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 A G UID E T O T H E GE OG R A PH Y OF P L INY
THE ELDER

This is the first thorough English commentary on the geographical

books of Pliny the Elder, written in the ad 70s. Pliny’s account is the
longest in Latin, and represents the geographical knowledge of that
era, when the Roman Empire was the dominant force in the
Mediterranean world. The work serves both cultural and ideological
functions: much of it is topographical, but it also demonstrates the
political need to express a geographical basis for the importance of the
Roman state. In five books, Pliny covers the entire world as it was
known in his era and includes some of the first information on the
extremities of the inhabited region, including Scandinavia and the
Baltic, eastern Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa. The commentary pro-
vides a detailed analysis of all the points Pliny raises: his sources,
toponyms, and understanding of the place of the earth in the cosmos.

duane w. roller is Professor Emeritus of Classics at The Ohio

State University. He is the author of numerous books, including The
Geography of Strabo (Cambridge, 2014), A Historical and
Topographical Guide to the Geography of Strabo (Cambridge, 2018),
Cleopatra: A Biography (2010), and Empire of the Black Sea (2020).

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 A GUIDE TO THE
GEOGRAPHY OF PLINY
THE ELDER

DUANE W. ROLLER
The Ohio State University

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 University Printing House, Cambridge cb2 8bs, United Kingdom
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www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108481809
doi: 10.1017/9781108693660
© Duane W. Roller 2022
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2022
Printed in the United Kingdom by TJ Books Limited, Padstow Cornwall
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
isbn 978-1-108-48180-9 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.

Published online by Cambridge University Press

 In memory of Duane H. D. Roller (14 March 1920–
24 August 1994), who inspired my interest in antiquity and
Pliny

Published online by Cambridge University Press

Published online by Cambridge University Press
 Contents

List of Maps page viii

Preface ix
List of Abbreviations xi

Introduction 1
Book 1: Pliny’s List of Sources 15
Book 2: Cosmology 32
Book 3: Southern Europe 104
Book 4: The Greek Peninsula and Interior Europe 186
Book 5: Africa and Western Asia 247
Book 6: The Remainder of Asia 321

Bibliography 409
Index of Passages Cited 424
General Index 453

vii

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 Maps

1 The Ancient World as Known to Pliny page 3

2 The Geographical Divisions of Books 3–6 of the Natural 5
History
3 Places cited in Book 3 of the Natural History, according to 105
chapters (courtesy of Ancient World Mapping Center).
4 Places cited in Book 4 of the Natural History, according to 187
chapters (courtesy of Ancient World Mapping Center).
5 Places cited in Book 5 of the Natural History, according to 248
chapters (courtesy of Ancient World Mapping Center).
6 Places cited in Book 6 of the Natural History, according to 322
chapters (courtesy of Ancient World Mapping Center).

viii

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 Preface

This guide is designed to provide the first modern English commentary on

the geographical books of the Natural History of Pliny the Elder. It is based
on the Latin text of the Budé edition, insofar as it is available (Books 5 and
6 are not yet complete), and the Tusculum edition, with some minor
emendations by the present commentator.
The death of Pliny at the time of the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius on
24 August ad 79 is one of the best-known events of classical antiquity. Two
months previously the emperor Vespasian (ruled ad 69–79) had died and
was succeeded by his son Titus (ruled ad 79–81). The Natural History
greatly reflects the era of these emperors, especially the former. When Pliny
died he may still have been polishing the treatise, yet the geographical
books (2–6) are complete in regard to their trajectory, and only additional
editing would have been necessary. The work as a whole is the longest
surviving work in Latin from antiquity, and, as is usual in such lengthy
works, shows a process of layering of sources and internal inconsistency
that can make a coherent analysis difficult. It should also be remembered
that the five geographical books are not a complete work, but merely
a limited portion of the totality of the Natural History. Moreover, Pliny
was writing in Latin about a discipline that was essentially Greek, and this
is reflected in his handling of toponyms and other proper nouns. He often
vacillated between Greek and Latin, or would mix his forms between the
two languages, which can make comprehension of his text problematic.
For his geographical books, Pliny cited over a hundred sources and
obviously used others. There are nearly six thousand toponyms; all that
can be identified – and many cannot – appear on a map to be created by the
Ancient World Mapping Center.
There has been no full commentary in English since the edition of John
Bostock and H. T. Riley of 1855–7, whose notes are limited to comments at
the bottom of the page and which is more valuable for its role in Victorian
antiquarianism than as a modern conception of the Natural History. The
ix

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 x Preface
sparse and problematic notes in the Loeb edition of Harris Rackham (1938–
42) were produced in an era when the study of ancient geography was less
favored than it is today, and ancient toponyms were often hardly under-
stood. Many of the place names in the translation of that edition were
changed to assumed modern ones, more often misleading than useful. The
most thorough commentaries are those in the French Budé (started in 1950
and not yet finished) and the German Tusculum (1973–96; whose notes
can be sporadic). The canonical edition of the text is the Teubner by Karl
Mayhoff (1892–1909), but it has been superseded by the editions noted
above. The most recent English translation of the geographical books is
that by Brian Turner and Richard J. A. Talbert (Cambridge 2022).
The bibliography on Pliny’s geography is enormous, and many of the
relevant works are cited in the present volume. In addition, valuable
research tools include the Barrington Atlas (BA), Brill’s New Pauly (BNP),
The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists (EANS), and Die Fragmente
der Griechischen Historiker (FGrHist). The present commentator has built
on his experience in translating and creating commentaries for works such
as Megasthenes’ Indika, Eratosthenes’ Geography (both of which were used
extensively by Pliny), and especially the Geography of Strabo of Amaseia.
Enthusiastic thanks are due to the many who assisted in the completion
of this volume, especially the libraries of the University of California at
Berkeley and Stanford University, and the highly efficient interlibrary loan
system of The Ohio State University, as well as David Braund, Stanley
M. Burstein, Georgia M. Irby, Paul T. Keyser, Carolina López-Ruiz, Lee
Patterson, Letitia K. Roller, Michael Sharp, and many others at Cambridge
University Press, with special thanks to copy-editor Gill Cloke, Richard
J. A. Talbert, Lisbet Thoresen, Brian Turner, and Wendy Watkins and the
Ohio State University Center for Epigraphical and Palaeographical
Studies. The primary work on the commentary was done in the author’s
study in Santa Fe.

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 Abbreviations

AAE: Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy

AAntHung: Acta antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae
AClass: Acta Classica
AfrRom: L’Africa Romana
AJA: American Journal of Archaeology
AJPh: American Journal of Philology
ANRW: Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römische Welt
AntCl: L’Antiquité classique
AOF: Archiv für Orientforschung
AR: Archaeological Reports
ARID: Analecta romana Instituti Danici
BA: Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (ed.
Richard J. A. Talbert, Princeton 2000)
BAR-IS: British Archaeological Reports, International Series
BASOR: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BICS: Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies
BNP: Brill’s New Pauly
Broughton: T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman
Republic (New York 1951–1952, 1986)
BSA: Annual of the British School at Athens
CAH: The Cambridge Ancient History
CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
Cohen, East: Getzel M. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in the
East from Armenia and Mesopotamia to Bactria and
India (Berkeley, Calif. 2013)
Cohen, Europe: Getzel M. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe,
the Islands, and Asia Minor (Berkeley, Calif. 1995)
Cohen, Syria: Getzel M. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria,
the Red Sea Basin, and North Africa (Berkeley, Calif.
2006)
xi

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 xii List of Abbreviations
CP: Classical Philology
CQ: The Classical Quarterly
CR: The Classical Review
CRAI: Comptes Rendus, Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-
Lettres
DHA: Dialogues d’histoire ancienne
EANS: The Encyclopedia of Ancient Natural Scientists (ed. Paul
T. Keyser and Georgia L. Irby-Massie, London 2008)
FGrHist: Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker
FRH: The Fragments of the Roman Historians (ed.
T. J. Cornell, Oxford 2013)
G&R: Greece and Rome
GA: Geographia antiqua
GJ: The Geographical Journal
Graham: Daniel W. Graham, The Texts of Early Greek Philosophy
(Cambridge 2010)
GRBS: Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
HRR: Historicum romanorum reliquae (ed. Hermann Peter,
Leipzig 1870)
HSCP: Harvard Studies in Classical Philology
IG: Inscriptiones Graecae
ILS: Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae
IrAnt: Iranica Antiqua
JAH: Journal of African History
JAS: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland
JBL: Journal of Biblical Literature
JESHO: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the
Orient
JHS: Journal of Hellenic Studies
JNES: Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JRS: Journal of Roman Studies
MediterrAnt: Mediterraneo Antico
NEAEHL: The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in
the Holy Land (ed. Ephraim Stern, New York 1993)
NH: Pliny, Natural History
OGIS: Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae
OT: Orbis Terrarum
PBSR: Papers of the British School at Rome
PECS: Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites

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 List of Abbreviations xiii
PEQ: Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PIR: Prosopographia Imperii Romani
PP: La Parola del Passato
RBi: Revue biblique
RÉG: Revue des études grecques
RÉL: Revue des études latines
RELat: Revista de Estudios Latinos
Richardson: L. Richardson Jr., A New Topographical Dictionary of
Ancient Rome (Baltimore, Md. 1992)
SE: Studi etruschi
SEG: Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SIG: Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum
SO: Symbolae Osloenses
Tusculum: Plinius Naturkunde (ed. Roderick König et al.,
Munich 1973–2013)

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Published online by Cambridge University Press
 Introduction

A Brief Sketch of the Life of Pliny the Elder

C. Plinius Secundus was born at Comum (modern Como) in late ad 23 or
sometime the following year.1 Comum, at the southern end of Lake Larius
(modern Lago di Como), had been an obscure Celtic village until a century
previously, when the Romans established a presence there.2 Virtually
nothing is known about Pliny’s youth or education, but by ad 47 he had
embarked on an equestrian military career in Germania under the com-
mand of Cn. Domitius Corbulo.3 He had returned to Rome by the ad 50s,
and seems to have remained relatively obscure during the principate of
Nero. But with the accession of Vespasian – whom he already knew – in ad
69 he returned to public service and became a procurator (financial officer),
with positions in various locations, including Narbonensis, Tarraconensis,
Belgica, Africa, and perhaps elsewhere.4 He became a close advisor to the
emperor, conferring with him on a daily basis when in Rome.5 He also
practiced law. Eventually he became fleet commander at Misenum, the
Roman naval base established by Augustus at the end of the long peninsula
that forms the western side of the Bay of Naples.6 His sister Plinia and her
son, also C. Plinius Secundus, known today as Pliny the Younger, lived
with him. It was here that they observed the eruption of Vesuvius on
24 August ad 79, two months after Vespasian had died and his son Titus
(also an intimate of Pliny’s) had come to the throne. The account of
subsequent events reported by his nephew is well known.7 Investigating

1
He died at the age of 55 in August of ad 79: Pliny the Younger, Letters 3.5.8.
2
Strabo, Geography 5.1.6. 3 Ronald Syme, “Pliny the Procurator,” HSCP 73 (1969) 204–8.
4
John F. Healy, Pliny the Elder on Science and Technology (Oxford 1999) 1–35.
5
Pliny the Younger, Letters 3.5.7–9.
6
Pliny the Younger, Letters 6.16.4; Suetonius, Augustus 49.1.
7
Pliny the Younger, Letters 6.16, 20.

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 2 Introduction
the eruption and attempting to offer assistance to those affected, Pliny
collapsed on the beach at Stabiae, just southeast of the volcano. His body
was found two days later.
In time Pliny the Younger provided his friend Q. Baebius Macer (the
suffect consul of ad 103) with a list of his uncle’s works.8 It is in chrono-
logical order, beginning with de iaculatione equestri (Throwing the Javelin
From Horseback), in one book, which was probably a technical manual for
cavalry, produced during his years in Germania. Nothing more is known
about it. This was followed by a two-book biography of P. Pomponius
Secundus, the consul of ad 44, under whom Pliny served in Germania in
ad 50–1, and who wrote tragedies and was a grammarian.9 Pliny men-
tioned the biography in the Natural History.10
He also produced two lengthy historical treatises. The German Wars, in
20 books, examined the entire history of Roman military involvement in
Germania, beginning with the campaigns of Drusus at the end of the first
century bc. The work is astonishingly poorly preserved and only two
fragments survive, but it was probably a major source for Tacitus when
writing his Germania.11
There was also a general history, titled A fine Aufidi Bassi (From the End
of Aufidius Bassus), in 31 books. Aufidius Bassus had written an account that
seems to have extended from the 40s bc into the Julio-Claudian period.12
Pliny’s continuation would thus have dealt with the later years of that era.
The handful of surviving fragments are all concerned with the reign of
Nero, including its end; thus the work was completed after ad 68.13
Pliny also wrote on oratory and grammar: Pliny the Younger noted that
the grammatical work was written during the last years of Nero, when
other topics might not have been wise. And finally there was the Natural
History, 37 encyclopedic books on virtually every conceivable topic of the
natural world. It was a product of Pliny’s last years, and essentially
complete at his death in the summer of ad 79.

The Roman Encyclopedia and Imperial Ideology

It is common today to call Pliny’s Natural History an “encyclopedia,” but
that concept did not truly exist until early modern times. The word in its
current usage was derived from a Greek phrase, enkyklios paideia, roughly
meaning “a general education.” It seems to have originated in Hellenistic

8 9 10
Pliny the Younger, Letters 3.5.3–6; FRH #80. PIR P563. NH 14.56.
11 12 13
FRH #80, F2–3. FRH #78. FRH #80, F4–8.

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 Map 1 The Ancient World as Known to Pliny

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 4 Introduction
times, but was more common in the Roman Imperial period. Pliny himself
used the phrase, but presented it in its Greek original and in Greek
characters.14 To him, it was essentially a curriculum of study, and hardly
a way of describing the Natural History as a whole. That work was titled
Naturalis Historia, and in a modern sense it could be called encyclopedic but
not an encyclopedia. The common English translation is ambiguous; a more
proper one would be Research on the World, and the use of “naturalis” tends
to invoke Lucretius and Vergil rather than Pliny’s catalogic predecessors.15
Catalogue treatises had existed since Hellenistic times: Callimachus’
catalogue of the Alexandria library may be one of the earliest examples.16
But it was the Romans who came to excel in the concept, with authors such
as Varro and his Antiquitates, and other works that covered a vast range of
knowledge. Yet the uniqueness of the Natural History is that it attempted,
perhaps for the first time, to cover every part of human knowledge in
a single work. Although Pliny was dismissive of the importance of his
treatise, calling it “a lighter work,” he placed it within the tradition of the
Greek enkyklios paideia, noting that he had consulted about 2,000 vol-
umes, many of which were rare.17 His authorial modesty does not diminish
the immensity of his achievement, truly encyclopedic in the modern sense.
Despite the fact that Pliny drew attention to the 20,000 facts that he had
collected, and his emphasis on recording material that had been ignored by
his predecessors, the Natural History is first and foremost a work of Roman,
and specifically Flavian, ideology. This is apparent from the very beginning
with its introduction to Titus, who became emperor in June of ad 79, but
had been a long-standing friend of Pliny, and who also had an interest in
curiosities and in fact was one of the sources for the Natural History.18 But,
more importantly, dedicating the work to Titus insinuated it into the very
highest levels of Roman ideology. This is reinforced by the first word of the
treatise proper, mundus, or “world,” stressing that Rome is the world and
Rome is everything. It is no wonder that the first 166 chapters concern the
cosmos: the earth and the heavenly bodies, and the phenomena of the
universe. Only after the complete analysis of the cosmos does the Natural
History turn to geography, beginning, suitably, at the Columns of
Hercules – the Greek Pillars of Herakles – the conventional starting
point for geographical treatises. Yet lest the reader forget the true

14
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On Literary Composition 25; NH Preface 14.
15
See, especially, Lucretius 1.25 etc. and Vergil, Georgics 2.490.
16
Rudolf Blum, Kallimachos: The Alexandrian Library and the Origins of Bibliography (tr. Hans
H. Wellisch, Madison 1991) 150–60.
17
NH Preface 12, 17 (levioris operae). 18 NH 1.2, 2.89.

