A Sketch of Blackfoot Historical Phonology

Author(s): Paul Proulx

Source: International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jan., 1989), pp. 43-
82
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY

PAUL PROULX

HEATHERTON, CANADA

1. Introduction. Blackfoot is an Algonquian language spoken chiefly

in Alberta and Montana, and one of three members of the family
spoken on the Plains at the time of contact.' While its membership in
the family has been recognized since 1848 (Taylor 1969:8), most of the
specifics of its relationship to the rest of Algonquian have remained
unknown. Ives Goddard (1974b:601-2) put it thus:

To an Algonquianist it is simply astounding that a language with so many familiar

Algonquian traits can also have so many that appear utterly peculiar and un-Algonquian
(and so few clear-cut cognates). Blackfoot is unquestionably the most divergent of all the
Algonquian languages-much more so than the other two Algonquian languages of the

I Languages, their abbreviations, and the sources from which they are generally cited are
as follows: Abenaki-Ab Laurent (1884), Day (1964); Arapaho-A Goddard (1974a);
Blackfoot-B Taylor (1969); Cheyenne-Ch Glenmore and Leman (1984), Alford and Leman
(1976); Cree-C Bloomfield (ms.); Fox-F Bloomfield (ms.); Kickapoo-K Voorhis (1974);
Loup-L Day (1975); Mahican-Mh Masthay (1982); Menominee-M Bloomfield (1975);
Miami-Mi Voegelin (1937-40); Micmac-Mc Proulx (field notes), DeBlois and Metallic
(1984); Narragansett-Nr Trumbull (1903); Natick-N Trumbull (1903); Ojibwa-O Bloomfield
(1957) [bO=Barraga's dialect, pgO-Piggott and Grafstein 1983]; Penobscot-Pe Siebert
(1975); Potawatomi-Po Hockett (1948); Proto-Algic-PAc Proulx (1984b, 1985); Proto-
Algonquian-PA Aubin (1975), Siebert (1975); Shawnee-Sh Voegelin (1937-40); Virginia-V
Siebert (1975); Wiyot-W Teeter (1964); Yurok-Y Robins (1958), Proulx (field notes).
PA reconstructions found in Aubin (1975), Bloomfield (1946), and Siebert (1975) are
respectively identified with the letters A, B, and S plus the item number. Blackfoot forms
from Taylor (1969) are cited with T plus the page number. Citations from my Yurok field
notes are sometimes accompanied by the notebook number and page.
Emendations to forms cited are made without comment when they only involve orthog-
raphy (or when V is written for a vowel). Other minor emendations are generally men-
tioned, e.g., "reconstructed with *o for *we." When the emendation is "of the essence," the
full supporting evidence is cited. Orthographic concessions to my word processor: s wedge
is written as s, c wedge as c, and schwa as i.
Transcription generally follows that of Siebert (1975) for Algonquian, Teeter (1964) for
Wiyot, and Robins (1958) for Yurok. However, the following changes have been made:
PA *! is written for *0, PA *s for *?, PA *t for *x, PA * 2 for *h between vowels, W 2 for h
before a consonant, W a for o, W i for a, and Y i for inverted r. For discussion of the
changes, see Proulx (1984b:168-69).
I continue the practice of writing 'she/her' in glossing Algonquian third-person singular
verbs (see the discussion in Proulx 1985:n. 1).

[IJAL, vol. 55, no. 1, January 1989, pp. 43-82]

0 1989 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.
0020-7071/89/5501-0003$01.00

43

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 44 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Plains, Cheyenne and Arapaho. The latter have undergone startling, even bizarre, phono-
logical innovations; but their grammars and lexicon would be easily lost typologically
among the Eastern and Central languages. Not so Blackfoot, and it is at present an open
question whether its divergence is the result of resolute innovation or descent from an
ancestor collaterally related to Proto-Algonquian as heretofore known.

