Unit 5

Articulation of Afrikaner identity; evolution of Afrikaans; Afrikaner British tensions

by -Aashi

Readings: de Villiers, Rene (1971), ‘Afrikaner Nationalism’ in Wilson, Monica and Leonard
Thompson (Eds.), Oxford History of South Africa Volume: 2 (1870-1966), Oxford: Clarendon
Press.
Cauthen, Bruce, ‘The myth of divine election and Afrikaner ethnogenesis’ in Huchinson,
John and Anthony D. Smith (Eds.) (2000), Nationalism: Critical Concepts in Political
Science, Volume: 3, London: Routledge
FREDERICK HALE
Rebecca Weaver-Hightower-
The Beginnings of Afrikaner Ethnic Consciousness, 1850–1915 by Hermann Giliomee

Q. To what extent would you agree that the rise of Afrikaner nationalism in the latter
half of the nineteenth century was a response to British imperialist expansion in
South Africa? Discuss with reference to British policies.

Q. Examine the evolution of Afrikaner nationalism, c.1870 to 1910. (2023)

Q. Write a short essay on the emergence of Afrikaner nationalism in the latter half of
the nineteenth century.

Afrikaner nationalism, a potent force that shaped South Africa’s political and social
landscape, emerged as a complex interplay of cultural preservation, religious ideology, and
resistance to external domination. While British imperialist policies—such as territorial
annexations, anglicization efforts, and military interventions—were significant catalysts,
Afrikaner nationalism was also driven by internal factors like neo-Calvinist beliefs and a
desire to maintain a distinct identity.

Afrikaner nationalism crystallized in the late nineteenth century as a response to existential

threats to the Afrikaner people’s identity, culture, and autonomy. Descendants of Dutch,
French, German, and some British settlers, Afrikaners developed a group
consciousness shaped by their isolation from Western intellectual currents and their
numerical minority amidst indigenous African populations. This consciousness was
rooted in a neo-Calvinist worldview that viewed Afrikaners as a divinely chosen nation
tasked with preserving their racial and cultural purity.

Elite Mobilization and Historical Narrative Construction

Afrikaner intellectuals and religious leaders actively constructed a historical narrative

where the British were the antagonists, and Afrikaners were righteous victims and
pioneers. Nationalist leaders used history, scripture, and symbols to unify the
Afrikaner population and legitimize claims to political autonomy and cultural integrity.
The narrative presented imperialism not just as domination, but as an existential and
spiritual threat, which deepened nationalist sentiment.

British Imperialist Policies and Afrikaner Nationalism

British imperialist expansion in South Africa during the nineteenth century was characterized
by territorial acquisitions, economic control, and cultural imposition, all of which fueled
Afrikaner nationalism..The British annexation of Natal in 1843, as noted by Rene de
Villiers, introduced policies that clashed with Afrikaner values. Lord Stanley’s insistence
on legal equality “without distinction of colour, origin, race, or creed” was anathema to
Afrikaners, who viewed racial separation as essential to their identity. This policy clash drove
many Afrikaners to undertake the Great Trek (1830), establishing independent republics in
the Transvaal and Orange Free State to escape British rule.

The annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 was a more direct provocation. Aimed at
consolidating British control over the region amid diamond discoveries, this move was
perceived as an assault on Afrikaner sovereignty. The subsequent First War of
Independence (1880–1881) saw Afrikaners successfully resist, with the victory at
Majuba fostering a sense of collective pride and reinforcing their belief in divine protection.
F.A. van Jaarsveld notes that this victory stimulated Afrikaner consciousness, making it a
“question of the heart” marked by feelings of injustice and inferiority.
The formation of the Afrikaner Bond in 1879 by Rev. S.J. du Toit marked early political
organization, initially advocating exclusive Afrikaner unity (p. 366). While global nationalist
movements in Europe post-1848 provided ideological inspiration, British policies—such as
the annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 and the Jameson Raid (1895–1896)—directly
provoked Afrikaner resistance, making imperialism a central driver of nationalist sentiment.

Hermann Giliomee noted that the revolt “gave birth to a strong national feeling among the
Boers; it had united them and all were now for the state” The subsequent British decision to
grant qualified independence to the Transvaal reinforced Afrikaner perceptions of British
duplicity, further fueling ethnic solidarity.