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 Hypothetical peoples and lands

Book 4

Book 4
Book 6
Book 3

Book 4 Book 6 extends to

Book 6 India and Taprobane
Book 6
Book 5
Books
5-6 Books 5-6
Book 6

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Book 5 extends
to Atlantic Book 5

Book 6

Book 6 extends
to Atlantic Book 6 (extends south
into Central Africa)

Map 2 The Geographical Divisions of Books 3–6 of the Natural History

 6 Introduction
orientation of the work, by the second sentence of the geographical portion
the narrative has turned to the emperor Augustus and the expedition he
commissioned to northern Europe.19 This left no doubt that the focus of
the treatise was to be Roman achievements: the cosmos, the world, and
Rome are seen as virtually synonymous.

The Romans and Geography

Geography as a discipline was invented by Eratosthenes of Cyrene in
the second half of the third century bc. 20 Although there had been specula-
tion about the size and shape of the earth and the nature of its surface, places,
and peoples since the beginnings of Greek intellectualism, it was
Eratosthenes who created the word “geography” (geographia) and established
it as a scholarly endeavor. Other Greek geographical treatises appeared
thereafter, but the first Roman interest in the topic was largely for military
and demographic purposes. At the fall of Carthage in 146 bc, P. Cornelius
Scipio Aemilianus sent his advisor Polybius beyond the Columns or Pillars
of Hercules or Herakles (hereafter, “Pillars of Hercules”) in order to investi-
gate the Carthaginian presence there. It is clear that the intent of Polybius’
expeditions was to provide the Romans with information about the empire
that they had conquered, not scientific research.21 Moreover Julius Caesar
used the Geography of Eratosthenes as a resource to assist in understanding
the Celtic and German world of his military campaigns.22
Although no Roman geographical treatise seems to have appeared until
the first century ad, there were movements in that direction from the time
of the Late Republic. Caesar, who, as noted, was informed about the history
of the discipline, showed an awareness of geographical issues in his works,
including the tides, the length of the day at various latitudes, and the
extremities of the earth.23 His contemporary Cicero planned to write
a geographical treatise.24 A generation later, the learned king of
Mauretania, Juba II, included extensive geographical data in his two eth-
nographies, Libyka and On Arabia. Although Juba was Numidian in origin,
he was raised in Rome as a Roman aristocrat, yet wrote in Greek, demon-
strating that there was still little interest in writing ethnologies in Latin.25

19
NH 2.167. 20 Duane W. Roller, Eratosthenes’ Geography (Princeton 2010) 1–2.
21
Polybius 34.15.7–9. 22 Caesar, Gallic War 6.24.
23
Duane W. Roller, Ancient Geography (London 2015) 149–50.
24
Cicero, Letters to Atticus #24, 26 (April 59 BC).
25
Duane W. Roller, The World of Juba II and Kleopatra Selene: Royal Scholarship on Rome’s African
Frontier (London 2003) 183–243; FGrHist #275.

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 The Natural History and Geography 7
M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the confidant of the emperor Augustus, was
perhaps the first Roman to be considered an actual geographical
scholar.26 But even his work had a political end: it seems to have been
a commentary on a public map that he created – probably completing
a project begun by Julius Caesar – and as such it served the military and
demographic purposes that were a standard feature of Roman geographical
efforts.27
As Roman knowledge spread throughout the inhabited world, the need
for legitimate geographical scholarship became more acute, even if it was
still directed toward political needs. Greek scholars could not always be
relied upon to express matters in ways that were politically correct to the
Roman ruling elite. By the middle of the first century ad, Romans had
explored the North Sea and perhaps penetrated the Baltic. They were
aware of lands beyond India, perhaps as far as the Malay peninsula and
eastern Asia. They also had gone into sub-Saharan Africa.28 Thus it is
perhaps no surprise that these efforts led to the first true Roman geograph-
ical treatise, the three-book Chorographia of Pomponius Mela.29 It is the
earliest surviving geographical work in Latin, and while brief, provides
a new Latin vocabulary derived from long-existing Greek geographical
terminology, as well as giving a Roman outlook to the discipline.
Written in the generation before the Natural History, it established
a Roman view of the inhabited world.

The Natural History and Geography

All of the geographical works cited in the previous section were known to
Pliny when he began the Natural History, and he used them assiduously to
create the five geographical books of the treatise. These present
a geographical compendium that is less an analytical discussion than
a catalogue of existing knowledge on the topic. That this was his intent

26
Pliny (NH 3.17) wrote of his diligence in handling geographical material.
27
The exact nature of Agrippa’s map and the accompanying commentary remains one of the more
complex and debatable issues in the study of ancient geographical scholarship: see Alfred Klotz, “Die
geographischen commentarii des Agrippa und ihre Überreste,” Klio 24 (1931) 38–58, 386–466;
J. J. Tierney, “The Map of Agrippa,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 63 (1962–4) 151–66;
and Claude Nicolet, Space, Geography, and Politics in the Early Roman Empire (Ann Arbor, Mich.
1991) 95–122. One of the many undecided questions is how much Augustus contributed to the
project after Agrippa’s death in 12 BC: see Nicolet, Space 171–187.
28
Roller, Ancient Geography 171–87.
29
Georgia L. Irby, “Tracing the Orbis Terrarum From Tingentera,” in New Directions in the Study of
Ancient Geography (ed. Duane W. Roller, University Park, Pa. 2019) 103–34.

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 8 Introduction
is made clear by his listing of the total pieces of information contained in
each book (a technique not limited to the geographical books).
Nevertheless, his role was to show how the entire world had been made
known through the efforts of Rome, a concept following closely on the
map of Agrippa and the Chorographia of Pomponius Mela. In fact, there is
a certain map-like quality to the geography of the Natural History, mani-
fested in sequences such as the lengthy lists of toponyms along the Nile.
Pliny could see the map of Agrippa on a daily basis when in Rome, and
used it, in part, as the basis for creating his own literary map. Unlike the
Geography of Strabo, whose 17 books are the longest geographical work
from antiquity, there is often little analysis in Pliny’s text, and the lists of
places and peoples predominate. Despite this, there is much of value in
terms of description and exegesis, and Book 2 is a thorough study –
however derivative – of cosmology.
Even though Pliny had such an emphasis on topographical lists, he was
very much beholden to the tradition of geographical scholarship that he
had inherited. There is a focus on coasts, in the tradition of the nautical
sailing guides (periploi) that had been part of Greek culture since earliest
times. But the Romans were not oriented as much to the coasts as were
the Greeks, especially in Europe, where they had penetrated deep into the
interior. Rivers and mountains defined these inland regions, and it is no
accident that these are the first topographical features mentioned in the
summaries that end the catalogues of Book 1. In the catalogue to Book 6
(the only one among the geographical books where the numbers are
preserved), Pliny told his readers that he had recorded the names of 115
famous rivers and 38 famous mountains. Rivers, especially, were of
significance to the Romans: Rome owed its origins to its control of
a major crossing of the Tiber that affected travel throughout the Italian
peninsula, and river cults were a major part of Roman ideology.30
Hundreds of rivers are named in the Natural History, and the important
ones, such as the Danube, Rhone, or Hiberus (Ebro), were the means by
which Roman culture could be carried into the remote interior of the
continents.
There were also mountains, the opposite of rivers. Rather than open up
territory, they separated it. This was not a new idea: in the late fourth
century bc, Dicaearchos of Messana had conceived of a vast mountain
range that extended from Asia Minor to India and thus divided the world

30
Trevor Murphy, Pliny the Elder’s Natural History: The Empire in the Encyclopedia (Oxford 2004)
138–48.

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 The Natural History and Geography 9
east of the Mediterranean into a northern and southern portion.31 Thus the
world was both accessible and divisible, and mountains and rivers defined
the interior of the continents. Rivers allowed access; mountains, to some
extent, allowed control.
But another factor was Imperial ideology, which actually formed the
basis of the Roman study of geography. Vespasian and Titus had
brought peace to the Roman world. Previously it had been torn apart
through civil war, not only in ad 68–9 (which ended with Vespasian
acquiring the principate), but in the greater civil war of the first century
bc. Now, however, everywhere was open, and many were able to go
forth throughout the entire world (although Pliny at NH 2.117–18 rather
tartly noted that such travels were for profit, not knowledge). There was
no more piracy, which had been endemic in the Mediterranean until the
early first century bc, and the world was no longer divided into hostile
states. This new era of Vespasianic peace not only allowed Pliny to write
the Natural History, but to devote its first books to revealing the world
itself.
After the catalogues that make up Book 1, the Natural History begins in
earnest. Its 37 books comprise one of the longest surviving works from
classical antiquity. It was completed in the years just before Pliny’s death in
ad 79, and has survived intact, as can be seen by the reference of Pliny the
Younger to its 37 books.32 The work exists today in about 130 manuscripts,
some of which are from late antiquity, but these are partial and do not
contain the geographical books. Two manuscripts in Paris are the earliest
that contain most of the treatise. Parisinus lat. 6795, from the ninth or
tenth century, includes everything except Books 33–7 (the earliest manu-
script of those books is Bambergensis M. V. 10, of the tenth century).
Parisinus lat. 6797, of the thirteenth century, has the entire text except the
very end, the last five chapters of Book 37. The earliest printed edition was
by Johann of Speyer in Venice, from 1469.33 Despite the many manu-
scripts, the text is in astonishingly poor shape, especially the geographical
portions, due to the many unfamiliar and unique toponyms. Moreover,
Pliny often used ethnyms to describe communities, since this was the
format of the official Roman registry. All this can make it difficult to

31
Paul T. Keyser, “The Geographical Work of Dikaiarchos,” in Dicaearchus of Messana: Text,
Translation, and Discussion (ed. William W. Fortenbaugh and Eckart Schütrumpf, New
Brunswick, N.J. 2001) 353–72; see also Murphy, Pliny 148–54.
32
Pliny the Younger, Letters 3.5.6.
33
BNP Supplement 2: Dictionary of Greek and Latin Authors and Texts, 504–5.

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 10 Introduction
understand the places involved.34 He was in the awkward position of using
the Latin language to write about a discipline that was still largely Greek.
It should be remembered that the five geographical books of the Natural
History are not a free-standing work, but part of a lengthy composition
that, in theory, included all the natural world, with topics such as zoology
(Books 8–16), agriculture (Books 17–19), herbs and drugs (Books 20–32),
and mineralogy (Books 33–7). Yet these broad discussions lead to others,
such as the extensive section on art and artists (Books 34–6) or the
biographical details about notable Romans (Book 7). Geographical mater-
ial is scattered throughout, including the route to the frankincense region
of southern Arabia (12.61–5) or information about the Trogodyte territory
of East Africa (31.18). Pliny’s sources were wide-ranging, with nearly five
hundred cited in the catalogues of Book 1, and others noted in the text.
The geographical books begin with the single book (2) on cosmology
and natural phenomena, and then continue with a circuit of the known
world (3–6). The cosmology examines the nature of the earth and the
various celestial bodies. There is also a discussion of celestial and terrestial
phenomena. This is followed by a closer consideration of the surface of the
earth, including the distinction between land and water, its inhabited
portions, and the different lengths of day at various latitudes. Oceanic
phenomena, such as its saltiness and the tides, are also included. The book
closes with the dimensions of the earth.
Book 3 begins the geographical survey. Much of it is in periplous format,
the style of the coastal sailing itinerary that had long existed in the Greek
world.35 It starts in southern Iberia and continues along the Mediterranean
coast to Italy, including the western Mediterranean islands, the Adriatic,
and the lands to its north. Book 4 moves from the Adriatic into the Greek
peninsula and the islands of the Aegean, and north into the lands west of
the Black Sea, but then curves west around through Europe, the coast of
the North Sea, and into the Celtic lands, including the western Iberian
peninsula and the Atlantic islands. Book 5 crosses over to Mauretania and
then moves east to Egypt and north through the Levant and into Asia
Minor, ending with Bithynia at its northwestern extremity. Book 6 begins
with Pontus, just to the east of Bithynia, and includes the interior and
remaining Black Sea coast of Asia Minor. Then it continues around the

34
Nikos Kokkinos, “The City of ‘Mariamme’: An Unknown Herodian Connection?” MediterrAnt 5
(2002) 723–4.
35
Kai Brodersen, “The Geographies of Pliny and His ‘Ape’ Solinus,” in Brill’s Companion to Ancient
Geography: The Inhabited World in Greek and Roman Tradition (ed. Serena Bianchetti et al., Leiden
2015) 300–2.

