/ vs…

/d/ nàá ‘forget’ dàá ‘kill’
/m/ náá ‘mother’ máá ‘dry’
/ɲ/ nǎm ‘sun’ ɲǎm ‘fire’
/ŋ/ káná ‘do’ káŋá ‘discuss’

3.1.4.9 /ɲ/
̃ when the nasal is
As discussed in section 3.1.3, /ɲ/ has the allophone [y n] (IPA [ j ])
an intervocalic singleton. This variant may also be used in word-final position,
though it is in free-variation with the nasal stop. The minimal pairs below contrast
/ɲ/ with a voiced oral affricate, nasal stops at other places of articulation, as well
as with the non-nasalized palatal sonorant /y/.

(20) Minimal pairs for /ɲ/ vs…

/j/ ɲǎm ‘fire’ jǎm ‘caste of leatherworkers’
/m/ íɲɲɛ́ ‘lift’ ímmɛ́ ‘inflate’
/n/ ɲǎm ‘fire’ nǎm ‘sun’
/ŋ/ dìɲɛ́ ‘burn’ dìŋɛ́ ‘tie’
/y/ ɲám ‘difficult’ yám ‘wasted, broken’
[kúy nɔ́] ‘squirrel’ kúyɔ́ ‘first’

The minimal pair ɲǎm ‘fire’ and jǎm ‘caste of leatherworkers’ is in fact the only
minimal pair for /ɲ/ and /j/ since /j/ never occurs intervocalically or word-finally in
native words.

3.1.4.10 /ŋ/
Before /i/, the velar nasal /ŋ/ is produced at a place of articulation intermediate
between velar and palatal. Thus, the nasal in níŋ-íyɛ́ ‘be afraid’ is not a canonical
velar nasal and approaches /ɲ/ in its pronunciation, but we know the underlying
form given other forms of the verb such as níŋɛ́ -ndɛ́ ‘scare’ with the factitive suffix.
Since the velar nasal cannot appear in word-initial or word-final position, all
minimal pairs reflect word-medial contrasts for nasality and place of articulation.
See section 3.4 for more on phonotactics.
 Consonants 23

(21) Minimal pairs for /ŋ/ vs…

/g/ pɛ́ ŋɛ́ ‘knot’ pɛ́ gɛ́ ‘button’
/m/ áŋá ‘mouth’ ámá ‘in-law’
/n/ káŋá ‘discuss’ káná ‘do’
/ɲ/ dìŋɛ́ ‘tie’ dìɲɛ́ ‘prop up’

3.1.4.11 /s/
Before /i/, the alveolar /s/ has an optional allophone [ɕ], an alveolo-palatal fricative.
For example, the verb sírɛ́ ‘cook’ can be pronounced [ɕíɾɛ́], but in careful speech,
[síɾɛ́] is also possible. The following minimal pairs show that /s/ contrasts with /t/
in continuancy and with /h/ in place of articulation.

(22) Minimal pairs for /s/ vs…

/t/ sárá ‘pay’ tárá ‘stick on’
/h/ sárá ‘pay’ hárá ‘be forbidden’

3.1.4.12 /h/
The voiceless glottal fricative /h/ is not a native phoneme, but it has been well inte-
grated into the system of phonemic contrasts due to a large number of loanwords
from Fulfulde (often originally of Arabic origin). It also occurs in exclamations like
[ɔ̀hɔ́ɔǹ ] ‘yes; I see’ and ideophones like [hèéé], an expressive adverbial referring to
extreme height. The following minimal pairs contrast /h/ with null to show that
word-initial glottal frication is phonemic, as well as with /s/ to show that place of
articulation is phonemic.

(23) Minimal pairs for /h/ vs…

Ø hárá ‘be forbidden’ árá ‘suck’
/s/ hárá ‘be forbidden’ sárá ‘pay’

3.1.4.13 /j/
The place of articulation of the affricate written /j/ in the practical orthography is
alveolo-palatal (IPA /ʥ/), like the voiced affricate in Japanese jibun ‘self’, rather
than the English-like post-alveolar affricate (IPA /ʤ/). Though, as section 3.1.4.6
discussed, there are no minimal pairs between /g/ and /j/ before /i/, plenty of
minimal pairs are to be found in other environments and the contrast before /i/
does not seem to be fully neutralized. /j/ itself undergoes no allophonic variation.
The pairs below show that /j/ contrasts with /g/ in contexts other than before
/i/, /d/ in all contexts (/i/ given here), and with the palatal sonorant /y/.
24 Segmental phonology

(24) Minimal pairs for /j/ vs…

/g/ jàmbá ‘chip off’ gàmbá ‘reduce’
/d/ jìŋɛ́ ‘approach’ dìŋɛ́ ‘tie’
/y/ jàbá ‘replaster’ yàbá ‘agree’

3.1.4.14 /w/
The phoneme /w/ is a labio-velar approximant, like English /w/, and it does not
show allophonic variation. The following minimal pairs show the phonemic status
of continuancy, nasality, and backness for /w/.