Additionally, the annexation of Basutoland (1868) and the Diamond Fields (1871), to
which the Orange Free State laid claim, deepened Afrikaner resentment. These territorial
losses were seen as direct challenges to Afrikaner economic and political aspirations,
reinforcing a narrative of British aggression. The emotional response to these annexations,
as Giliomee suggests, transformed local grievances into a broader ethnic sentiment,
particularly in the Free State, where the state began to cultivate a sense of national identity
through war propaganda and cultural initiatives

The Jameson Raid (1895–1896), orchestrated by Cecil Rhodes and supported by British
imperial interests, further inflamed Afrikaner nationalism. Perceived as an attempt to
overthrow the Transvaal government, it deepened mistrust of British intentions and united
Afrikaners across regions . The Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902), triggered by British demands
for control over the Transvaal’s gold-rich economy, was the culmination of these tensions.
The war’s harsh measures—concentration camps, farm burnings, and the deployment of
nearly 450,000 British-aligned troops against 88,000 republican fighters—created “common
victims to mourn” and a “common cause in the restoration of republicanism”. These policies
not only united Afrikaners but also entrenched a narrative of victimhood that fueled
nationalist fervor. Kitchener’s farm-burning policy created “common victims to mourn”
and “common injuries upon which to brood”. The war also restored bonds between
Afrikaners in the Cape and those in the former republics, which had weakened over time

Struggle for Unity

The Anglo-Boer War was a pivotal event in uniting Afrikaners, transforming latent
nationalism into a cohesive force. The war’s shared suffering—concentration camps, farm
burnings, and the loss of the Boer republics—created a “common destiny” that restored
bonds between Cape Afrikaners and those in the former republics. President Steyn’s post-
war efforts to propagate a united Afrikanerdom further strengthened this unity (p. 368). The
war “probably did more to unite Afrikanerdom and infuse it with purpose and determination
than any other single factor before or after”. The tragic figure of Paul Kruger, exiled and
martyred, became a powerful symbol, with myths woven around his legacy (p. 367).
British cultural policies, particularly in the Cape Colony, were instrumental in provoking
Afrikaner ethnic consciousness. The imposition of English as the sole medium of instruction
in government schools in 1865 was a direct assault on Dutch-Afrikaner linguistic identity.
Giliomee underscores the significance of this policy, noting that it alienated Dutch-Afrikaner
youth, who were increasingly pressured to adopt English to access opportunities in
commerce, law, and the civil service. This anglicization effort was perceived as an attempt to
reshape Afrikaners into “ideal prefabricated collaborators” for British imperial interests,
prompting a defensive reaction among Afrikaner clergy and intellectuals.

Post-war, Lord Milner’s anglicization policies in the Transvaal and Orange River
Colony, aimed at assimilating Afrikaners into British culture, were particularly provocative.
Efforts to impose English as the primary language in schools and administration threatened
Afrikaner language and traditions, prompting the establishment of 200 Christian-National
Education schools to preserve Afrikaans culture. These British policies, from annexation to
cultural imposition, were thus critical in shaping Afrikaner nationalism as a defensive
response to perceived existential threats.

The establishment of Christian-National Education schools in the Transvaal and

Orange River Colony was a direct response to Milner’s anglicization policies. Funded
by Afrikaner communities, these schools preserved Afrikaans language and traditions,
ensuring that the “flame of Afrikaner nationalism continued to burn”. The concept of
*volkseenheid* (people’s unity), which gained traction before the war, intensified post-
defeat, driven by overlapping Afrikaner interests. British policies, particularly Milner’s cultural
suppression, thus catalyzed this unity, pushing Afrikaners to organize politically and
culturally to safeguard their identity.

British merchant capitalism dominated South Africa’s economy, particularly through the
control of trade and credit. Giliomee describes how British merchant houses in the Cape
Colony and Natal supplied essential goods, such as firearms and wagons, to the Boer
republics, creating economic dependence . The Standard Bank, a symbol of British
financial power, was a particular target of Afrikaner resentment due to its high interest rates
and overseas dividends. In the Orange Free State, the Volksraad’s expulsion of the
Standard Bank in 1865 reflected a growing financial anti-imperialism that fed into ethnic
sentiment. Similarly, in the Cape, Dutch-Afrikaner wine and wool farmers struggled to
compete with British-backed commercial interests, particularly after the abolition of
preferential tariffs on Cape wines in 1861. These economic challenges reinforced
perceptions of British exploitation, encouraging Afrikaners to seek protectionist policies and
local financial institutions, such as the Stellenbosch District Bank, which became ethnic
strongholds by the turn of the century.