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 The Natural History and Geography 11
east side of the Black Sea into the Bosporanian territory on its north shore,
and east toward the Caucasus and Caspian, and the presumed eastern coast
of Asia, at India and Taprobane. The account then returns west across
southern Asia through Mesopotamia and Arabia to the regions of the upper
Nile, and back across Africa to Mauretania. It ends with the Fortunate
Islands off the Atlantic coast, with a final discussion about terrestrial
distances and the places on various latitude lines.
Pliny’s geographical itinerary – from southern Iberia and back to the
Atlantic coast of Mauretania just to the south – follows no known
precedent.36 A beginning at the western end of the inhabited earth (the
Pillars of Hercules) was well established, but his technique of circling
around (so that Iberia is discussed in two separate portions), rather than
a more linear progression, is unusual.37 Hecataeus of Miletus,38 the author
of the first Greek geographical treatise (his Circuit of the Earth, from
around 500 bc), had established the concept of starting at the west end
of the Mediterranean, and although exact details of his organization are not
known, it seems that he created a great circular route from Iberia through
coastal Europe, Asia Minor, southern Asia (as far as India), and back across
Africa. Eratosthenes, however, reversed direction and began with India,
heading west, and ending somewhere in the western Mediterranean,
seemingly a more linear than circular route. This may have been due to
the prominence of India in the century after Alexander the Great.
Yet later geographical treatises reverted to the west as a starting point,
making a clockwise circuit: this was the pattern of Strabo, in the early first
century ad (but whose Geography was not known to Pliny). Pomponius
Mela, writing only a few years previous to Pliny, also began at the west end
of the Mediterranean, but followed a counter-clockwise route around the
sea, ending in Iberia. But then he made a second, clockwise circuit from
Iberia around the perceived coasts of the External Ocean (and thus follow-
ing the exterior of the inhabited earth), through Germania, Scythia, to
India and then around the outside of Africa, ending again at the western
outlet of the Mediterranean. Thus he created an itinerary of roughly two
concentric circles, each going in the opposite direction.
Pliny, however, created his own scheme, breaking away from the ovoid
circles and straight lines of his predecessors, using wandering interlocked

36
Benet Salway, “Putting the World in Order: Mapping in Roman Texts,” in Ancient Perspectives (ed.
Richard J. A. Talbert, Chicago 2012) 214–15.
37
Gerhard Winkler, “Geographie bei den Römern: Mela, Seneca, Plinius,” in Geographie und
verwandte Wissenschaften 2 (ed. Wolfgang Hübner and Germaine Aujac, Stuttgart 2000) 158.
38
FGrHist #1.

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 12 Introduction
loops. Books 4–6 each begin where the previous one left off, but his
itinerary places the focus on Europe, which is treated in its entirety before
any consideration of Asia or Africa. This is to some extent a reversal of
Greek geographical theory, and thus gives emphasis not only to the regions
most recently important to Rome, but those particularly relevant to Pliny’s
own career.

Creating a Commentary on Pliny’s Geography

A number of issues confront the commentator on the geographical books
of the Natural History. As with any lengthy work written in classical
antiquity, the difficulties of editing and proofreading a handwritten manu-
script can have their effect on the author. Pliny often failed to reconcile
divergent and contradictory sources, with the result that toponyms may
appear in different forms in different citations. He made it perfectly clear
that he consulted multiple copies of a text, and felt free to make his own
editorial judgements.39 This is a testimony to the varied nature of copies of
a given work, but it also meant that Pliny’s text would have its own
vagaries.
Writing in Latin about a discipline that was historically Greek, he could
be inconsistent in what he produced, especially in creating Latin forms of
Greek proper nouns. For example in Book 4 he vacillated between the
Greek “Isthmos” and the Latin “Isthmus.” Needless to say this probably
reflects his sources – their exact identity is not always apparent – but one
could even argue that Pliny, totally bilingual, was hardly aware of which
form he was using. Greek endings to latinized toponyms pervade the
Natural History, and even hybrid forms, such as the Akran Iapygiam of
NH 3.100, or the Mega Tichos and Graucomen of 6.179. Occasionally
material even appears in Greek characters. Toponyms, whether latinized
Greek, pure Greek, or pure Latin, may not appear in the nominative
anywhere in the text, so determining that case, and whether the word is
neuter or masculine, may be problematic when the nominative appears
nowhere in extant Latin literature. As much as possible this commentary
uses Pliny’s actual forms, and attempts, when necessary, to create a proper
nominative, relying on what Pliny would have used. To be sure some
familiar names, such as Rome and Athens, are anglicized, and where Pliny’s
form is quite idiosyncratic, such as Delmatia and Zmyrna for Dalmatia and
Smyrna, the more common form is also presented.

39
NH 6.62, 170.

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 Creating a Commentary on Pliny’s Geography 13
In addition to the issues of latinizing a Greek discipline, there are
problems in understanding Pliny’s language. The Natural History is
a complex and confusing document, with many digressions that interrupt,
even grammatically, the main thread of the narrative. To be sure, such
issues are probably less of a problem in the geographical books than
elsewhere, since lists of toponyms without further comment tend to be
so common in Books 3–6. But the work as a whole has a sense of
incompleteness and lack of polish, something that the author himself
acknowledged.40 Part of this may be authorial modesty (since he said
that it also applied to his other writings), but one cannot deny that
understanding the text is baffling at times.41 The geographical portion
can be merely catalogic, such as the list of populations around the Maeotis,
or in southern Asia,42 but there can be sudden digressions, which, to the
modern reader, are some of the most fascinating material in the work.
Examples include the expeditions of Hanno, Scipio Aemilianus, and
Polybius in West Africa, or the processing of silk and the characteristics
of the Silk People.43
The Natural History was a product of the era of the emperor Vespasian,
who was mentioned a dozen times in the geographical books. As a whole,
the work was dedicated to Vespasian’s son, the future emperor Titus,
mentioned five times. Nevertheless the text has some striking anachron-
isms, inevitable but often presented without explanation or clarification.
For example, in Pliny’s discussion of the Roman province of Africa, the
context is the brief period in the 40s bc when the region was divided into
two provinces.44 This was the situation a century before Pliny wrote, yet he
did not inform the reader of this, giving the impression that it was the
current organization of Africa, despite the fact that he himself had served in
the unified province.
Measurements are always an issue in consideration of geographical texts.
For long distances Pliny relied on Roman miles, but also used the Greek
stadion, Egyptian schoenus, and Persian parasang, as well as travel days. All
of these except the Roman mile (1.48 km.) are variable, as are their formulas
for conversion. Numerals may appear in the text without any units of
measurement, or the wrong type of unit may be presented. As
a convenience modern distances in kilometers are provided in the com-
mentary, but none is a certain equivalent except those in Roman miles, yet

40 41 42 43
NH Preface 28. Murphy, Pliny 30–6. NH 6.21, 48–51. NH 5.8–9, 6.54–5, 88.
44
NH 5.25.

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 14 Introduction
even with these the measurement may have been converted from other
units, not always correctly.
In creating a commentary on Pliny’s geographical books, it has been
necessary to take into account all these issues. Pliny’s text can be confusing,
even clumsy, and while producing a proper translation is not the matter at
hand, a commentator must use the text in such a way as to make
a meaningful analysis. There is always the problem of how much to say;
one could write an article about each of the 893 sections or nearly 6,000
toponyms in the geographical narrative. Nevertheless the purpose of this
commentary is to acquaint the reader with the overall pattern of the
geographical books, which stand alone in Latin literature as the longest
and most significant geographical treatise in that language and one of the
few works of that discipline surviving from classical antiquity.

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 book 1

Pliny’s List of Sources

Introduction
One of the features of the Natural History is the catalogue of topics and
sources that comprises Book 1, a rare component of an ancient text. It
provides the subjects of each book, followed by a list of the number of
items within it. For Book 2 this is limited to “facts, investigations, and
observations,” but for books 3–6 there is the number of “towns and
peoples, famous rivers, famous mountains, islands, towns and peoples
that have perished,” and then the summary, “facts, investigations, and
observations.” The actual numbers for Books 3 and 4 are missing. Only the
number of islands (118) survives for Book 5, and Book 6 has the complete
sequence of numbers.
The catalogues of topics speak for themselves and need not be discussed
in the commentary. In the preface to the Natural History, which is in the
form of a letter to Vespasian’s son Titus, the future emperor, Pliny drew
attention to the table of contents, recognizing its unusual quality.1
Following each catalogue of topics and the summary of items are lists of
the sources that were used in that book, introduced by the phrase “ex
auctoribus” (”from [these] authors”). First are Romans, and then “exter-
nis” (”foreigners”). This second list casts a wide net, including anyone
whom Pliny did not consider Roman; in fact some of the authors, such as
Juba II of Mauretania, were of foreign origin but were Roman culturally,
yet wrote in Greek. To some extent the texts reflect the order of use in the
relevant book, but not inevitably, and, moreover, many are listed that are
not cited by name in the subsequent text, although it can be possible to
speculate when Pliny used a particular unnamed author. In addition,
a number of sources appear in the text that are not listed in Book 2.

1
NH Preface 33.

15

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 16 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
Nevertheless the index is a valuable tool for comprehending the nature of
the Natural History.
In the catalogue for Books 2–6, 137 sources are listed (44 domestic and 93
foreign, although there is some duplication because of the use of variant
names), covering a significant number of Greek and Latin authors up to
Pliny’s day. Many familiar ones appear, such as Livy, Pomponius Mela,
and Seneca among the Latin writers, and Aristotle, Herodotus, and
Thucydides among the “foreigners.” Some expected sources are not men-
tioned, notably Homer (although cited in the text) and Strabo of Amaseia
(almost certainly unknown to Pliny), but the lists are remarkably thor-
ough, and extend into Pliny’s own day with authors such as Pomponius
Mela and the emperors Claudius and Titus. A number of those cited in the
text but not in Book 1 may not have been consulted directly. In another
peculiarity, Cicero is apparent as a source through much of Book 2 but is
never named.
In one sense, Pliny’s lists are derived from the library catalogues that had
existed since Bronze Age Mesopotamia.2 More relevant to Pliny, however,
were those created for the great Hellenistic libraries. Callimachus of
Cyrene, who worked in the Alexandria library in the third century bc,
created his Pinakes, effectively a library catalogue and thus a list of books
and their authors.3 This work was certainly known to Pliny, but his own
arrangement of authors follows no discernable pattern, and may reflect his
actual use of the author in question, something difficult to determine
because so many of them are not actually cited in the text. There may
also have been chronological schemes, and vestiges of some appear, such as
with the Roman authors of Book 4. Pliny cited at least three professional
librarians among his sources (Callimachus, Crates, and Hyginus), and thus
was probably well aware of the cataloguing process, and his own vast library
probably had its own librarian and catalogue. Pliny also credited Valerius
Soranus with being the first Roman to create such a list, as part of his
Epoptides (“Initiates”), written in the early first century bc. 4 Like all
scholars, Pliny made notes and extracts from his reading, and left 160
notebooks upon his death, which his nephew Pliny the Younger inherited.5
In the catalogue that follows, names are listed in the orthography of
Pliny’s Latin, although he was not immune to using Greek or foreign

2
Lionel Casson, Libraries in the Ancient World (New Haven 2001) 4–9.
3
Blum, Kallimachos 226–43.
4
If this is the same person as the one mentioned at NH 3.65, his indiscretion about religious matters
led to his downfall (Plutarch, Roman Questions 61).
5
Pliny the Younger, Letters 3.5.17.

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 17
spellings on occasion. Names in bold type are the form used by Pliny; if the
author’s name is substantially different from that cited, it follows in
parentheses.

Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6

Roman authors
Acta Triumphorum (Book 5), more properly the Fasti Triumphales,
recorded the Roman triumphs from earliest times until the Augustan
period. A copy, of which fragments survive, was placed on the Arch of
Augustus in the Roman Forum. The reliability of the list has repeatedly
been called into question, especially the earlier citations, which are believed
to be a construct of early Roman history, but nonetheless they were
a visible public document (R. M. Ogilvie and A. Drummond, “The
Sources for Early Roman History,” CAH 7.2 [1989] 17–21; Ettore Pais,
Fasti Triumphales Populi Romani [Rome 1920]).
M. Agrippa (Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, Books 3, 4, 5, 6), the confidant
of Augustus, was cited regularly by Pliny. His geographical work was the
basis of a map of the world that was displayed in the Porticus Vipsania in
Rome, whose location is unknown (Richardson 319–20). The Natural
History is the primary source for Agrippa’s geographical scholarship
(Klotz, “Geographischen Commentarii,” 38–58, 386–466).
Antias (Valerius Antias, Books 2, 3) wrote a history of Rome from its
origins to the early first century bc, which was produced during the period
80–60 bc (FRH #25). Over 70 fragments survive.
Arruntius (L. Arruntius, Books 3, 5, 6) is presumably the historian of the
First Punic War (FRH #58), who was probably the consul of 22 bc,
although his son, the consul of ad 6, is also a possibility. Whether father
or son, the topic of his history is only known through a discussion and
a few quotations by Seneca (Letters 114.17–19); Pliny did not cite him by
name in the relevant books.
L. Ateius, Ateius Capito, Ateius Philologus (Books 3, 4). Pliny may
have cited as many as three people with the name “Ateius,” who are
difficult to distinguish. L. Ateius was listed for Book 3; this may be the
“Ateius Philologus” of Book 4, whose praenomen was Lucius (FRH #51).
There was also an Ateius Capito (Book 4), who may be C. Ateius Capito,
tribune in 55 bc (Broughton 2, 216), or perhaps the homonymous consul of
ad 5. Any distinction between these personalities, and what works were
used by Pliny, remains uncertain: the elder Ateius Capito is not known

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 18 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
beyond his political career and the younger was a lawyer (PIR A1062).
Ateius Philologus is more distinct: he was a freedman from Athens and an
associate of Sallust and Asinius Pollio, who wrote a summary Roman
history.
Divine Augustus (Books 3, 4), the Roman emperor (FRH #60), wrote
a number of works that could have been used by Pliny, including an
autobiography, the extant Res gestae, and various letters, edicts, and decrees.
Caecina (Aulus Caecina, Book 2) was an Etruscan scholar (his family
was of that origin) and a close friend of Cicero’s (Cicero, Letters to His
Friends 6.7–9).
Caelius Antipater (Coelius Antipater, Book 2, and almost certainly the
“Caelius” of Book 3) was the first Latin historian to limit his work to
a specific period, in this case the Second Punic War (FRH #15). He lived
near the end of the second century bc. Nearly 70 fragments of his work
exist, cited by a variety of historians.
Cato the Censor (M. Porcius Cato, Books 3, 4), who lived from 239 to
149 or 148 bc, was the first to write a history in Latin prose. He was also
a major political activist. His Origines, of which over 150 fragments survive,
was a selective study of Roman history from its beginning, and was widely
used by later writers.
Claudius Caesar, the emperor (Books 5, 6), lived from 10 bc to ad 54
(FRH #75). He was a polymath who wrote widely on history and antiquar-
ianism (Duane W. Roller, Scholarly Kings: The Writings of Juba II of
Mauretania, Archelaos of Kappadokia, Herod the Great and the Emperor
Claudius [Chicago 2004] 185–95). Of particular interest to Pliny would
have been his Roman history, which covered the Augustan and early Julio-
Claudian periods. His Greek-language works on the Etruscans and
Carthaginians might also have been relevant to the composition of the
Natural History. Yet little of Claudius’ work survives (eight fragments at
most), with the Natural History the primary source.
Cornelius Nepos (Books 2, 3, 4, 5, 6), who lived throughout much of
the first century bc (FRH #45), was used regularly by Pliny, cited in each of
the geographical books. He was a pioneer in the genre of Latin biography,
and some of his entries survive. He also wrote widely on other topics,
including a universal history (the first in Latin), famous for its citation by
Catullus at the beginning of his first poem, as well as a geography, which is
hardly known (NH 2.169–70, 3.127).
Curio the Elder (Book 3) is not easily identified, since no person of that
name appears in the appropriate book. The most likely is C. Scribonius
Curio, the consul of 76 bc, who had an active military and political career.