Whether or not Blackfoot is directly descended from Proto-Algonquian-

and I believe it is-the Blackfeet are surely the earliest group to become
fully separated from the other Algonquians, and as such they un-
doubtedly escaped the waves of shared linguistic innovations which con-
tinued to spread among the groups which remained in significant contact
with each other.2 Blackfoot's own radical innovations, though disruptive,
surely have not obscured all its archaic Algonquian heritage-and the
nature of these innovations themselves may have something to say
indirectly about the structure of the protolanguage.3 Hence, as its history
becomes better known, Blackfoot will likely bring important insights
into the structure of Proto-Algonquian.
A second important reason for diachronic study of this westernmost
Algonquian language is that, assuming it is descended from Proto-
Algonquian, it presents a case of rapid grammatical and lexical (as well
as phonological) change from a rather well known protolanguage. There
are few such cases, and this one is unique to this family.
This being the case, it may seem remarkable that there has not been
more diachronic work on the language. There has been no dearth of
synchronic work on it-the linguistic bibliography in Taylor (1969) runs
eleven pages-including high-quality modern linguistic descriptions (not-
ably Taylor 1969 and Frantz 1971).
However, it is only with Taylor's Ph.D. thesis in 1969-another
monumental Algonquian thesis supervised by Mary Haas, and compar-
able to work on Yurok by Robins (1958) and on Wiyot by Teeter
(1964)-that serious diachronic phonology became possible; and without
a good grasp of the historical phonology, grammatical comparison
remains a rough and chancy thing.4 As in the Algic case, phonemically
accurate transcription and some insight into the morphophonemics and
morphology were indispensable prerequisites to the task.
Prior to Taylor, work on Blackfoot by the comparativists of the day
yielded but a meager harvest-a very few of the more obvious cor-

2 Of course, separation is a matter of degree: there was SOME contact with other groups
well into historical times. Further discussion is beyond the scope of this paper.
3 Indeed, the only other likely source for the Blackfoot innovations is IROQUOIAN
structure-something that in principle can be controlled for.
4 Unfortunately, only available from University Microfilms, which may account for the
little attention it has received.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 45

respondences, not enough to distinguish cognates from chance simi-

larities.5 In such a climate, it was even wrongly proposed and widely
accepted that there was frequent syllable metathesis in the language
(e.g., B inok- from PA *kenw- 'long', of B ni'2msa from PA *ne4temy
'my daughter-in-law').6
The present sketch of Blackfoot historical phonology is based almos
entirely on Taylor's grammar, and the words that chance to occur in it
These have been augmented by a few from Frantz (1971) and Voegelin
(1940) and, where useful, with citations from Uhlenbeck's (1938) Black-
foot dictionary.7 This last misses some phonological contrasts, but oc-
casionally gives dialectal variants and useful by-forms and provides
evidence for some low-frequency correspondences. Don Frantz's prom
ised lexicon will no doubt permit us to fill out some more details, but the
present evidence is sufficient to clarify all the main features of Blackfoot
historical phonology.

2. Grammatical context. Before meaningful lexical comparison can

be undertaken, the evolution of some grammatical features from Proto
Algonquian to Blackfoot must be understood: the system of prefixing
stem structure, and initial change.8

2.1. Prefixes. PA inherits three sets of prefixes from Proto-Algic, two

of which are continued in Blackfoot:

Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Person

PA B PA B PA
*n- n- *net- nit- *ne- first
*k- k- *ket- kit- *ke- second
*w- o- *wet- ot- *we- third
*m- m- indefinite

In PA and Blackfoot, set 1 i

connective *-e- (B -i-) before
not used with kin nouns: B n

5 Since 1969, only an account of the

(1978) stands out-and even it has th
of correspondences makes inevitable.
6 Both cases involve faulty segment
dences involved (see LONG, DAUGHTER
7 Forms are correspondingly cited
helpful.
8 Of course, I can only deal with some of the more obvious grammatical matters here: a
full historical morphology is a matter for future research.