The disestablishment of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) in 1874 further exacerbated
cultural tensions. By withdrawing state financial support, the British colonial government
forced the DRC to rely on parish contributions, weakening its institutional authority and
prompting clergy to adopt ethnic mobilization strategies to maintain relevance. Giliomee cites
the efforts of figures like Reverend G.W.A. van der Lingen, who established church-run
schools to preserve Dutch language and religious instruction, as evidence of a neo-
traditionalist response to British cultural imperialism. These initiatives laid the groundwork for
a cultural revival that linked language and religion to Afrikaner identity.

Afrikaner Nationalism as response to British policies

Political Mobilization: British annexations, particularly of the Transvaal, catalyzed political

mobilization among Afrikaners. The Transvaal Revolt not only restored Boer autonomy but
also inspired solidarity across South Africa. Giliomee notes that the revolt “filled the
‘Afrikanders, otherwise grovelling in the mud of materialism, with a national glow of
sympathy for the brothers across the Transvaal’”. This sentiment bolstered the Afrikaner
Bond, which expanded rapidly after 1880, increasing Dutch-Afrikaner representation in the
Cape Parliament . The introduction of Responsible Government in 1872 further provided a
platform for ethnic politics, as Dutch-Afrikaners sought to counter English merchant
hegemony and secure state patronage. However, Giliomee cautions that this mobilization
was not uniformly anti-British, as leaders like Jan Hofmeyr initially advocated for a bi-cultural
identity under British rule, suggesting that British policies alone did not dictate the trajectory
of Afrikaner nationalism .

Cultural Revival: British cultural imperialism, particularly the marginalization of Dutch and
Afrikaans, spurred a cultural revival that became central to Afrikaner nationalism. The First
Afrikaans Language Movement, led by figures like S.J. du Toit and the Genootskap van
Regte Afrikaners (GRA), sought to elevate Afrikaans as a written language, countering the
dominance of English . Giliomee argues that this movement was a direct response to the
anglicization of education and public life, which threatened to erode Afrikaner cultural identity
. The DRC played a pivotal role in this revival, with clergy like D.F. Malan advocated for
Afrikaans as a vehicle for national ideals. The commemoration of events like the Battle of
Blood River also fostered a historical mythology that reinforced Afrikaner distinctiveness, a
process intensified by British cultural pressures.
Economic Resistance Economic grievances against British dominance were a significant
driver of Afrikaner nationalism. The economic marginalization of Dutch-Afrikaner wine and
wool farmers, coupled with the dominance of British banks, prompted demands for
protectionist policies and the establishment of local financial institutions. Giliomee highlights
the role of the Stellenbosch District Bank and Paarl Board of Executors, which offered
better rates and catered to Afrikaner farmers’ needs, fostering ethnic solidarity. These
economic initiatives laid the foundation for later ethnic projects, such as the Nasionale Pers
and the University of Stellenbosch, which solidified Afrikaner identity .

(Counter-arguments to be used if there is something asked in question)

While British imperialist policies were crucial, Giliomee emphasizes that Afrikaner
nationalism was not solely a reaction to external pressures. Several internal factors shaped
its development:

Class Divisions: Deepening class cleavages within Dutch-Afrikaner society complicated

ethnic mobilization. In the Cape, the Cape Dutch elite and poorer Boer farmers had
divergent interests, with the former aligning with British commercial interests and the latter
supporting more populist movements like the GRA. In the Transvaal and Free State,
tensions between large landholders and bywoners undermined ethnic solidarity, as
evidenced by the defection of many bywoners to British ranks during the Anglo-Boer War
These divisions suggest that British policies were filtered through complex social dynamics,
limiting their direct impact on nationalism.