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 19
He was proconsul of Macedonia in 75–72 bc (Broughton 2, 92–3, 99) and
campaigned in Thrace as far as the Danube. Pliny may have used his report
of this expedition (NH 3.147–9).
Domitius Corbulo (Cn. Domitius Corbulo, Books 5, 6) was an import-
ant military leader during the period of Claudius and Nero, with com-
mands in Asia Minor and Syria (FRH #82); he was also Pliny’s
commanding officer in Germania. He published an account of at least
the eastern portion of his career, probably shortly before his death in ad
67; as such, he was one of Pliny’s most recent sources (NH 6.23). Yet only
three fragments survive, two of which are from the Natural History (NH
2.180, 5.83).
Fabianus (Papirius Fabianus, Book 2) was a noted natural philosopher
of the era of Augustus and Tiberius (Arnaud Zucker, “Papirius Fabianus,”
EANS 610–11). He wrote extensively on scientific topics, and was used
repeatedly by Pliny, who valued his research highly (NH 36.125). His
writings on meteorology and oceanic phenomena were of relevance to
Pliny’s geographical material (NH 2.121, 224).
Fabricius Tuscus (Books 3, 4, 6) cannot be identified. He was not cited
by name in any of the three books in which his material appears. The
cognomen Tuscus suggests an Etruscan origin. One possibility is
C. Fabricius Tuscus, equestrian prefect in Germania during the last years
of Augustus (Ségolène Demougin, Prosopographie des chevaliers romains
Julio-Claudiens [Paris 1992], no. 216).
Gellianus (Book 3) is generally believed to be Gnaeus Gellius (cited in
the index to Book 7), a historian of the second century bc (FRH #14; Pliny,
Histoire naturelle 3 [ed. Hubert Zehnacker, Paris 2004] 223–4). He wrote
a lengthy (at least 97 books) history of Rome from its origins to his own era,
with nearly 40 fragments surviving. Pliny cited Gellianus for the early
history of central Italy (NH 3.108), and Gellius for various matters con-
nected with the origins of civilization (NH 7.192–8).
Hyginus (C. Julius Hyginus, Books 3, 4, 5, 6) was the librarian of the
emperor Augustus (FRH #63). He was a prolific author, with works on the
ethnology of Italy, the history of religion, and agriculture, as well as literary
commentaries. Of particular interest to Pliny would have been his geo-
graphical treatise (Christophe Cusset and Philip Thibodeau, “C. Iulius
Hyginus,” EANS 454–5).
Julius Aquila (Book 2) cannot be certainly identified. He wrote on
Etruscan matters, which do not seem to be predictable expertise of known
people with this name. These include the prefect of Egypt in ad 10–11
(Demougin, Prosopographie, no. 120), and his possible relative, who led an

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 20 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
expedition into the Cimmerian Bosporus in ad 49 (Demougin,
Prosopographie, no. 533). Pliny’s source may have been a member of this
family.
Licinius Mucianus (C. Licinius Mucianus, Books 2, 3, 4, 5, 6), was
consul in ad 64, 70, and 72 and a close associate of the emperor
Vespasian. After a lengthy military career he turned to scholarship and
wrote, among other things, on geographical marvels. He was cited 32
times by Pliny, especially on the topic of unusual springs (Paul
T. Keyser, “Licinius Mucianus,” EANS 507–8; Thomas Francis
Caldwell, “The Career of Licinius Mucianus,” [M. A. thesis,
University of Melbourne, 2015] 27–49).
T. Livius (Livy, Books 2, 3), was the well-known historian of the
Augustan period, cited occasionally in the Natural History.
T. Livius the Son (Books 5, 6) cannot be identified, but was presumably
a relative of the historian.
Nigidius (P. Nigidius Figulus, Book 6) was an important politician and
scholar of the first half of the first century bc: Cicero (Timaeus 1) spoke
highly of his diligence (Bruno Centrone, “P. Nigidius Figulus,“ EANS
572–3).
L. Piso (Books 2, 3) was probably the consul of 133 bc, L. Calpurnius
Piso Frugi (FRH #9). He wrote a history of Rome, which survives in nearly
50 fragments. To be sure, L. Calpurnius Piso is one of the most common
names of the late Republic and into the early Empire, and it is not certain
that Pliny’s two geographical citations of “L. Piso” (NH 2.140, 3.131) refer
to the same person.
Pomponius Mela (Books 3, 4, 5, 6) is the only extant Latin geographer
previous to Pliny. His three-book Chorographia, composed during the
reign of Claudius, is an important testimonium to the study of ancient
geography, and was used regularly by Pliny.
Sebosus (Sebosus Statius, Books 2, 3, 5, 6) wrote a little-known geo-
graphical treatise whose material extended from the Atlantic to India (NH
6.183, 201–2, 9.46). He probably lived in the Julio-Claudian period (Paul
T. Keyser, “Sebosus Statius,” EANS 729).
Seneca (L. Annaeus Seneca the Younger, Book 6), the polymath and
advisor to the emperor Nero, included among his interests a study of rivers
(Daryn Lehoux, “L. Annaeus Seneca,” EANS 84–5). His Natural Questions
were a probable source for the cosmological material of Book 2, but he was
not cited by name in that book.
Sergius Plautus (Book 2) may be the little-known Stoic author cited by
Quintilian (Institutes 10.1.124, etc.; PIR S378), but his identity is uncertain.

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 21
Suetonius Paulinus (C. Suetonius Paulinus, Book 5) was the first
Roman officer to cross the Atlas mountains and to penetrate into tropical
West Africa, during a propraetorian command in ad 42 (PIR S694). He
published a report of his expedition (NH 5.14–15), some of the earliest
material in Latin about the strange world of the tropics. He was later
governor of Britannia during the revolt of Boudica.
Sulpicius Gallus (C. Sulpicius Gallus or Galus, Book 2) was a little-
known writer on astronomy from the early second century bc (NH 2.53;
Bruno Centrone, “C. Sulpicius Gallus” EANS 768).
Tarquitius (Book 2) was an Etruscan scholar, probably the same one
mentioned by Macrobius (Saturnalia 3.7.2), who translated an Etruscan
book of portents.
Imperator Titus Caesar (Book 2), who became emperor in June of ad
79, two months before Pliny’s death, wrote a poem in ad 76 about a comet
which appeared in that year (NH 2.89).
Q. Tubero (Q. Aelius Tubero, Book 2) was primarily a legal scholar. He
fought alongside Cn. Pompeius Magnus (Pompey the Great) at Pharsalus
and then devoted his life to law and history (FRH #38). His history was 14
or more books long, from the earliest times to at least the second cen-
tury bc.
Tullius Tiro (M. Tullius Tiro, Book 2), the freedman and confidant of
Cicero (FRH #46), was most noted for a biography of his patron and
editing some of his speeches and letters. Exactly what use Pliny made of his
writings is unknown.
Turranius Gracilis (Book 3), prefect of Egypt in the Augustan period,
wrote on geography and agriculture. Pliny’s several citations of his work
(NH 3.3, 9.11, 18.75) all relate to Iberia, his home region (Paul T. Keyser,
“Turranius Gracilis,” EANS 820).
Valerianus (Book 3), cited for the Roman destruction of the city of the
Vidicinians (in Picenum), may be the Cornelius Valerianus cited in Books
8, 10, 14, 15, or the name is possibly an error for Valerius Antias (FRH #25,
F70; supra, p. 17).
M. Varro (M. Terentius Varro, Books 2, 3, 4, 5, 6), the prolific polymath
of the first century bc, was quoted extensively by Pliny. His works on the
Latin language and agriculture survive; of particular interest to Pliny would
have been his extensive geographical and meteorological writings (Philip
Thibodeau, “M. Terentius Varro of Reate,” EANS 774–8).
Varro Atacinus (P. Terentius Varro, Books 3, 4, 5, 6), of the first century
bc and known as “Atacinus” from the Atax River at Narbo, his home,
wrote a Chorographia in three books, which was didactic in tone, and an

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 22 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
Ephemeris, on weather forecasting, which influenced Vergil in his Georgics
(Georgia L. Irby-Massie, “P. Terentius Varro of Narbo, ‘Atax’,”
EANS 774).
Verrius Flaccus (M. Verrius Flaccus, Book 3) was an important gram-
marian and linguist during the second half of the first century bc and into
the following century. He was the teacher of the grandsons of Augustus,
C. and L. Caesar (Suetonius, Grammarians 17; Karl-Ludwig Elvers,
“Verrius,” BNP 15 [2010] 323–5).
L. Vetus (Books 3, 4, 5, 6) is probably L. Antistius Vetus, consul in ad 55
and proconsul of Asia in ad 64–5 (PIR A612). He also served in Germania.
Nothing is known about his writings.

“Foreign” authors
Agathocles (Agathokles, Books 4, 5, 6) cannot easily be identified. In
addition to the tyrant of Syracuse in the fourth century bc, there was
an Agathocles from Atrax, active probably in the third century bc, who
wrote On Fishes (Paul T. Keyser and Georgia L. Irby-Massie, “Agathokles,”
EANS 43–4), and one from Chios, who was the author of a treatise on
agriculture (Philip Thibodeau, “Agathokles of Khios” EANS 44). An
Agathocles from Kyzikos, of uncertain Hellenistic date, wrote about his
native city (FGrHist #472). All these have been suggested to be Pliny’s
source, and since no Agathocles is mentioned by name in the text of Books
4–6, it is difficult to determine Pliny’s use of him.
Aglaosthenes (or Aglosthenes, Book 4), from Naxos, lived in the fourth
or third century bc and was the author of a poem called the Naxila, about
the island and its relationship with Zeus (FGrHist #499).
Alexander the Great (Book 6) was mentioned regularly by Pliny, but it
is difficult to determine how he might have been used as a literary source. It
is possible that Pliny was merely citing quotations from the king that
appeared in the accounts of his career. Yet a reference to “Itineraries of
Alexander the Great” (NH 6.45) may refer to published documents, and,
moreover, papers were found at the time of his death which later became
available to scholars (E. Badian, “A King’s Notebooks,” HSCP 72 [1968]
183–204).
Alexander Polyhistor (Books 3, 4, 5, 6), from Miletus, obtained his
surname because of his polymathic abilities (FGrHist #273). He was
brought to Rome in the 80s bc and became a prolific writer, dying after
40 bc. Nearly 150 fragments of his works survive, heavily tilted toward
geography and ethnography. Pliny used him regularly.

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 23
Amometus (Book 6), probably from Cyrene, where the name is com-
mon, lived in the third century bc and wrote on geographical paradoxes
and fantasies (Paul T. Keyser, “Amometos (of Kurene?),” EANS 67).
Anaximander (Books 2, 4), may be the scholar from Miletus, who lived
in the early sixth century bc and was the second of the Ionian monists. He
drew the first map of the world, and as a natural scientist was interested in
geographical speculation (Roller, Ancient Geography 27–9). There was also
a later Anaximander, also from Miletus (FGrHist #9), of the fourth century
bc, who is obscure but may be Pliny’s source for the entry at NH 4.58.
Anticlides (Antikleides, Book 4), an Athenian, lived around 300 bc,
and wrote a history of Alexander the Great and on various antiquarian
topics, including a study of the mythological history of Delos
(FGrHist #140).
Antigenes (Book 5) cannot be accurately identified, but may be the
officer of Alexander the Great who was also prominent in the early era of
the Successors (Waldemar Heckel, Who’s Who in the Age of Alexander the
Great [Malden 2006] 30–1).
Apollodorus (Books 4, 6), is probably the scholar from Artemita, active
in the early first century bc. His Parthika may have been one of Pliny’s
sources for Central Asia (Georgia L. Irby-Massie, “Apollodoros of
Artemita,” EANS 106–7). Another possibility is the geographical writer
from Athens, also of the first century bc (FGrHist #244); the sheer number
of literary personalities with this name makes certainty impossible.
Archimedes (Book 2) is the scientist and engineer of the third century
bc from Syracuse. He was a major personality in the history of mathemat-
ics (Reviel Netz, “Archimedes of Surakousai,” EANS 125–8).
Aristarchus of Sicyon (Book 5) is little known, but at some time after
60 bc he wrote a description of Greece that extended north to Dacia (Paul
T. Keyser, “Aristarkhos of Sikuon,” EANS 133).
Aristides (Aristeides, Book 4), perhaps from Cnidus and active in the
fourth century bc, wrote on the Aegean islands (NH 4.64, 70; Paul
T. Keyser, “Aristeides (of Knidos?),” EANS 135).
Aristocreon (Aristokreon, Books 5, 6), probably from the early third
century bc, wrote an Aithiopika (NH 5.59, 6.183). He may have come from
Cyprus or Cos (Georgia L. Irby-Massie, “Aristokreon,” EANS 138).
Aristocritus (Aristokritos, Books 4, 5) is obscure (FGrHist #493). He
may have been from Miletus, which he wrote about. He also provided
Pliny with information about Samos (NH 5.135). Since he was quoted by
Parthenios, the poet of the early first century bc, he must be contemporary
to or predate that time, but nothing more is known.

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 24 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
Aristotle (Books 2, 5), the polymath of the fourth century bc from
Stageira in Macedonia, was cited occasionally by Pliny.
Artemidorus (Books 2, 3, 4, 5, 6), from Ephesus and active at the end of
the second century bc, wrote a geography in 11 books, probably the longest
work on its topic up to that time. The work was used regularly by Pliny. He
cited “Artemidorus the Ephesian” in the catalogue to Book 2, and just
“Artemidorus” for the remaining books, but it is probable that all the
references are to the scholar from Ephesus (R. Stiehle, “Der Geograph
Artemidoros von Ephesos,” Philologus 11 [1856] 193–244).
Astynomus (Books 4, 5) wrote on islands, probably before 100 bc (Paul
T. Keyser, “Astunomos,” EANS 175).
Baeton (Baiton, Books 5, 6) was one of those keeping the record of the
itinerary of Alexander the Great, perhaps in company with Diognetus (NH
6.61), and published it with additional ethnographic and scientific data. He
may have returned to India for further research after the expedition (NH
6.69). His name suggests that he might have been Egyptian (Paul
T. Keyser, “Baiton,” EANS 186).
Basilis (Book 6) wrote an Indika, and perhaps other works on the
eastern and southern portions of the known world. He probably lived in
the third or second century bc, and is otherwise unknown (Georgia
L. Irby-Massie, “Basilis,” EANS 190–1).
Bion (Book 6), from Soloi, wrote a lengthy work on Aethiopia, as well as
on agricultural topics. He probably lived in the early third century bc
(Philip Thibodeau, “Bion of Soloi,” EANS 193)
Callicrates (Kallikrates, Books 3, 5) cannot be identified. Whether he
was the famous Athenian architect of the fifth century bc remains
speculative.
Callidemus (Kallidemos, Book 4), wrote about Euboea (NH 4.64), but
is only known through Pliny’s citation and the parallel one by Solinus
(11.15).
Callimachus (Kallimachos, Books 4, 5, 6), the polymath from Cyrene,
was active in the third century bc. He was said to have written over 800
works; those most relevant to Pliny were his scientific and geographical
treatises (Jan Bollansée et al., “Kallimakhos of Kurene,” EANS 463).
Calliphanes (Kalliphanes, Books 3, 5) is unknown except for Pliny’s
citations in the catalogue and a single reference to the Machlyes,
a hermaphroditic people in sub-Saharan Africa (NH 7.15). He was prob-
ably of Hellenistic date.
Cleobulus (Kleoboulos, Books 4–5) was a little-known geographer
probably of Late Hellenistic or Early Imperial date.