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46 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'personal pronoun' A431) and B nitan7a 'my daughter' from *neta:

'my daughter' A1525 (stem *-ta:n 'daughter' A2004).
Set 2 is used in verbs and independent nouns whose stems be
in a vowel or in *we: B nitaoksstaki 'I'm counting' T228,9 bes
*netakima:waki 'I count them (AN)' A1532 (stem *akim- 'count' A9
Compare also B niteepiksii?pa 'I'm pounding it' T248 (epiksimm
'she's pounding it' T152).
In PA, set 3 is used in those verbs and independent nouns wh
stems begin in a consonant. Blackfoot replaces set 3 with set 2 follow
by the connective vowel as needed: B nitsiksistssi 'I'm finished' T61 (roo
*ki:s- 'finish' A926, cf. B ksiistssi2wa 'she's finished' T63);
*nepakama:wa 'I strike her' A1458 (stem *pak-'strike' A1787).
Blackfoot also generally replaces connective *-e- with B -oo- betwe
a set 1 prefix and a stem beginning in an obstruent cluster: B nooxto6k
T59 from *nehtawakayi 'my ear' S72, and B ooxkatsi T39 from *wetk
'her foot' A2213. This B -oo- is sometimes transcribed -o- (1) before
(e.g., in B oxkatsi 'her foot or leg' T199), probably because "before /
the long /o/ is of shorter duration than elsewhere" T45, and (2) before
(e.g., in B ko?ksis 'thy armpit' V-from *kelenkwi, cf. A1275), proba
because "in many cases it was impossible to decide whether vow
before ... are phonemically long or short" T35. B -oo-, like other lo
vowels, is always shortened before a geminate consonant (see KNEE a
T81). For the ultimate source of this new connective, see 2.4.

2.2. One of the most striking features of Blackfoot structure, to t

Algonquianist, is the leveling out of stem-initial verb elements in fa
of their medial counterparts. For example, B ii2pii?wa 'it's wet' T7
reflects the medial *-epy 'water, liquid' A321 rather than the root *nepy
A1486, as in *nepyeLwiwi 'it's wet or watery' (F nepi:wiwi, C nipi:wi
M nepe:wew). For the treatment of the initial *e under initial chan
see 2.3. Compare B ii2kumi?wa 'she's lousy' from *ehkwemiwa S121.
Another example is B inowaiawa 'she was seen' T284 from medial
*-naw 'by sight' A1389, incorporating a connective vowel before the
and *-a:wa 'X-3' (Bloomfield 1946:sec. 37). Compare PA *nenaw- 'see
(TA)' (Algic, #230), and the unleveled imperative B niino6sa 'recogn
thou her' (also with initial change).
One showing the loss of initial *m is B nita6ossi 'I'm picking berri
T103 (with B -aa 'durative aspect' T300 added after the prefix and

9 With durative -aa- T300 shortened before a vowel T86-87, and initial *a replaced
o-see 2.4.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 47

shortened T86) beside *mawinswi- 'gather berries' S147 (with *o for

*wi).
Finally, B nitoxtsiipa 'I heard it' T122 is from medial *-eht 'hear'
A286 (with replacement of the initial connective *e by B -o(:)- as
described in 2.1 above). Compare PA *no:ntamwa 'she hears it' S106.
In some cases, unetymological m- is later added to a medial to form a
new independent stem (cf. Proulx 1985:sec. 5 for parallel developments
in Algic). For example, there is B moyis 'lodge' U(hlenbeck) from *wi:2ti
'beaver's lodge', and compare THERE, CROTCH, GOOD, LEATHER, LEGGING.
For a case of apparent B y- replacing *w-, see LOOK.
Another disturbance of PA roots in Blackfoot involves syncope.
Thomson (1978:250) has shown that when some Blackfoot stems are
preceded by preverbs or prenouns, there is syncope of a front vowel
within the element and a subsequent simplification of a resulting con-
sonant cluster: B kipitcaaki 'old woman' T140, but B -i-ppitaaki in B
nitaaaksippitaaki 'I'll become an old woman' T140.
He then argues convincingly that some of the resulting syncopated
stems have incorporated the final i of the preceding element and have
replaced the corresponding unsyncopated forms, e.g., B innoyii?wa 'it's
long' T51 beside *kenwayewi (M keni:w, C kinwa:w).