Regional Rivalries: Interstate rivalries, particularly between the Cape Colony and the
Transvaal, hindered the development of a unified Afrikaner identity. Giliomee notes that the
Cape’s pursuit of revenue and trade routes often conflicted with the republics’ interests, as
seen in the Bond’s refusal to share customs duties with the inland states. These rivalries
diluted the pan-Afrikaner sentiment inspired by British annexations, as leaders like Kruger
prioritized Transvaal nationalism over broader ethnic unity.

Cultural and Intellectual Agency: Afrikaner intellectuals and clergy played a proactive role
in constructing ethnic consciousness, independent of British policies. The efforts of figures
like van der Lingen, du Toit, and Malan to promote Dutch and Afrikaans were rooted in a
desire to preserve cultural heritage and counter liberal tendencies, not solely British
imperialism. The establishment of institutions like the South African Academy for Arts and
Sciences and Die Burger reflects a deliberate strategy to institutionalize Afrikaner identity,
suggesting that internal agency was as critical as external pressures.

Drive to Sovereign Independence/ (After 1910)

The drive for sovereign independence was a core objective of Afrikaner nationalism, directly
tied to resisting British imperialism. The formation of the National Party in 1914 marked
the institutionalization of this aspiration, with its programme emphasizing “national self-
sufficiency” and prioritizing South Africa’s interests over foreign ones. James Barry Munnik
Hertzog, a key figure, advocated a “South Africa first” policy and bilingualism to counter
anglicization, a response to British cultural dominance.
Hertzog’s expulsion from Botha’s cabinet in 1912, following his De Wildt speech, was a
turning point. He condemned Botha’s conciliation with the British as a surrender of Afrikaner
rights and criticized foreign capitalists, resonating with Afrikaners alienated by British
economic control. The National Party’s formation in Bloemfontein (7–9 January 1914)
created a coordinated movement that leveraged grievances like the Jameson Raid and
Milner’s policies to rally support. The party’s slogan, “die party is die volk en die volk is
die party,” encapsulated its role as the embodiment of Afrikaner aspirations, a direct
counter to British influence. British imperialist policies thus provided the impetus for this
drive, framing independence as both political and cultural liberation.

Broederbond and Separatism

The Afrikaner Broederbond, a secret society, reinforced separatism, asserting that the
Afrikaner nation was divinely ordained to maintain its identity. Rooted in neo-Calvinism,
propagated by the Dutch Reformed Church, this ideology viewed Afrikaners as a chosen
people with a mission to preserve racial and cultural purity. The church, to which 90% of
Afrikaners adhered, became “the National Party at prayer,” intertwining religious and
nationalist goals.

Rev. S.J. du Toit’s belief in a mystical creation of the Afrikaner nation, guided by God,
was echoed in the 1961 Republic of South Africa Constitution, which credited God with
giving Afrikaners “this their own” land. A 1942 Draft Republican Constitution proposed a
“Christian-National state” with a president answerable only to God, reflecting
authoritarian neo-Calvinist influences . British policies, particularly anglicization, reinforced
this separatism by threatening Afrikaner culture, prompting the Broederbond and church to
advocate racial and national isolation as a divine imperative.

Race and Colour

Afrikaner nationalism institutionalized white supremacy through legislation that entrenched

racial segregation, a response to both British policies and internal racial anxieties. The
Group Areas Act enforced residential and social separation, displacing non-white
communities to preserve white dominance. The Bantu Education Act tailored African
education to a “subsidiary role,” countering British notions of legal equality. The Extension
of University Education Act segregated higher education, and the Separate Amenities
Act allowed unequal facilities.

The Bantu Authorities Act (1951) and Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act (1959)
granted limited self-government in African reserves like the Transkei, but denied political
rights in white areas, which comprised 87% of South Africa’s land. Dr. Verwoerd’s
“separate freedoms” policy aimed for independent Bantu Homelands, but critics deemed it
impractical and discriminatory. The Suppression of Communism Act and Unlawful
Organizations Act suppressed non-white political activity, targeting groups like the African
National Congress.. These measures, while rooted in Afrikaner ideology, were partly a
reaction to British policies like Stanley’s equality directive, which Afrikaners rejected to
maintain racial control.