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 25
Clitarchus (Kleitarchos, Book 6), from Alexandria, wrote a history of
Alexander’s eastern journey at the end of the fourth century bc (although
he does not seem to have been a member of the expedition). His material
was widely used by later Alexander historians (FGrHist #137; Heckel, Who’s
Who 86).
Coeranus the Philosopher (Koiranos, Book 2) was a scholar of the era
of Claudius and Nero, who seems to have written on cosmology (Paul
T. Keyser, “Koiranos,” EANS 485).
Crates the Grammarian (Krates, Book 4), from Mallos in Cilicia, who
lived in the second century bc, was primarily a grammarian, but his
Homeric studies led him to geographical issues and the construction of
the first world globe, which was on display at Pergamum, where he was
librarian and ambassador to Rome (Daniela Dueck, “Krates of Mallos,”
EANS 490).
Critodemus (Kritodemos, Book 2) was a Greco-Egyptian writer on
astrology, active perhaps in the third century bc. He was said to have
been a student of Berossos, the Babylonian historian, and thus to have had
access to Babylonian material (NH 7.193; Francesca Rochberg,
“Kritodemos,” EANS 493).
Ctesias (Ktesias, Book 2) was from Cnidus and active around 400 bc.
He was physician to the Persian king Artaxerxes II, and wrote a history of
Persia and an account of India. His writings tend toward the fantastic and
marvellous, and his Persian history had many suspect accounts (FGrHist
#688; Philip Kaplan, “Ktesias of Knidos,” EANS 496).
Dalion (Book 6) was the author of an Aithiopika, written during the
early Ptolemaic period. He was probably the first Greek to go up the Nile
far beyond Meroë (NH 6.183; FGrHist #666; Georgia L. Irby-Massie,
“Dalion (Geog.),” EANS 222).
Damastes (Books 4, 5, 6), from Sigeion, wrote in the later part of the
fifth century bc, and was one of the early Greek ethnographers
(FGrHist #5).
Democritus (Demokritos, Book 2) was presumably the natural philoso-
pher from Abdera, of the late fifth and early fourth centuries bc, noted for
his development of the atomic theory. There was, however, another
Democritus who wrote on lapidary topics (NH 1.37). Whichever person
was meant, he was cited by Pliny at NH 2.14 because of his views on the
gods.
Demodamas (Book 6), from Miletus, was a military leader in the early
Seleucid period, who went far into Central Asia, crossing the Iaxartes (Paul
T. Keyser, “Demodamas of Miletos,” EANS 233).

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 26 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
Dicaearchus (Dikaiarchos, Books 2, 4, 5, 6) was from Messana and one
of Aristotle’s students. He was noted for his innovative geographical
research, measuring the heights of mountains and creating a baseline of
latitude across the inhabited world (Keyser, “Geographical Work” 353–72).
Diodorus of Syracuse (Books 3, 5) cannot be identified with certainty,
since he is only mentioned in the index and not in the text. He is probably
the historian of the first century bc, known popularly today as Diodorus of
Sicily, whose lengthy history, the Bibliotheke, is partially extant. But this
Diodorus was actually from Agyrion, well to the northwest of Syracuse.
Diognetus (Diognetos, Book 6), perhaps from one of the towns named
Erythrai, recorded the route of Alexander the Great, perhaps in cooper-
ation with Baeton (NH 6.61). He is otherwise unknown (FGrHist #120).
Dionysius (Books 4, 5) cannot be identified, as there are many scholars
with the name. The most likely is the familiar historian and ethnographer
from Halicarnassus, known for his extant Roman Antiquities and other
works, active in the first century bc. A reference by Pliny to a Dionysius
from Charax (at the head of the Persian Gulf, NH 6.141) is certainly an
error for Isidorus.
Dosiades (Book 4) was a historian of Crete, active in the early third
century bc (FGrHist #458).
Ephorus (Books 4, 5, 6), from Cyme in Aeolis, was an important
historian of the fourth century bc, who also made significant advances
in geographical theory (FGrHist #70). His history was in 30 books, of
which over 200 fragments survive.
Epigenes (Book 2) is probably either the scholar from Byzantium of
Late Hellenistic or Augustan date, who wrote on astrology and had access
to Babylonian sources (NH 7.160; Francesca Rochberg, “Epigenes of
Buzantion,” EANS 290), or the agrarian writer from Rhodes of uncertain
Hellenistic date (Philip Thibodeau, “Epigenes of Rhodes,” EANS 291).
Eratosthenes (Books 2, 4, 5, 6), the polymath from Cyrene, spent his
academic career in Alexandria. He was the inventor of the discipline of
geography and also calculated the circumference of the earth. He was active
in the second half of the third century bc (Roller, Eratosthenes).
Euclides (Euclid, Book 2), from Alexandria, was the famous mathem-
atician of the early Ptolemaic period, noted for his development of the
discipline of geometry.
Eudoxus (Books 2, 4, 5, 6), from Cnidus, lived in the early fourth
century bc. He was a mathematician and astronomer, but also had
a particular interest in geography. His Circuit of the Earth was the longest
geographical work to date, and was notable for its consideration of the

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 27
dimensions and size of the inhabited world (Roller, Ancient Geography 75–6).
The citation at NH 6.198 may actually refer to the adventurer from Cyzicus,
of the late second century bc.
Hanno (Book 5), a Carthaginian aristocrat, made a voyage around 500
bc along the West African coast as far as the tropics. A summary of his
report was translated into Greek at an early date (Duane W. Roller,
Through the Pillars of Herakles [New York 2006] 29–43).
Hecataeus (Hekataios, Books 4, 5, 6), from Miletus and active around
500 bc, wrote a Circuit of the Earth, the first work of its genre, based in part
on his extensive travels. Nearly 400 fragments survive, and it was used
regularly by later writers (FGrHist #1). But the citation at NH 6.55 is
certainly Hecataeus of Abdera, of the late fourth century bc, who wrote
on fantasy geography (FGrHist #264).
Hellanicus (Hellanikos, Books 4, 5, 6), from Lesbos, was a mythographer
and ethnographer of the fifth century bc. He was also interested in chron-
ology (FGrHist #4).
Heraclides (Herakleides, Book 4), cited by Pliny for a detail about the
Aegean island of Melos (NH 4.70), is probably the geographer of the third
century bc known as “Kritikos,” but this is not certain (Daniela Dueck,
“Herakleides ‘Kritikos’,” EANS 366).
Herodotus (Books 2, 5), is the familiar logographic historian of the fifth
century bc, from Halicarnassus.
Himilco (Himilkon, Book 5), a Carthaginian, travelled around 500
bc into the Atlantic, from Iberia north to the British Isles. Details of
his voyage are scantily preserved, although a written report seems to
have survived into the Roman period (Roller, Through the Pillars
27–9).
Hipparchus (Books 2, 5, 6), from Nicaea, was a mathematician of the
latter second century bc. He also had astrological interests (NH 2.95), and
wrote a critique of Eratosthenes’ Geography from a mathematical point of
view, which survives in about 60 fragments and was cited occasionally by
Pliny (D. R. Dicks, The Geographical Fragments of Hipparchus [London
1960]).
Isidorus the Characene (Books 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, cited only as “Isidorus” in
Books 3–6) was from the town of Charax, at the head of the Persian Gulf
(FGrHist #781). His Parthian Stations, an itinerary from Mesopotamia to
India, is extant. He was commissioned by the emperor Augustus to write
on the geography of the East as advance preparation for Gaius Caesar’s
extensive travels of 2 bc–ad 4. The “Dionysius” from Charax at NH 6.141
is an error for Isidorus.

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 28 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
King Juba (Books 5, 6), the scholarly king of Mauretania during the
period of Augustus and Tiberius, wrote extensively on Roman history, the
ethnography of his kingdom, Africa, and the route east to India (FGrHist
#275; Roller, World of Juba).
Megasthenes (Books 5, 6), active during the generation after Alexander
the Great, spent time at the court of Chandragupta, the Mauryan king, at
Pataliputra in India, and wrote an Indika, an important ethnography of the
region (FGrHist #715).
Menaechmus (Menaichmos, Book 4), from Sikyon, was an Alexander
historian who also wrote about his native region, as well as on artistic
topics. He was active in the late fourth century bc (FGrHist #131).
Metrodorus (Books 3, 4, 5, 6), from Scepsis in the Troad, was an
intimate of Mithridates VI of Pontus, and thus active in the early first
century bc. He wrote a variety of works, including a history and
a geography, the latter perhaps to assist Mithridates in his grandiose
plans. He was also famous for devising a unique mnemonic system
(FGrHist #184).
Myrsilus (Books 4, 5), from Methymna and active in the first half of the
third century bc, wrote a Lesbiaka and a treatise on historical and natural
paradoxes (FGrHist #477).
Nearchus (Book 6), from Crete, was a member of Alexander’s exped-
ition and was the commander of the fleet down the Indus as well as the one
that returned from its mouth to the Persian Gulf. He wrote an account of
the voyages (FGrHist #133).
Nechepsus (Nechepso, Book 2) was the pseudonym of the author of
a group of Greek texts on astrology emanating from Hellenistic Egypt and
probably collated in the second century bc. The name is associated with
another Egyptian pseudonym, Petosiris, also cited by Pliny (Ernest Riess,
Nechepsonis et Petosiridis Fragmenta Magica [Bonn 1890]; Francesca
Rochberg, “Petosiris, or Nekhepso-Petosiris,” EANS 637–8).
Nymphodorus (Books 3, 5), from Syracuse and living perhaps around
200 bc, wrote on Sicily, and also a geographical work covering at least
Asia. Both seem to have emphasized the marvelous (FGrHist #572).
Onesicritus (Onesikritos, Books 2, 6), from Astypalaea, was a member
of Alexander’s expedition. He was the king’s liaison with the Brahman
community at Taxila, and then the chief pilot of the sea voyage from India
to the Persian Gulf. He wrote on the philosophy and culture of India, and
also an account of the sea voyage (FGrHist #134).
Panaetius (Panaitios, Book 5, 6), from Lindos on Rhodes, may have
been the scholar who was the head of the Athenian Stoa in the late second

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 Book 1: Catalogue of Sources Listed for Books 2–6 29
century bc, but since he is not cited in the text of the Natural History, this
is uncertain (Daryn Lehoux, “Panaitios of Rhodes (Lindos),” EANS 608).
Patrocles (Patrokles, Book 6), a military leader and explorer of the early
Seleucid era, was the first Greek to make a reconnaissance of the Caspian
Sea. His report is not extant (FGrHist #712).
Petosiris (Book 2), along with Nechepsus, is one of the names given to
the author of works on astrology that emanated from Hellenistic Egypt
(Rochberg, “Petosiris,” EANS 637–8).
Philemon (Book 4), dating to the early first century ad, wrote
a geographical treatise on northern Europe, perhaps with a focus on the
amber trade (Paul T. Keyser, “Philemon,” EANS 645).
Philistides of Mallos (Book 4), known only from two citations in the
Natural History (4.58, 120), wrote on islands, perhaps in the early first
century bc.
Philonides (Books 4, 5), from Chersonesus on Crete, was a professional
runner (hemerodromos), and was one of those recording the itinerary of
Alexander the Great (FGrHist #121).
Polybius (Books 4, 5, 6), from Megalopolis in the Peloponnesus, was
the political leader, explorer, and polymath of the second century bc. He
included extensive geographical data in his history, and led an expedition
to tropical West Africa. His geographical works exist only in fragments.
Posidonius (Poseidonios, Books 2, 4, 5, 6), from Apamea in Syria, was
a polymath of the late second and early first centuries bc. He was
a significant contributor to geography, meteorology, and cosmology. His
works are all lost, but survive in nearly 300 fragments (L. Edelstein and
I. G. Kidd, Posidonius 1: The Fragments [second edition, Cambridge 1989]).
Pyrrander (Book 5) cannot be identified, but may be the Hellenistic
author (Pyrandros) of a Peloponnesiaka who also wrote on myth
(FGrHist #504).
The Pythagoreans (Book 2) were the followers of Pythagoras of
Croton, and were active from the fifth century bc into the Early
Hellenistic period. In addition, there was a later body of material attributed
to them. Pliny did not mention any of them by name except for Pythagoras
himself (NH 2.83–4, 191).
Pytheas (Books 2, 4) was a Greek explorer from Massilia (Greek
Massalia), dating to the late fourth century bc and noted for being the
first Greek to explore the British Isles and to penetrate the Arctic, reporting
on the phenomena of high latitudes. His treatise, On the Ocean, is lost but
survives in a number of fragments (Christina Horst Roseman, Pytheas of
Massalia, On the Ocean [Chicago 1994]).