2.3. Initial change in PA consisted of replacing a short vowel by *e:,

prefixing *-ay to *a: (and some cases of *o: [?]) and *-ey to *e: (and
some cases of *i: [?]) in the first syllable of a stem. Some cases of
unchanged *i: and *o: respectively give changed *[y]a: and *wa:.
In PA, change generally marks conjunct order modes referring to
concrete completed actions (as opposed to possible or potential ones).
The conjunct order is not continued in Blackfoot, but initial change
survives in a few roots, mostly as an optional feature (see Taylor
1967:149-51). Compare:

B kay6oopum?ma 'she was afraid' T81 and B nitsikooWpu 'I'm afraid'

T44. Compare unchanged *kwecpan- 'fear' (Pentland 1979:383).
B payiim2a 'she entered' T125 and B piim?a 'she entered' T122.
B niin?ixkatoomay 'she named it' T124 and B nin?ixkaitsis 'name thou
her' T109. Compare unchanged *nehk- 'name' (Algic, #127).
B siiksipa?wa 'she was bitten' T74 and B siksipisa 'bite thou her' T76.
Compare unchanged *sakipwe:wa 'she bites her' A1942.
B iixk66nowaa2wa 'we (inc.) found her' T286 and B koonookita 'find
thou me' T85. Compare unchanged *metkaw- 'find' (TA counterpart
of TI *metkam- A1276).

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48 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

B ksiistsik6owa 'it's day' T104. Compare unchanged *ki:sekatwi 'it's day

A935.

What these examples seem to show is contraction of B -iy- from *-ay-

or *-ey- with a following B i (from any source) to B ii, and reintroduc-
tion before a long Blackfoot vowel of B -ay- from initial position-
where it is regular from the same PA element: PA *a gives B a in
word-initial and word-final position, B i medially. Other examples of the
infix plus *i: or *ye: are FINISH, FOUR, WARM, PRONOUN, SUMMER.

2.4. PA had an alternation of initial *we with medial *o: (due to the
regular contraction of *e-we to *o:), e.g., *wekima:wa 'chief' A2168 but
*neto:kima:ma 'my chief': M neto:kemam, cf. F keto:kima:ma 'thy
chief'. In some cases one or more of the languages replaces *we- with
*a- but retains *-o:- medially, leading to an alternation of initial a- with
medial -o:-. An example is F ahkani 'bone', oto:hkanemi 'her bone'.
Blackfoot has evidently extended this type of alternation to new
environments: B amixkaata 'fish thou' T129 and B amixkaa?tsis 'fishing
gear' T130, but B nit6miixkaa2tsis 'my fishing gear' T130. The stem here
is PA *a:me:- 'to fish' A27 plus *-Lhk 'make, gather' (Algic, #136) and
the Blackfoot final -aa. There is also B iimiixkaa?wa 'she fished' and B
nitsiimiixka 'I fished' T130, where the initial B ii- is perhaps the result of
initial change.

2.5. Intransitive stems. A few cognates have been found for intransi-
tive stems reconstructed with the abstract finals *-an (or its e-grade by-
form *-en) and *-at, and these show a matching -o (or -u) in Blackfoot.
(See 3.2 on the raising of o.) This probably reflects an extension of AI
*-o 'middle reflexive' A1679 (i.e., 'patient descriptive'; Denny 1984:246).
Examples are B koo2pu- 'fear (AI)' from *kwe?pan-, B issoko- 'heavy
(II)' from *kwesekwan-, B niipu- 'be summer (II)' from *ni:pen-, and B
ksiistiko- 'be day (II)' from *ki:sekat-. /
The use of an old AI ending on II stems may also explain why the
final inflectional vowel of a Blackfoot II verb with singular subject is -a,
i.e., it reflects the animate singular *-a of its AI source. This -a is then
generalized for II verbs and ultimately predicative inanimate nouns. For
example, there is B niitoyisa 'it's a lodge' beside niitoyisi 'lodge', and
ninihkssina 'it's a song' beside ninihkssini 'song' F5.
Once an equation is established between B -a with predication and B
-i with nominal form, new nouns are formed by replacing the final vowel
of an II verb with -i. Thus, beside B ksiistsik6owa 'it's day' there is
ksiistsik6owi 'day' (pl. ksiistsik6ists). This replaces the reflex of PA