(25) Minimal pairs for /w/ vs…

/b/ dàwá ‘cover up’ dàbá ‘hoe’
/m/ áwá ‘catch’ ámá ‘in-law’
/y/ wììré ‘set out to dry’ yììré ‘snake’

3.1.4.15 /y/
The palatal glide /y/ becomes nasalized [y n] after a nasal vowel. This would result in
its neutralization with intervocalic or word-final singleton /ɲ/, which also surfaces
as [y n], though the opportunities for this neutralization are rare. The most common
situation in which /y/-nasalization arises is in the formation of deverbal nouns from
a monosyllabic verb stem with a nasal vowel, where the second half of the verb’s
vowel is replaced with [y]. Thus, we see bóy ‘name’ from bòó ‘call’, but tɔ̌ ny n ‘writing’
from tɔ́ ɔ́ n ‘write’. The underlying status of the final [y n] as /y/ is clear when we com-
pare it with pairs like bóy-bòó. However, certain monosyllabic nouns that are not
related to verbs also end in [y n], and in this case it is not clear whether they should
be derived from an underlying /VV ny/ sequence or a /Vɲ/ sequence, since the [y n]
allophone of /ɲ/ would nasalize the preceding vowel.
Take, for example, těy n ‘worries’, where the nasalization marked at the end is
realized across the whole syllable. In this case, the more likely underlying form is
/těɲ/, with a final palatal nasal, since the underlying form /tèény/ would contain a
[+ATR] nasal vowel /een/ that is not part of the vowel inventory (see section 3.2.2).
However, it is also possible that this is historically a deverbal noun from a stem
tɛ́ ɛ́ n, where the noun has undergone a change to [+ATR], an attested change in
such noun-verb pairs as bàá ‘beat (drum)’ and bǒy ‘tom-tom’ (see section 13.1.5). In
stems like dɛ́ y n ‘different’, the situation is even more complicated in that /ɛ́ɛń / is a licit
nasalized vowel, so the space of possibilities for the underlying form is even greater.
Since there is, to my knowledge, no way of distinguishing an underlying /VV ny/
sequence from a /Vɲ/ sequence in the absence of morphological information such a
noun-verb pair, I will remain neutral on the position, writing such words as téy n and
dɛ́ y n, which reflects their surface pronunciation. Note that this confusion can only
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“Don’t fear,” laughed Mr. Lawrence. “It’ the falling of later people
that troubles me—that, and their willingness to stay down when
they’ve tumbled and the calmness with which they can lie quiet and
crush poor little children who aren’t responsible for being under
them. Adam knew enough to wish himself back in his honorable
position, but most parents have had no lofty position to which they
could look longingly back, and but few of them can remember any
such place having been in the possession of any member of their
respective families.”
“But what is to be done, even if any one wishes to live up to your
ideal standard as a guardian of children?” Mrs. Burton asked.
“Submit to any and every imposition; allow every misdeed to go
unpunished; be the ruled instead of the ruler?”
“Oh, no,” said Tom, “it’s something far harder than that. It’s to live
for the children instead of one’s self.”
“And have all your nice times spoiled and your plans upset?”
“Yes, unless they’re really of more value than human life and human
character,” Tom replied. “You indicated the proper starting point in
your last remark; if you’ll study that for yourself, you’ll learn a great
deal more than I can tell you, and learn it more pleasantly too.”
“I don’t care to study,” said Mrs. Burton, “when I can get my
information at second-hand.”
“Go on, Tom,” said Mr. Burton, “Continue to appear in your character
of the ‘Parental Encyclopædist’; we’ll try to stop one ear so that
what goes in at the other shall not be lost.”
“I only want to say that the plans and good times spoiled by the
children are what ruin every promising generation. The child should
be taught, but instead of that he is only restrained. He should be
encouraged to learn the meaning and the essence of whatever of
the inevitable is forced upon him from year to year; but he soon
learns that children’s questions are as unwelcome as tax-collectors
or lightning-rod men. It’s astonishing how few hints are necessary to
give a child the habit of retiring into himself, and from there to such
company as he can find to tolerate him.”
“You needn’t fear for your boys, Tom,” said Mr. Burton. “I’d pay
handsomely for the discovery of a single question which they have
ever wanted to ask but refrained from putting.”
“And what myriads of them they can ask—not that there’s anything
wrong about it, the little darlings,” Mrs. Burton added.
“I am glad of it,” said Tom; “but I hope they’ll never again have to
go to any one but their mother and me for information.”
“Tom, there you go again!” said Mrs. Burton. “Please don’t believe I
ever refused them an answer or answered unkindly.”
“Certainly you haven’t,” said Tom. “Excuse a stale quotation—’the
exception proves the rule.’s I’ve really been nervously anxious about
the soundness of this rule, until you were brought into the family, for
I never knew another exception.”
“May I humbly suggest that a certain brother-in-law existed before
the boys had an Aunt Alice?” asked Mr. Burton.
“Oh, yes,” said Tom; “but he was too well rewarded, for the little he
did, to be worthy of consideration.”
Mrs. Burton inclined her head in acknowledgment of her brother-in-
law’s compliment, and asked:
“Do you think all children’s questions are put with any distinct
intention? Don’t you imagine that they ask a great many because
they don’t know what else to do, or because they want to—to——”
“To talk against time, she means, Tom,” said Mr. Burton.
“Very likely. But the answers are what are of consequence, no