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 30 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
Serapion (Books 2, 4, 5), from the early first century bc, was from Antioch
in Syria, and wrote on geography. Pliny distinguished between Serapion the
gnomicus (an expert on sundials) and Serapion of Antioch, but these are
probably the same person (Paul T. Keyser, “Serapion of Antioch,” EANS 733).
Simonides the Younger (Book 6) was a Ptolemaic envoy who spent five
years in Meroë and wrote an Aithiopika, cited only by Pliny (NH 6.183;
FGrHist #669).
Sosigenes (Book 2) is probably the astronomer from Alexandria who
assisted Julius Caesar with his reform of the calendar (NH 18.210–12; Alan
C. Bowen, “Sosigenes (I),” EANS 752).
Sotades (Book 5) cannot be identified. He may be the Athenian author
on mystery cults, of uncertain date, but this is speculative (FGrHist #358).
Staphylus (Book 4, 5) was a historian of uncertain Hellenistic date (perhaps
from before 150 bc), who wrote a number of ethnologies (FGrHist #269).
Theophrastus (Book 3), of Eresos, was the student and successor of
Aristotle. Remembered today largely for his botanical works, he was a prolific
polymath.
Theopompus (Books 2, 3) from Chios, was a major historian of the
fourth century bc, who wrote a general history of the Greek world as well
as a treatise on the environment of Philip II of Macedonia. Over 400
fragments of his works survive (FGrHist #115).
Thrasyllus (Book 2) is probably the writer on rivers, from Mendes,
perhaps dating to the Julio-Claudian period (FGrHist #622), but this is not
certain. Whether he is identical with the mathematician who became the
astrologer of Tiberius cannot be proven (Harold Tarrant, “Thrasullus, Ti.
Claudius (of Mendes?),” EANS 806–7).
Thucydides (Books 3, 4) was the familiar historian of the Peloponnesian
War, from the late fifth century bc.
Timaeus (Timaios, Books 2, 4, 6), from Tauromenium, was the histor-
ian of the late fourth and early third century bc, who included
a geographical component in his work (FGrHist #566).
Timaeus the Mathematician (Book 5) is probably the astrological
writer of the Late Hellenistic or Julio-Claudian period, who also wrote
on the flooding of the Nile (Alexander Jones, “Timaios (Astrol.),”
EANS 810).
Timagenes (Book 3), from Alexandria, became a close associate of
Augustus (although they eventually had a falling out), and wrote
a universal history (FGrHist #88).
Timosthenes (Books 4, 5, 6), from Rhodes, was the naval chief of staff of
Ptolemy II and wrote On Harbors, a nautical guide for Ptolemaic seamen

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 Book 1: Other Literary Sources 31
(Duane W. Roller, “Timosthenes of Rhodes,” in New Directions in the Study of
Ancient Geography [ed. Duane W. Roller, University Park, Pa. 2019] 56–79).
Xenagoras (Books 4, 5), perhaps from Herakleia Pontika, wrote On
Islands and a chronological treatise at some time during the Hellenistic
period (FGrHist #240).
Xenophon of Lampsacus (Books 3, 4, 5, 6) was a geographer who wrote
on Syria and the coasts beyond the Mediterranean. He probably lived in the
first century bc (Daniela Dueck, “Xenophon of Lampsakos,” EANS 840–1).

Literary Sources Not Mentioned in Book 1

There are ten authors who are mentioned in Book 2 but who do not appear
in the lists of Book 1. Homer was also noted in the other books. In some
cases the failure of these authors to appear in Book 1 probably means that
Pliny did not consult them directly, but through Hellenistic syntheses of
earlier scholarship, especially on the topic of Greek philosophy. In some
cases their actual writings may not have been available. Yet it is highly
unlikely that he did not have copies of Homer and Plato in his library.
Following is a list of the ten authors.
Anaxagoras of Clazomenae (NH 2.149–50) was the philosopher and
natural scientist of the fifth century bc, who spent most of his career in
Athens.
Anaximenes of Miletus (NH 2.187) was the third of the Ionian monists,
active in the sixth century bc, and was noted for a physical theory that saw
air as the basis of the origin of the cosmos.
Cidenas (Kidennas or Kidennu) of Babylon (NH 2.38–9), probably
from 150 bc or later, was an astronomer, largely concerned with the nature
of the moon (Francesca Rochberg, “Kidennas (Kidinnu) of Babylon,”
EANS 475).
Cleostratus (Kleostratos) of Tenedos (NH 2.31), from the late sixth
century bc, was an early astronomical and calendrical theorist.
Homer, the epic poet, was cited several times.
Pherecydes of Syros (NH 2.191) was allegedly the teacher of Pythagoras
and was active in the mid-sixth century bc and an early cosmologist.
Pindar (NH 2.54) was the lyric poet of the late sixth and fifth centur-
ies bc.
Plato (NH 2.205) was mentioned only once, in reference to Atlantis.
Stesichorus (NH 2.54) was the lyric poet of the early sixth century bc.
Thales of Miletus (NH 2.53), of the early sixth century bc, was the
founder of the Greek intellectual tradition and a hydraulic engineer.

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 book 2

Cosmology

Book 2 of the Natural History, the opening book of the text proper, is not
strictly geographical, but its discussion of the cosmos is a fitting introduc-
tion for the geographical examination that follows. There is an emphasis on
the divinity (deus) and its relevance to Roman life, yet this is a divinity that
has little or no concern for human affairs. This lays the groundwork for the
sense of utility that underlies much of the Natural History, more apparent,
perhaps, in practical sections such as those on agriculture and zoology than
geography.
Stoic views pervade Pliny’s cosmology, such as the bonding together of
the universe, the role of the moon, and the inevitability of death (NH 2.5,
43, 175; Mary Beagon, Roman Nature: The Thought of Pliny the Elder
[Oxford 1992] 26–33). Yet Stoicism is less apparent, and indeed less
relevant, in the purely geographical portions of the treatise, and in fact
Pliny’s philosophical views were quite eclectic. The book begins with
a consideration of the earth itself, but in a cosmic sense (1–153), and with
a focus on the heavenly bodies (28–101; Alan C. Bowen, “Hellenistic
Astronomy,” in The Oxford Handbook of Science and Medicine in the
Classical World [ed. Paul T. Keyser with John Scarborough, Oxford
2018] 305–10). Then there is a lengthy section on weather (105–53): since
the planets were said to affect the weather, this follows naturally from his
cosmic discussions.
The remainder of the book is somewhat more geographical (154–248),
with a discussion of the nature of the earth and the natural phenomena
affecting it. This includes issues such as the water on its surface (166–70,
201–6, 212–34), the location of the earth in the cosmos as well as the seasons
(176–88), earthquakes (191–200), and the seas and fire (212–48). Again,
there is a focus on utility to the Roman people. As is common throughout
the Natural History, there are many other topics and cultural anecdotes
scattered throughout. Although Pliny listed over forty sources for Book 2,
from Herodotus to ones of his own era, most apparent are Cicero
32

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 Book 2.1-2–3 33
(especially de natura deorum), Seneca’s Natural Questions, and Aristotle’s
Meteorologika.

The Heavens
2.1–2. The solemn opening of the Natural History has a religious tone,
seeing the cosmos (or universe) as divine. It is similar to a passage in Plato’s
Timaios (28b), where there is also a difficulty about what the cosmos (or, to
Plato, the ouranos) should be called, a question whose answer was avoided
by both Plato and Pliny. Pliny chose mundus – normally “world” – rather
than the broader terms used by Plato, relying more on Cicero’s translation
of the dialogue. This was also the word used by Pomponius Mela (1.1).
Although in some ways mundus is more limiting than the Greek words, it is
ambiguous and also has cosmic overtones, as noted by Lucretius (4.134–6),
as well as Vergil with his “clarissima mundi lumina” (“brightest lights of
the world,” Georgics 1.5–6; Mireille Courrént, “Innumerabiles mundos. . .
Pline l’Ancien et l’esprit de découverte (Histoire Naturelle 2, 1–3),”
Euphrosyne 27 [1999] 51–64). With mundus, Pliny has not only aligned
himself with Roman views on cosmology, but used the word in order to
look beyond his discussion of the cosmos to the world itself, the essential
subject of the Natural History. Another influence may have been
Posidonius’ critique of the Timaios (F85).
The mundus is seen as divine, and has all the specific attributes of divinity.
This is not the finite world of the Stoics (Diogenes Laertios 7.140), but a more
Pythagorean one, reflecting the treatise preserved under the name of Ocellus
Lucanus and probably of late Hellenistic date, which described the universe as
eternal and indestructible (Bruno Centrone, “Ocellus Lucanus,” EANS 586).
Paradoxically it is infinite but appears to be finite.
As an aside, Pliny noted that what was beyond the mundus was not of
human concern and not even of human comprehension, since everything
was under the sky (caelum). This difficult issue was discussed slightly more
thoroughly at NH 2.4.
2.3. Without mentioning specifics, Pliny expressed his indignation at
those who attempted to determine the size of the universe and the distance
between its component parts, as well as the idea that there could be
multiple universes. Such thoughts had been expressed by Aristotle (On
the Heavens 1.9.278b), although Pliny was somewhat more polemical. This
issue was considered further at NH 2.83–8. The phrase “natura omnium
artifex” is similar to Cicero, de natura deorum 2.58, and the repeated use of
“rerum natura” is a memory of Lucretius.

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 34 A Guide to the Geography of Pliny the Elder
2.4. Pliny’s disdain for investigating what is beyond the universe was
founded, in part, on the belief that the universe itself is so imperfectly
known that such inquiries are foolish. There is also a hint of the universe as
a living being, an idea put forth by Plato (Timaios 30ab), and originating in
Ionian monistic philosophy, especially with Anaximander (Paul T. Keyser,
“The Kozy Kosmos of Early Cosmology,” in New Directions in the Study of
Ancient Geography [ed. Duane W. Roller, University Park, Pa. 2019] 30–1).
The section concludes Pliny’s discussion about the ultimate nature of the
universe.
2.5. Although Pliny’s terminology is somewhat ambiguous, it is clear that
here (and through 2.7) he was describing the universe as a whole, not merely
the earth. This is despite the use of the word “orbis,” which can also mean
the earth, used by Pomponius Mela (1.1) as the first word of his treatise.
Much of Pliny’s account would apply to the earth itself (Cicero, de natura
deorum 2.115–16). The universe – as manifested to humans by the half-sphere
visible above the earth and the celestial bodies – is a perfect sphere; this is
obvious to the viewer. It is all bonded together, as Cicero noted (de natura
deorum 2.115), in a shape most suitable for rotation. Such a universe was
popularized by Posidonius (F8) and was a Stoic belief. In addition to the
universe, the earth itself is spherical, as are the sun and moon (Posidonius
F117, 122). Thus all three were analogies to the universe itself. Posidonius was
probably Pliny’s immediate source, but this concept originated, in part, with
the Pythagoreans and their spherical earth (Diogenes Laertios 8.48). The
spherical universe could be validated empirically by a viewer on the surface of
the earth, who would see an arc rising above in every direction.
2.6. The motion of the sun was also seen as proof of the spherical
universe and its rotation (which is at an unknown speed). The concept
of the “harmony of the spheres” – that the rotation of the universe and its
components makes a harmonic sound – was attributed to the Pythagoreans
(Censorinus, de die natali 13.5; Hippolytos, Refutations 1.2.2). Aristotle,
who rejected the idea, nevertheless described it in detail, but also noted as
part of the theory that humanity would have become conditioned to the
sounds and would not hear them (Aristotle, On the Heavens 2.9.290b),
something alluded to by Pliny. See further, NH 2.84.
2.7. The celestial sphere is not smooth and featureless but has representa-
tions of living beings on it, a sculptural analogy of the constellations that was
explored further at NH 2.8–9. This section is peculiar, not only because of its
reference to the surface of an egg but the suggestion that creatures on the earth
are produced by fertilization from the celestial ones, something more folk
wisdom than cosmology, with Orphic overtones. There is also a rejection of

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 Book 2.4–10 35
the Platonic perfection of the cosmos, whose surface was smooth (Plato,
Timaios 33bc). The Bear (Ursa Major) and Bull (Taurus) are both prominent
constellations, known since earliest times, but it is difficult to understand why
Deltoton – shaped like the letter delta – was also cited. This constellation,
today known as Triangulum and lying between Andromeda and Perseus, is
faint and obscure. Although the region around the celestial pole has few stars,
Pliny may have been alluding to the density of the Milky Way, which in
Greek antiquity was generally known merely as the Milk (Gala), and was
discussed in detail by Aristotle (Meteorologika 1.8).
2.8. A linguistic digression considers various words for the cosmos.
Ornamentum is Pliny’s translation of Greek kosmos; the Greek word had
been used since the beginning of Greek literature to mean “ornament,”
such as when Hera adorned herself in order to distract Zeus (Homer, Iliad
14.187). The word only came to have an astronomical meaning with the
Pythagoreans, perhaps first so used by Parmenides (Diogenes Laertios
8.48). Mundus also has the meaning of “ornament,” and by the second
century bc it seems to have had its astronomical definition (Varro, de
lingua latina 7.14 [quoting Accius]). This was eventually popularized by
Lucretius (4.134) and Vergil (Georgics 1.5). The word caelum, generally
translated as “sky” or “heavens,” seems to have originated from a concept
that it was engraved, with the celestial bodies positioned on the cosmic
sphere in the manner of gold or silver art work (Varro, de lingua latina 5.18).
This is Pliny’s first mention (outside of Book 1) of one of his major sources,
the polymath M. Terentius Varro, of the first century bc, who was cited
regularly throughout the geographical sections of the Natural History
(Klaus Gunther Sallmann, Die Geographie des älteren Plinius in ihrem
Verhältnis zu Varro: Versuch einer Quellenanalyse [Berlin 1971]).
2.9. The discussion of the celestial sphere concludes with a passing reference
to the zodiac, the 12 constellations that mark the path of the sun through the
heavens. A full catalogue had been provided by Aratos of Soloi in the early
third century bc (Phainomena 544–52; B. L. van der Waerden, “History of the
Zodiac,” AOF 16 [1952–3] 216–30). The final statement returns to NH 2.1 and
reminds the reader of the eternal nature of the universe.

The Four Elements

2.10. The concept of four elements is attributed to Empedokles of Akragas,
active in the fifth century bc. He called them “roots” (rhizomata), and
described them in divine terms: heat (Pliny’s fire) was Zeus, air was Hera,
earth was Aidoneus (Hades), and water was Nestis, probably an obscure

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Having gone to the God Saman he said, “What is the use of being
the owner of this world when it is in this state? We must make men.”

The God Saman said, “Let us two make them.”

Then those two spoke to each other: “Let us first of all make a
Brāhmaṇa.”

Saying that, they made a Brāhmaṇa from that earth, and having
given breath to the Brāhmaṇa those two told him to arise. Then the
Brāhmaṇa arose by the power of those Gods; and having arisen,
that Brāhmaṇa conversed with those Gods.

Then the God Vishnu said, “Brāhmaṇa, for thy assistance thou art to
make for thyself a woman.”

Afterwards the Brāhmaṇa by the power of those very Gods made a

woman, and from that time men began to increase in number up to
to-day.

North-western Province.

This is evidently a story of the last creation. In Hinduism there is a series of four
ages termed Yugas, each ended by a destruction of the world by fire, which is
quenched by cataclysmal rainfall. These are the Krita, Trēta, Dwāpara, and Kali
Yugas, their periods being respectively 4,000, 3,000, 2,000, and 1,000 divine
years. There are also intermediate periods equal to one-tenth of each of the
adjoining Yugas. A divine year being 360 times as long as a human year, the whole
series, called a Maha Yuga, amounts to about 4,320,000 years (Vishnu Purāna,
Wilson, p. 24). When a series is ended the order is reversed, that is, the Kali Yuga,
which is the present one, is followed by the Dwāpara.

The Vishnu Purāna, p. 12, thus describes the state of things before the original
creation: “There was neither day nor night, nor sky nor earth, nor darkness nor
light, nor any other thing, save only One”—“the Universal Soul,” the All-God,
Vishnu in the form of Brahmā.

His action is thus summarised: “Affecting then the quality of activity Hari [Vishnu],
the Lord of all, himself becoming Brahmā, engaged in the creation of the
universe.”