Anti-Nationalist Forces
Opposition to Afrikaner nationalism came from Afrikaners like Jan Smuts, criticized as an
imperialist for prioritizing Commonwealth ties, and non-Nationalist Afrikaners like J.H.
Hofmeyr, who advocated a broader South Africanism. English-speaking opposition,
including the United Party and Progressive Party, was weakened by a failure to
embrace political integration with non-whites and by “jingoism” that alienated
Afrikaners. Movements like the Torch Commando and Black Sash challenged nationalist
policies but struggled with internal divisions over non-white inclusion. British policies
indirectly bolstered nationalism by alienating English-speakers, whose opposition was often
ineffective due to racial prejudices and lack of a cohesive creed.

Myth of Divine Election as a Framework for Resistance

Bruce Cauthen argues that Afrikaner nationalism was not just a political reaction but rooted
in a myth of divine election: the belief that Afrikaners were a chosen people with a
providential mission in South Africa. This myth provided a religious and moral justification
for resisting British authority, which was seen as ungodly and foreign to their destiny.
British imperialism was framed within this mythology as the corrupt, secular threat to a
sacred national mission.
Cauthen notes that the confrontation with British imperialism catalyzed Afrikaner
ethnogenesis, i.e., the development of a distinct ethnic-national identity.
Imperial domination thus sharpened the boundaries between the British and the Afrikaners,
reinforcing the latter’s sense of distinctiveness and grievance.

The Great Trek as a Foundational Myth of National Identity

The Great Trek was reinterpreted retrospectively as an act of divinely inspired resistance
to British oppression. It became a central symbolic event in Afrikaner nationalism—
portrayed as a journey of a chosen people fleeing persecution and founding a new covenant
community.
British colonial policies in the Cape (e.g., abolition of slavery, anglicization) were viewed as
the cause of this migration, again linking imperial actions to nationalist self-conception.

Role of the Church and Calvinist Theology

The Dutch Reformed Church (NGK) played a critical ideological role, nurturing
nationalist identity and reinforcing the myth of divine election. The church was a core
institution for moral resistance to British secular authority, often portraying British
policies as spiritually corrupt. Calvinist theology underpinned ideas of predestination
and chosenness, aligning neatly with nationalist ideology.

Conclusion

The rise of Afrikaner nationalism in the late nineteenth century was significantly a response
to British imperialist expansion, with policies like the annexation of Natal, the Transvaal, the
Jameson Raid, and Milner’s anglicization efforts acting as catalysts. These measures
threatened Afrikaner autonomy, culture, and racial order, prompting a defensive nationalism
rooted in neo-Calvinist ideology and cultural preservation. However, internal factors—such
as the Dutch Reformed Church’s influence and the desire for *volkseenheid*—also shaped
its trajectory, making British imperialism a primary but not exclusive driver. The National
Party’s formation, the Broederbond’s separatism, and apartheid legislation entrenched this
nationalism, while opposition forces struggled to counter its dominance. The legacy of this
period, marked by resistance to British rule and racial exclusivism, continues to define South
Africa’s quest for an inclusive society.

Frederick Hale’s article, "Defending the Great Trek Myth: Afrikaner Nationalists' Campaign
in the Cape Against Stuart Cloete's Turning Wheels" (*Kronos*, 2000), portrays the intense
Afrikaner nationalist backlash against Stuart Cloete’s 1937 novel *Turning Wheels* as a
reflection of the deep-seated ethnic identity and sensitivity surrounding the Great Trek’s
legacy in 1930s South Africa. Hale illustrates how Afrikaner nationalists, particularly in the
Cape, vehemently opposed the novel’s unorthodox depiction of Voortrekkers as morally
complex, rather than heroic and pious, viewing it as an attack on their cultural narrative and
national honor on the eve of the 1938 Great Trek centenary. He highlights the orchestrated
campaign—led by *Die Burger* editor Albertus Geyer, Stellenbosch intellectuals, and
cultural organizations—to ban the novel, framing it as part of a perceived anti-Afrikaner
conspiracy rooted in historical grievances against British influence. Hale portrays this
episode as evidence of Afrikaner nationalism’s strength, driven by a mythologized
Voortrekker identity, and underscores the ethnic divide with English-speaking South Africans
who praised the novel. The article also suggests, though cautiously, the possible influence of
the Afrikaner-Broederbond, emphasizing the rapid, unified response as a sign of nationalist
mobilization against threats to Afrikanerdom.

- Happy reading
Aashi :)