matter what the motive of the questions may be.”
“What an idea!” exclaimed Mrs. Burton; “really, Tom, aren’t you
afraid you’re losing yourself?”
“I really hadn’t noticed it,” said Tom; “but perhaps I may be able to
explain myself more clearly. You go to church?”
“Regularly—every Sunday,” responded Mrs. Burton.
“And always with the most reverent feelings, of course. You never
find your mind full of idle questionings, or mere curious wondering,
or even a perfect blank, or a circle upon which your thoughts chase
themselves around to their starting place without aim or motive?”
“How well you know the ways of the hum-drum mind, Tom,” said
Mrs. Burton. “You didn’t learn them from your personal experience,
of course?”
“I wish I hadn’t! But supposing you at some few times in your life
have gone into the sanctuary in such frames of mind, did you never
have them changed by what you’ve heard? Did you never have the
very common experience of learning that it is at these very moments
of weakness, indecision, blankness, childishness, or whatever you
may please to call it, the mind becomes peculiarly retentive of
whatever of real value happens to strike it?”
Mrs. Burton reflected, and by silence signified her assent, but she
was not fully satisfied with the explanation, for she asked,
“Do you think, then, that all the ways of children are just as they
should be?—that they never ask questions from any but heaven-
ordained motives?—that they are utterly devoid of petty guile?”
“They’re human, I believe,” said Mr. Lawrence, “and full of human
weaknesses, but any other human beings—present company
excepted, of course—should know by experience how little malice
there is in the most annoying of people. Certainly children do copy
the faults of their elders, and—oh, woe is me! inherit the failings of
their ancestors, but it is astonishing how few they seem to have
when the observer will forget himself and honestly devote himself to
their good. I confess it does need the wisdom of Solomon to
discover when they are honest and when they’re inclined to be
tricky.”
“And can you inform us where the wisdom of Solomon is to be
procured for the purpose?” asked Mrs. Burton.
“From the source at which Solomon obtained it, I suppose,” Tom
replied; “from an honest, unselfish mind. But it is so much easier to
trust to selfishness and its twin demon suspicion, that nothing but a
pitying Providence saves most children from reform schools and
penitentiaries.”
“But the superiority of adults—their right to demand implicit,
unquestioning obedience——”
“Is the most vicious, debasing tyranny that the world is cursed by,
“Tom exclaimed with startling emphasis.” It gave the old Romans
power of life and death over their children. It cast some of the vilest
blots upon the pages of Holy Writ. Nowadays it is worse, for then it
worked its principal mischief upon the body, but nowadays ‘I say
unto you fear not them that kill the body, but’—excuse a free
rendering—fear them who cast both soul and body into hell. You’re
orthodox, I believe.”
Mrs. Burton shuddered, but her belief in the rights of adults, which
she had inherited from a line of ancestors reaching back to Adam or
protoplasm, was more powerful than her horror, and the latter was
quickly overcome by the former.
“Then adults have no rights that children are bound to respect?” she
asked.
“Yes; the right of undoing the failures of their own education and
doing it for the benefit of beings who are not responsible for their
own existence. Can you imagine a greater crime than calling a soul
into existence without its own desire and volition, and then making it
your slave instead of making yourself its friend?”
“Why, Tom, you’re perfectly dreadful,” exclaimed Mrs. Burton.” One
would suppose that parents were a lot of pre-ordained monsters!”
“They’re worse,” said Tom; “they’re unthinking people with a lot of
self-satisfaction, and a reputation for correctness of life. Malicious
people are easily caught and kept out of mischief by the law. The
respectable, unintentional evil-doers are those who make most of
the trouble and suffering in the world.”
“And you propose to go through life dying deaths daily for the sake
of those children,” said Alice, “rather than make them what you
would like them to be?”
“No,” said Tom, “I propose to live a new life daily, and learn what life
should be, for the sake of making them what I would like them to
be; for I don’t value them so much as conveniences and playthings,
as for what they may be to themselves, and to a world that sorely
needs good men.”
“And women,” added Mrs. Lawrence. “I do believe you’ve forgotten
the baby, you heartless wretch!”
“I accept the amendment,” said Tom, “but the world has already
more good women than it begins to appreciate.”
“Bless me! what a quantity of governing that poor sister-baby will
get!” said Mrs. Burton. “But, of course, you don’t call it governing;
you’ll denominate it self-immolation; you’ll lose your remaining hair,
and grow ten years older in the first year of its life.”
“I shouldn’t wonder,” said Tom, with an expression of countenance
which banished the smiles occasioned by his sister-in-law’ remark.
“Oh, dear!” exclaimed Mrs. Burton; “is there any more?”
“Only this—it’s positively the last—’and, finally, we then that are
strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please
ourselves.’s Again I would remark, that I believe you’re orthodox?”
The Burtons looked very sober for a moment, when suddenly there
came through the air the cry—
“Pa-pa!”
Tom sprang to his feet; Helen looked anxious, and the Burtons
smiled quietly at each other. The cry was repeated, and louder, and
as Tom opened the door a little figure in white appeared.