At the end of the Yuga, “the same mighty deity, Janārddana, invested with the
quality of darkness, assumes the awful form of Rudra, and swallows up the
universe. Having thus devoured all things, and converted the world into one vast
ocean, the Supreme reposes on his mighty serpent couch amidst the deep: he
awakes after a season, and again, as Brahmā, becomes the author of creation
(V.P., p. 19).

In the Kathā Sarit Sāgara (Tawney), vol. ii, p. 583, there were two Dānavas, a
form of Asura, “invincible even by gods,” who impeded Prajāpati in his work of
creation. The only way which the Creator could hit upon to destroy them was to
create two lovely maidens, one black and one white. Each of the Dānavas wished
to carry off both, so they fought over them and killed each other.

It is only in the Sinhalese story that we find an Asura assisting in the creation.
Rāhu is usually known as a dark planetary sign, a dragon’s head, which
endeavours to swallow the sun and moon, and thus causes eclipses, at which
time, only, it is seen. In the account of the great Churning of the Ocean, it is
evident that he was supposed originally to have, or to be able to assume, a figure
indistinguishable from those of the Gods.

The story of the application of Vishnu for Rāhu’s assistance is based on the Indian
notion that the Asuras were of more ancient date than the Gods. The Mahā
Bhārata states that they were the elder brothers of the Gods, and were more
powerful than the Gods, who were unable to conquer them in their strongholds
under the sea. The God Saman is Indra, the elder brother of Vishnu.

According to the Mahā Bhārata, Vishnu assuming the form of a boar raised the
earth to the surface of the waters (which covered it to the depth of one hundred
yōjanas), on his tusk, without the aid of any other deity.
The following accounts of the state of things in very early times are
borrowed from The Orientalist, vol. iii., pp. 79 and 78, to which they
were contributed by Mr. D. A. Jayawardana.

“In the primitive good old days the sky was not so far off from the
earth as at present. The sun and moon in their course through the
heavens sometimes came in close contact with the house-tops. The
stars were stationed so close to the earth that they served as lamps
to the houses.

“Once upon a time, there was a servant-maid who was repeatedly

disturbed by the passing clouds when she was sweeping the
compound [the enclosure round the house], and this was to her a
real nuisance. One cloudy morning, when this naughty girl was
sweeping the compound as usual, the clouds came frequently in
contact with the broom-stick and interfered with her work.

“Losing all patience she gave a smart blow to the firmament with the
broom-stick, saying, ‘Get away from hence.’ The sky, as a matter of
course, was quite ashamed at the affront2 thus offered to it by a
servant-girl, and flew away far, far out of human reach, in order to
avoid a similar catastrophe again.”

The second account is as follows: “Till a long period after the

creation, man did not know the use of most of the vegetables now
used by him for food. His food at first consisted of some substance
like boiled milk, which then grew spontaneously upon the earth. This
substance since disappeared, and rice took its place, and grew
abundantly without the husk.

“The Jak fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia), one of the principal articles of

food of the Sinhalese, was not even touched, as it was thought to be

Ś
poisonous. The God Śakra [Indra] bethought himself of teaching
mankind that Jak was not a deadly fruit, but an article of wholesome
food.”

The story goes on to relate that, assuming the form of an old man,
he got a woman to boil some Jak seeds for him, with injunctions not
to eat them or she would die; but the smell being appetizing she
first tasted one, and then ate a quantity.

1 Asurendrayā. ↑
2 It is one of the greatest possible insults in the East to strike a person with a
broom. Even demons are supposed to be afraid of being struck by it, and thus it is
a powerful demon-scarer. ↑
No. 2
 The Sun, the Moon, and Great Paddy
In a certain country there are a woman and a man, it is said. There
are also the children of those two persons, the elder brother and
younger brother and elder sister. Well then, while these three
persons were there, the man having died those children provided
subsistence for the mother of the three.

One day the three persons went to join a party of friends in assisting
a neighbour in his work.1 That mother stayed at home. For that
woman there was not a thing to eat. Should those persons bring
food, she eats; if not, not.

When the three persons were eating the food provided for the
working party, the elder sister and the elder brother having eaten
silently, without even a [thought of the] matter of their mother,
came away home. The younger brother thought, “Anē! We three
persons having eaten here, on our going how about food for our
mother? I must take some.” Placing a similar quantity of cooked rice
and a little vegetable curry under the corner of his finger nail, the
three came back.

Then the mother asked at the hand of the elder sister, “Where,
daughter, is cooked rice and vegetable curry for me?” She said, “I
have not brought any. Having indeed eaten I came [empty-handed].”

Then the mother said to the daughter, “Thou wilt be cooked in hell
itself.”

Having called the elder son she asked, “Where, son, is the cooked
rice and vegetable curry for me?”

The son said, “Mother, I have not brought it. Having indeed eaten, I
came [empty-handed].”
Then the mother said to the son, “Be off, very speedily.”

Having called the young younger brother she asked, “Where, son, is
cooked rice and vegetable curry for me?”

Then that son said, “Mother, hold a pot.” After that, the mother
brought it and held it. The son struck down his finger nail in it. Then
the pot was filled and overflowed.

Afterwards the mother, having eaten the rice and curry, gave
authority to those three persons, to the elder brother, to the younger
brother, and to the sister older than both of them.

Firstly, having called the elder sister she said, “Thou shalt be cooked
even in hell.” That elder sister herself now having become Great
Paddy,2 while in hell is cooked in mud.

She told the eldest son to go speedily. That elder brother himself
having become the Sun, goes very speedily. For the Sun, in very
truth (aettēma), there is no rest. In the little time in which the
eyelids fall, the Sun goes seven gawwas,3 they say. At the time
when the Great Paddy is ripening, the Sun goes across (harahin).4
Because it is older than the Sun,5 the Great Paddy represents the
elder sister.

Having called the younger son she said, “My son, go you in the very
wind (pawanēma)6.” That one himself having become the Moon,
now goes in the wind. For the Moon in very truth there is not a
difficulty, by the authority given by the Mother.

North-western Province.

1 A Kayiya, usually to provide help in clearing jungle, or ploughing, or reaping,

for which no pay is given, but the party are fed liberally. ↑
2 Mā Vī, the name of the largest variety of rice. ↑
3 Twenty-eight miles. According to Indian reckoning of about six winks to a
second, as given in the Mahā Bhārata, this would be an orbit of about 14,500,000
miles, with a diameter of 4,620,000 miles. ↑
4 That is, the sun rises in the latitude of the district where the story was
related. This would be within a day or two of February 22. ↑
5 I cannot explain this remark. ↑
6 This is, where refreshing breezes blow. ↑
No. 3
 The Story of Senasurā1
In a certain country a man having been stricken by the evil influence
(apalē) of Senasurā, any cultivation work or anything whatever
which the man performs does not go on properly.

The man having become very poor said, “I cannot stay in this
country; I must go to another country”; and having gone away from
that country he sat down at a travellers’ shed. During the time while
he was there a friend of the man’s came there. That man, sitting
down in the travellers’ shed, said, “Friend, where are you going?”

Then the man said, “What is it, friend? Well then, according to my
reckoning there is no means of subsistence for me. I am going away
to some country or other, to look if I shall obtain a livelihood.” [He
told him how everything that he did failed, owing to the ill-will of
Senasurā.]

Then the friend said, “Friend, don’t you go in that way; I will tell you
a good stratagem. Having gone back to your village, when dry
weather sets in cut chenas; when rain falls do rice field work.”

The man having come back again to his village, began to cut a
chena. At the time when he was cutting the chena rain rained. Then,
having dropped the chena cutting, he went to plough the rice field.
Then dry weather again began to set in. Again having gone he
chops the chena. Then rain rained. Again having gone he ploughs
the rice field. In that manner he did the chena and rice field works,
both of them. Having done the work, the [crops in the] chena and
the rice field, both of them, ripened.

After that, Senasurā said at the hand of the man, “What of their
ripening! I will not give more than an amuna (5·7 bushels) from a
stack. Let it be so settled (aswanu).”
Afterwards, having cut the rice crop, the man began to make the
stacks separately of two or three sheaves apiece. Then having
trampled out [the corn in] the stacks [by means of buffaloes] at the
rate of the amuna from the stack—should there be one sheaf in it,
an amuna; should there be two sheaves, an amuna—in that manner
having trampled out [the corn in] the stacks he filled up two corn
stores. Having cut the millet in the chena he filled up two corn stores
of millet.

In that very country there is an astrologer (naekatrāla). Having gone

to him, he informed the astrologer of the evil influence that there
was from Senasurā [and how he had outwitted him]. Then the
astrologer said, “Until the time when you die the evil influence of
Senasurā over you will not be laid aside.”

The man said, “Can you tell me the place where Senasurā is [and
what I must say to him]?”

The astrologer replied, “Senasurā having taken a man’s disguise and

come to your house, will talk with you. Then say, ‘The evil influence
of Senasurā has been over me. I did a good trick for it. I worked in
both a chena and a rice field. I got the things into the corn stores.
While staying here eating them I can do cultivation again [in the
same way].’”

Afterwards this man came home. While he was there, on the day
foretold by the astrologer Senasurā came. The man having given
him sitting accommodation asked, “Where are you going?”

Then Senasurā said, “It is I indeed whom they call Senasurā, the
Divine King. Because of it tell me any matter you require.”

So the man said, “What is the matter I require? I have become very
poor, having been stricken by the evil influence of Senasurā. Now
then, I want an assistance from you for that.”
Afterwards Senasurā, the Divine King, having given the man a book
said, “Without showing this book to anybody, place it in your house.
Remain here, and make obeisance [to me] three times a day, having
looked and looked into [the instructions in] the book. From any
journey on which you may go, from any work you may do, you will
obtain victory [that is, success].”

Having said this, Senasurā, the Divine King, went away. After that,
having remained there in the very manner told by Senasurā, the
man became a person of much substance.

North-western Province.

In Indian Folk-Tales (Gordon), p. 61, a Jackal is represented as outwitting the

great deity Śiva or Mahādeo, by telling him that he was Sahadeo, the father of
Mahādeo. See the notes at the end of Nos. 39 and 75.

1 The deity of the planet Saturn. ↑

No. 4
 The Glass Princess
In a certain country there are seven Princes, the sons of a King.
When the seven persons had grown up, messengers were sent to
find the places where there were seven Princesses to be taken in
marriage by them. They obtained intelligence that there was a
kingdom where they were to be met with.

After that, the seven portraits of the seven Princes having been
painted, two or three ministers were summoned, and sent with the
instructions, “Go to that kingdom, and observe if the seven
Princesses are there. If they are there, take the portraits of the
seven Princesses and come back with them.”

The ministers having gone there and looked, found that seven
Princesses were there. So they went to the King, the father of the
Princesses. After they had come, the King having given quarters to
the ministers, and having given them food and drink, asked, “Where
are you going?” Then the ministers said, “On account of news that
you have seven Princesses, as there are seven Princes of the King of
our country we have come, bringing the portraits of the seven
Princes to show you, in order to marry the Princesses to those
seven.” The King and the Princesses having looked at the portraits
were pleased with them.

Afterwards, a suitable occasion for the marriage having been

appointed, the portraits of the Princesses were painted, and given
into the hands of the ministers, and they were sent away with them.

The party having brought them, showed them to the King and the
seven Princes. The King and the seven Princes being pleased with
those persons after they had shown the portraits, the King of that
city, on the very day appointed as the date for setting out for the
marriage, having decorated an elephant for the King and Queen, and
both of them having mounted on it, and having decorated seven
other elephants for the seven Princes, the party made ready to go.

Then the youngest Prince of all, having placed his sword on the back
of the elephant, and made obeisance to his father, said, “I will not
go. Should the Princess come after being married to the sword, let
her come. If not, let her simply stop there.” Having said this he did
not go; he sent only the elephant, and the elephant and all the other
persons went.

Having gone there the six Princes were married to the six Princesses.
Then the King whose Princesses they were, asked, “Is there not a
Prince for the youngest Princess?”

When he asked this, the King whose son was the Prince replied,
“There is my youngest Prince. He has not come. If she will come
after being married to the sword placed on the back of this elephant,
he said she is to come; if not, he said that she is to remain here.”

The King whose Princess she was, was not satisfied with that. What
of that? The youngest Princess was contented, and said, “Even a
deaf man or a lame man would be good enough for me. Therefore I
must be married.” So having been married to the sword she came
away with the others.

The Prince who did not go, but stayed at home, knew that there was
a pool on the way, and that there was also a Cobra which had
charge of that pool. The Prince was well aware that if the people
who went to the marriage came there, and being thirsty drank the
water, that Cobra would ask for a human offering. How was that? A
deity came to the Prince in a dream and told him. Having learnt this,
the Prince went, and at the time when they were coming hid himself
near the pool, and remained there.

Then all the party having come there drank the water. Having drunk
it, when they were setting out to come away, a large Cobra which
had been in a rock cave near by, came out, and said, “Because you
drank water from my pool one person must remain here as an
offering to me. If not, I shall not permit even one of you to go.”

After that, the youngest Prince who had gone near and hidden
himself came forward, and saying, “I will stay as the human offering;
go you away,” he started off all that marriage party, and sent them
to their village. He said to the Princess who had come after being
married to his sword, “Until whatever time it may be when I return,
go and stay at the palace of mine which is there. There are servants
at it. Set the party of them to work, and eat and drink in great
contentment just as though I were there.” After he had said this, the
party returned to the city, and the youngest Prince went with the
Cobra to the cave.

After they had gone there, the Cobra said to the Prince, “There is an
ulcer on my forehead. You may go after curing the ulcer. Because of
your curing it I shall not require a human offering.”

The Prince said, “It is good,” and continuing to eat the things for
which it provided the expenses, stayed there. Twice a day he
washed and washed the ulcer, while applying medicine to it, but it
did not heal.

Afterwards the Cobra said, “There is a certain daughter of the King

of a city, called the Glass Princess. The Princess takes any disguise
she likes and goes through the sky, supported by her power of flying
through the air. The Princess knows a medicine by which, if it should
be applied by her own hand, my ulcer will become healed; otherwise
it will not heal, and there will be no going to your village for you.”

The Prince replied, “It is good. I will go and bring the Glass
Princess.”

Having said this, he set off to go to the city where the Glass Princess
lived. Having hurried along the road which led in that direction, there
was a river to which he went. When he looked up the river he saw
some rats coming floating in the water. Then what does he do? He
seizes all those few rats, and goes and places them on the bank.

After he had put them there the rats said, “Anē! O Lord, if Your
Majesty should require any assistance, be pleased to think of us;
then we will come and stay with you, and assist you.” The Prince
said, “It is good,” and went to the city in which the Glass Princess
dwelt.

Having come there, being without a place to stay at he went to the

spot where a widow-mother was stopping, and said, “Anē! Mother,
give me a mat to sleep on.”

The widow-mother said, “It is good, son. Remain here. I am alone

here, therefore it will be good for me also.”

Then the Prince said, “If so, mother, cook and give me a little rice.
Having obtained some money to-morrow, I will bring it and give you
it.” The old woman having heard his words, cooked and gave him a
little rice.

When she had given it and he had eaten, the Prince asked that old
woman, “Mother, what are the new things that are happening at this
city?”

The old woman replied, “What! Son, the new matters at this city are
like those of other cities indeed; but there is one new affair at this
city. If so, what is it? The daughter, called the Glass Princess, of the
King of this city remains an [unwedded] Princess. The Princess,
creating any disguise she wants, can go through the sky sustained
by her power of flight through the air. Through the beauty of her
figure she is a very celebrated person. Because of that, many royal
Princes have come to ask to marry the Princess. Having come, they
are asked, ‘What have you come for?’ When they have said, ‘We
have come to take this Princess in marriage,’ the King puts on the
hearth a very great cauldron of water, and having made it boil tells
them to bathe in it without making the water lukewarm. There is a
large iron tree in the open space in front of the palace. Having
bathed in the water, he tells them to saw the iron tree in two. If they
do not bathe in the water and cut it in two, he does not permit the
Princes to go away; he beheads them there and then, and casts
them out.”

The Prince asked the old woman, “Mother, can no one go to the
place where the Glass Princess is staying?”

The old woman said, “Anē! Son, even a bird which passes along in
the air above cannot go to the place where the Glass Princess is.”

Then the Prince asked, “Mother, why do they say that the Princess is
the Glass Princess?”

The old woman said, “O son, they call her the Glass Princess. The
bed on which the Princess sleeps is a bed of glass throughout. Glass
is fixed all round the bed in such a manner that even the wind
cannot get to her.1 Because of that, they say that she is the Glass
Princess.”

The Prince asked, “Mother, at what time does the Princess eat rice at
night?”

The old woman said, “O son, at night water for bathing, and cooked
rice, having gone there for the Princess, they are placed in the upper
story where the Princess sleeps alone. When the Princess has been
sleeping at night, at about eight she awakes, and after bathing in
the water eats rice. Before that she does not get up.”

Then the Prince, after listening to all these words, asked for a mat,
and went off to sleep at the travellers’ shed which was in front of the
old woman’s house. Having gone there, while he was lying down he
thought, “Anē! O Gods, in any case you must grant me an
opportunity of going to the place where that Princess is.” Then while
he was thinking, “Anē! Will even those rats that I took up that day
out of the river and placed on the bank, become of assistance to me
in this matter?” he fell asleep.

After that, those rats, collecting thousands of rats besides, came

there before the Prince awoke, and having come near the Prince
while he was sleeping, waited until he awoke. When the Prince
awoke and looked about, he saw that rats, thousands in number,
had come and were there.

The rats asked the Prince: “O Lord, what assistance does Your
Majesty want us to give?”

The Prince said, “I want you to excavate a tunnel, of a size so that a

man can go along it erect, to the upper story of the house in which
the Glass Princess is staying, and to hand it over without completing
it, leaving a very little unfinished. It was on account of this that I
thought of you.” Then the rats went, and having dug it out that
night, finished it and handed it over, and went away.

The Prince having been in the travellers’ shed until it became light,
took the mat and went to the widow-mother. He gave her one
masurama and said, “Here, mother, this is given for the articles I
obtained. Bring things for you and me, and in order that I may go
and get something to-day also, quickly cook and give me a little
rice.” The old woman speedily cooked and gave it. The Prince having
eaten it, during the whole day walked round about the city.

At night he went along the tunnel to the upper story where the
Princess was. Having gone there, when he thought of looking in the
direction of the Princess he could not through diffidence, it is said.
The Princess was asleep on the glass bed; a lamp shone brightly.

After that, the Prince having rubbed soap in the water which was
ready for the Glass Princess, and washed in it, and eaten half the
rice that was set on the table, and having eaten a mouthful of betel
that was in the betel box, left the room without speaking, and went
away after closing the opening through which he had come.
The Princess arose at about eight, and having gone to bathe in the
water, when she looked at it saw that soap had been rubbed in the
water, and some one had washed in it. Then she went to the table
on which was the rice, and when she looked half the rice had been
eaten. So the Princess having returned without eating the rice, lay
down and thought, “A much cleverer person than I, indeed, has
done this work. Except a deity, no man can come to the place where
I am staying. I shall seize that thief to-morrow.” Having thought
that, she went to sleep.

The Prince having come away, and having been asleep in the
travellers’ shed, in the day-time went to the old woman and ate.
Then having returned to the tunnel and slept there, he went that
night also, and washed in the water and ate, and came away. That
night, also, the Princess being asleep was unable to seize him.

The Prince came back, and having slept that night, also, at the
travellers’ shed, in the day time asked the old woman for rice and
ate it. Then he returned to the tunnel, and after sleeping in it, at
about twelve went and washed in the water, and ate the rice. After
eating betel he came away. The Princess being asleep on that night
also, was unable to seize him.

After that, what does the Princess do? At night, pricking her finger
with a needle, and rubbing lime-juice in the place, she remained
awake blowing it [on account of the smarting]. That night, also, the
Prince went. The Princess having seen the Prince enter, took a sword
in her hand, after awaking as though she had been asleep. Having
seen that the figure of the Prince was beautiful, and being pleased
with it, she closed her eyelids, pretending to be asleep.

The Prince knew very well that the Princess was awake. Now, as on
other nights, he went looking on the ground, and having soaped
himself, washed himself in the water. Then having come to the table,
he ate the rice. While he was eating it, the Princess, taking the
sword, arose, and having come towards him, asked, “Who are you?”
The Prince asked, “Who are you?”

The Princess said, “I am she whom they call the Glass Princess.”

Then the Prince also said, “I am he whom they call the youngest
Prince of the King of such and such a city.”

After that, the Prince and Princess ate the food, and having talked
much, the Princess asked, “For what purpose have you come?”

The Prince replied, “I have not come for anything else but to take
you away.”

The Princess said, “Our hiding and going off would not be proper.
Here, put away this jewelled ring and lock of hair. To-morrow
morning, having gone to our father the King, say, ‘I have come to
marry your Princess.’

“Then saying, ‘It is good,’ he will boil a cauldron of water and give
you it, and tell you to bathe in it. And he will show you an iron tree,
and tell you to saw it. When he has given you the water, put this
jewelled ring in the water and bathe; it will be like cold water. When
he has shown you the iron tree, pull this lock of hair across it; then it
will saw it in two. After that, we two having been married, let us go
to your city.”

Then taking the ring and the lock of hair, the Prince went back to the
travellers’ shed.

Next day, the Prince in the very manner the Princess told him, came
and spoke to the King. The King said, “It is good,” and gave him
those two tasks. The Prince performed both the tasks.

After that, the King, being pleased, publicly notified the celebration
of their marriage, and said, “If you wish to live here, stay here; if
you wish to go, summon the Princess [to accompany you] and go.”
Afterwards, having performed the marriage ceremony, he called the
Princess, and went to the place where that Cobra was staying.

There she applied the medicine to the Cobra’s ulcer, and it healed.
The Cobra, being pleased, gave the two persons a hidden treasure
consisting of gold, silver, pearls, and gems. After that, they went to
the Prince’s city.

Thus, by bringing this Princess the Prince had two Princesses. The
King, the Prince’s father, was pleased because the Prince who went
as the offering and the Princess had got married, and had returned.
Having eaten the marriage feast they remained there.

When those six elder brothers looked they saw that their Princesses
were not so beautiful as the Glass Princess. Because of it, the six
persons spoke together about killing the youngest Prince and taking
the Glass Princess; and they tried to kill the Prince. The Glass
Princess, knowing of it, told that Prince, and the two Princesses and
the Prince set off to go to another King.

While they were going in the midst of a forest, the Vaeddā King who
dwelt in that forest saw this Glass Princess. In order to take
possession of the Princess, he seized the three persons, and having
put them in a house, prepared to kill the Prince.

So the Glass Princess, knowing this, became a mare, and placing the
Prince on her back, and telling the other Princess to hang by her tail,
went through the sky, and descended near another city. Having gone
to the city and taken labourers, they engaged in rice cultivation.
When they had been there a little while the King of the city died.

After his death they decorated the royal tusk elephant, and set off
with it in search of a new King. While they were going along taking it
through the streets, the elephant went and knelt near this Prince.
Then all the men having made obeisance, and caused the Prince to
bathe, placing the Prince and the two Queens on the back of the
elephant, went and stopped at the palace, and he became King.
When he had been ruling a little time, there was no rain at the city
of the King the Prince’s father, and that country became abandoned.
Those six Princes and their six Queens, and his father the King, and
his mother, all these persons, being reduced to poverty, came to an
almshouse which this King had established, bringing firewood to sell.

There this King having seen them, recognising them, came back
after summoning his father the King, and his mother, to the palace.
He told them, “Because those six elder brothers and their six Queens
tried to kill me in order that my elder brothers might seize and carry
off the Glass Princess, I came away from the city, and was seized by
a Vaeddā King, but I escaped and came here.” Then saying, “There
is the place where I was cultivating rice. Go there, and cultivate rice
and eat,” he sent the brothers to that place. Having sent them, he
gave them this advice: “For the crime that you tried to commit by
killing me, that has befallen you. Therefore behave well now.”

After that, his father the King, his mother the Queen, the King and
the two Queens, those five persons, remained at the palace.

North-central Province.

Although the whole story apparently has not been found in India, several of the
incidents in it occur in Indian folk-tales.

I have not met with the marriage to the sword in them, but in The Indian
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 423, it is stated by Mr. Prendergast that in southern India,
among two Telugu castes, “the custom of sending a sword to represent an
unavoidably absent bridegroom at a wedding is not uncommon. It is considered
allowable among other Hindus also.”

In The Story of Madana Kāma Rāja (called by the translator, Paṇḍita Naṭēśa Sāstrī,
The Dravidian Nights), p. 43, the Kings of Mathurāpurī and Vijayanagaram caused
the portraits of their respective son and daughter to be painted, and sent envoys
with them in search of royal persons resembling them. The envoys met at a river,
exchanged pictures there, and returned to their masters, who were satisfied with
the portraits, and caused the wedding of the Prince and Princess to be celebrated
at the latter’s home, Vijayanagaram.

In the same work, p. 12, a Prince in the form of a parrot, which was confined in a
cage in the sleeping apartment of a Princess, on two successive nights resumed
his human form, and smeared sandal and scent over the Princess while she slept,
and then became a parrot once more. On the third night she was awake, and he
told her his history.

At page 103, also, the King of Udayagiri, father of a Prince who had run off when
about to be beheaded, having been deprived of his kingdom by the King of the
Oṭṭa country, was reduced to selling firewood for a living, together with his wife
and six sons. They came for this purpose to the city over which the Prince had
become sovereign, and were discovered by him and provided for.

In the Kathā Sarit Sāgara (Tawney), vol. ii, p. 93, a thief gained access to the
bedroom of a Princess by means of a tunnel.

In Indian Fairy Tales (Thornhill), p. 122 ff., a Prince, riding a magical wooden
horse, visited a Princess nightly while she was asleep, and pricking his arm each
night, wrote “I love you,” in blood on her handkerchief. Although she tried to keep
awake, for six nights after the first one she was asleep when he came. On the
next night she scratched her finger with a needle and rubbed salt into the wound,
so that the pain might keep her awake. When he entered the room she started up
and inquired who he was, and how and why he had come.

In Indian Fairy Tales, Ganges Valley (Stokes), p. 163, the cutting of the tree trunk
with the hair of the Princess occurs.

In the Panchatantra (Dubois), an elephant released rats when caught and

imprisoned in earthen pots, and the rats in their turn served him by filling up with
earth the pit in which he had fallen.

In the Kathā Sarit Sāgara, p. 360 ff., a Rākshasa King gave three tasks to the
Prince who wished to marry his daughter. She assisted him by means of her
magical powers, and he accomplished them successfully.
1 The narrator understood this to mean that large upright sheets of glass were
fixed round the bed. ↑
No. 5
 The Frog Prince
At a city there is a certain King; a widow lives at a house near his
palace. She subsists by going to this royal palace and pounding rice
there; having handed it over she takes away the rice powder and
lives on it.

During the time while she was getting a living in this way she bore a
frog, which she reared there. When it was grown up, the King of
that city caused this proclamation to be made by beat of tom-toms:
“I will give half my kingdom, and goods amounting to an elephant’s
load, to the person who brings the Jewelled Golden Cock1 that is at
the house of the Rākshasī (Ogress).”

Every one said of it that it could not be done. The widow’s Frog
having heard the King’s proclamation, said to the widow, “Mother, I
will bring the Jewelled Golden Cock. Cook a bundle of rice and give
me it.” Having heard the Frog’s words, the widow cooked a bundle of
rice and gave it to him.

The Frog took the bundle of rice, and hanging it from his shoulder
went to an Indi (wild Date) tree, scraped the leaf off a Date spike
(the mid-rib of the leaf), and strung the rice on it. While going away
after stringing it, the Frog then became like a very good-looking
royal Prince, and a horse and clothing for him made their
appearance there. Putting on the clothes he mounted the horse, and
making it bound along he went on till he came to a city.

Hearing that he had arrived, the King of that city prepared quarters
for this Prince to stay at, and having given him ample food and
drink, asked, “Where art thou going?”

Then the Prince said: “The King of our city has made a proclamation
by beat of tom-toms, that he will give half his kingdom and an
elephant’s load of gold to the person who brings him the Jewelled
Golden Cock that is at the Rākshasī’s house. Because of it I am
going to fetch the Jewelled Golden Cock.”

The King, being pleased with the Prince on account of it, gave him a
piece of charcoal. “Should you be unable to escape from the
Rākshasī while returning after taking the Jewelled Golden Cock, tell
this piece of charcoal to be created a fire-fence, and cast it down,”
he said. Taking it, he went to another city.

The King of that city in that very manner having prepared quarters,
and made ready and given him food and drink, asked, “Where art
thou going?” The Prince replied in the same words, “I am going to
bring the Jewelled Golden Cock that is at the house of the Rākshasī.”
That King also being pleased on account of it gave him a stone,
“Should you be unable to escape from the Rākshasī, tell this stone to
be created a mountain, and cast it down,” he said.

Taking the charcoal and the stone which those two Kings gave him,
he went to yet another city. The King also in that very manner
having given him quarters, and food and drink, asked, “Where art
thou going?” The Prince in that very way said, “I am going to bring
the Jewelled Golden Cock.” That King also being greatly pleased
gave him a thorn. “Should you be unable to escape from the
Rākshasī, tell a thorn fence to be created, and cast down this thorn,”
he said.

On the next day he went to the house of the Rākshasī. She was not
at home; the Rākshasī’s daughter was there. That girl having seen
the Prince coming and not knowing him, asked, “Elder brother, elder
brother, where are you going?”

The Prince said, “Younger sister, I am not going anywhere whatever.

I came to beg at your hands the Jewelled Golden Cock which you
have got.”
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