MAKING THEM WHAT I WOULD LIKE THEM TO BE

“I can’t get to sleep,” said Budge, shielding his eyes a moment from
the light. “I ain’t seen you for so long that I’e got to sit in your lap
till some sleep will come to me.”
“Come to auntie, Budge,” said Mrs. Burton. “Poor papa is real tired;
you can’t imagine the terrible work he’s been at for an hour.”
“Papa says it rests him to rest me,” said Budge, clasping his father
tightly.
The Burtons looked on with quiet amusement, until there arose
another cry in the hall of—
“Papa! Ow! pa-pa!”
Again Tom hurried to the door, this time with Budge clinging around
his neck. As the door opened, Toddie crept in on his hands and
knees, exclaiming:
“De old bed wazh all empty, only ’cept me, an’ I kwawled down de
stepsh ’cauzh I didn’t want to be loneshome no more. And Ize all
empty too, and I wantsh somefin’ to eat.”
Helen went to the dining-room closet and brought in a piece of light
cake.
“There goes all my good instructions,” groaned Mrs. Burton. “To
think of the industry with which I have always labored to teach
those children that it’s injurious to eat between meals, and, worse
yet, to eat cake!”
“And to think of how you always ended by letting the children have
their own way!” added Mr. Burton.
“Eating between meals is the least of two evils,” said Tom. “When a
small boy is kept in bed with a sprained ankle, and on a short
allowance of food—— Oh, dear! I see my subject nosing around
again, Alice. Do you know that most of the wickednesses of children
come from the lack of proper attention to their physical condition?”
“Save me! Pity me!” exclaimed Mrs. Burton. “I’m convinced already
that I don’t know a single thing about children, and I’ll know still less
if I take another lesson to-day.”
“Izh you takin’ lessons, Aunt Alish?” asked Toddie, who had caught a
fragment of the conversation. “What book is you lynin’ fwom?”
“A primer,” replied Mrs. Burton; “the very smallest, most insignificant
of A B C books.”
“Why, can’t you read?” asked Budge.
“Oh, yes,” sighed Mrs. Burton. “’But whether there be knowledge it
shall vanish away.’”
“’But love never faileth,’” responded Mr. Lawrence.
“If you want to learn anythin’,” said Budge, “just you ask my papa.
He’ll make you know all about it, no matter how awful stupid you
are.”
“Many thanks for the advice—and the insinuations,” said Mrs.
Burton. “I feel as if the latter were specially pertinent, from the daze
my head is in. I never knew before how necessary it was to be
nobody in order to be somebody.”
The boys took possession of their father, one on each knee, and Tom
rocked with them and chatted in a low tone to them, and hummed a
tune, and finally broke into a song, and as it happened to be one of
the variety known as “roaring,” his brother-in-law joined him, and
the air recalled old friends and old associations, and both voices
grew louder, and the ladies caught the air and increased its volume
with their own voices, when suddenly a very shrill thin voice was
heard above their heads, and Mrs. Lawrence exclaimed:
“Sh—h—h! The baby is awake.”
Subsequent sounds indicated beyond doubt that Mrs. Lawrence was
correct in her supposition, and she started instinctively for the upper
floor, but found herself arrested by her husband’s arm and anxious
face, while Mrs. Burton exclaimed,
“Oh, bring it down here! Please, do!”
The nurse was summoned, and soon appeared with a wee bundle of
flannel, linen, pink face and fingers.
“Give her to me!” exclaimed Mrs. Burton, rising to take the baby, but
the baby exclaimed “Ah!” and its mother snatched it. Then the baby
did its best to hide in its mother’s bosom, and its mother did her
best to help it, and by the merest chance a rosy little foot escaped
from its covering, seeing which Mrs. Burton hurriedly moved her
chair and covered the foot with both her hands; though it would
have been equally convenient and far less laborious to have tucked
the foot back among its habitual wrappings. Then the boys had to
be moved nearer the baby, so that they could touch it, and try to
persuade it to coo; and Harry Burton found himself sitting so far
from any one else that he drew his chair closer to the group, just to
be sociable; and the Lawrences grew gradually to look very happy,
while the Burtons grew more and more solemn, and at last the
hands of Mr. and Mrs. Burton met under the superabundant wraps of
the baby, and then their eyes met, and the lady’s eyes were full of
tears and her husband’s full of tenderness, and Budge, who had
taken in the whole scene, broke the silence by remarking;

“Why, Aunt Alice, what are you crying for?”

Then every one looked up and looked awkward, until Mrs. Lawrence
leaned over the baby and kissed her sister-in-law, noticing which the
two men rose abruptly, although Tom Lawrence found occasion to
indulge in the ceremony of taking Harry Burton by the hand. Then
the baby yielded to her aunt’ solicitations, and changed her resting-
place for a few moments, and the gentlemen were informed that if
they wanted to smoke they would have to do it in the dining-room,
for Mrs. Lawrence was not yet able to bear it. Then the gentlemen
adjourned and stared at each other as awkwardly over their cigars
as if they had never met before, and the ladies chatted as
confidentially as if they were twin sisters that had never been
separated, and the boys were carried back to bed, one by each
gentleman, and they were re-kissed good night, and their father and
uncle were departing when Toddie remarked,
“Papa, mamma hazhn’t gived our sister-baby to Aunt Alish to keep,
hazh she?”
“No, old chap,” said Tom.
“I don’t want anybody to have that sister-baby but us,” said Budge;
“but if anybody had to, Aunt Alice would be the person. Do you
know, I believe she was prayin’ to it, she looked so funny.”
 A LITTLE VISITOR AT THE BURTONS’

The gentlemen winked at each other, and again Tom Lawrence took
the hand of his brother-in-law. Several months later, the
apprehensions of the boys were quieted by the appearance of a little
visitor at the Burtons’, who acted as if she had come to stay, and
who in the course of years cured Mrs. Burton of every assumption of
the ability of relatives to manage “Other People’s Children.”
THE END.
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Lord Ruddington falls helplessly in love with Miss Langley, whom he
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illustrations by C. D. Williams.
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stories of life in a girl’s college that has ever been written.”—N. Y.
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life this book cannot fail to bring back many sweet recollections; and
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by Clarence F. Underwood.
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John Campbell.
“Tells of a high strung young Irish woman who has a passion for
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THE AFFAIR AT THE INN. By Kate Douglas Wiggin. With illustrations
by Martin Justice.
“As superlatively clever in the writing as it is entertaining in the
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George Wright.
“‘Rose o’ the River,’s a charming bit of sentiment, gracefully written
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“The most marvellous work of its wonderful author.”—New York
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“An exciting and absorbing story.”—New York Times. “Intensely
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into high and permanent favor.”—Chicago Evening Post.

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GROSSET & DUNLAP, NEW YORK

Transcriber’s Notes

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Hyphenation have been
standardised except where it appears to have been used for emphasis, but all other
spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
A table of contents has been added.
In the following paragraph in Chapter III the Said has been added (page 96/7).

“Oh, no, I won’t. I only said ’twas something to eat. But say, Aunt Alice, how do bananas
grow?” [said] Toddie, with brightening eyes and a confident shake of his curly head.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BUDGE & TODDIE;
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