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 49

*ki:sekwi 'day' A937, which would have had a final ksisi (s

AWL, EYE, KNEE).
Evidently this is also the origin of some of the obscure
some nouns: B matsisii 'pus' (from earlier and dialectal
compare the medial and ending of ikaitsisii?wa 'it has fester
DUNG and HORN.

2.6. Several Algonquian languages have a few agent nouns in *-wi

based on verb stems derived from nouns with the II final *-i: A426, or
*-i 'have' A445 or 'be' A446, and which evidently mean the same thing as
the nouns on which they are based. For example, there are several
nouns with medial * Vtky- 'land' + ending *-i:wi, as M aci:skehkiw
and pgO asaskiwikki 'muddy place' (i.e., 'a place that has mud'), M
asi:kani:hsehkiw 'it's marshy land'; F makwahki:wi 'mountain', Sh
meekwa2kiiwali 'mountains', M espa:hkiw 'hill'-cf. B miistakssku2yi
'mountains' T47.
Menominee, at least, also has nominalized counterparts of some verbs
with the final *-eLwi 'have such a quality' (Algic, #138), formed by
simply dropping the verbal inflection. An example is Menominee nepe:w
'water', nominal from *nepyeLwiwi 'it's wet or watery': F nepi:wiwi,
C nipi:wiw, M nepe:wew. Another is Menominee ahke:w 'land', nomi-
nal from *atkyeLwiwi 'it's land, earthy': F ahki:wiwi, C aski:wiw, M
ahke:wew.
Such formations probably underlie the Blackfoot ending -i (often
stressed) found in the singular of some animate nouns (e.g., SEED = ROSE
HIP). (See 4.1 for contractions involving *w.) Thus, for example, B kini
'roseberry' U (pl. kiniks) would reflect pre-B *[we]tkan[y]iwi or *[we]-
tkan[y]eLwi-nominalized from *[we]tkan[y]eLwiwi'it's bony'. Presum-
ably, 'bone' here refers to its hard seeds.
2.7. PA has an alternation of *i with *a as the initial vowel in a set of
terminal suffixes including inanimate singular *-Vli. This alternation is
what remains of a much greater variety of link vowels in Proto-Algic,
and the leveling out of by-forms continues in Blackfoot: only the reflexes
of *i are attested for PA *- Vli.

3.1. Consonants. The least conditioned reflexes of PA consonants

are:

(R1A) *C, *1, */, * -- t [HAND, LEG, SCRATCH, TELL; FAT, GOOD,
PUS, THOUGHT; EVENING, HIP, HOLE, PERISH, THUS; ANGER, CLAW, CUT
OFF, DAY, FINISH, HURT, TWO, WARM]. Examples: -o2tsis 'hand' from
*-tencyi (see 5.2), -tsin- 'fat' from *wi:lenwi, otaku- 'evening' from

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50 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

TABLE 1
CONSONANT CLUSTERS*

-p -k -kw -t - -1 - -m -n

h- ..... xp xk 2k sst ss
m- ..... ?p
n- ..... 22 xt t s #2
H-..... #3
?- ..... t Y Y
t- ..... xp #1
c- ...... ?p
s- .....

.- ..... ssp xk
Y- ..... #1

*Y = free variation between y, 7, and zero; #1 = both x and ss attested; #2 = both x and s; and #3 = b

*wela:kw-, -ookitsis 'claw' from medial *-kasy-. This rule feeds rules
R3A-R3D.
(R1B) *s - xs noninitially, e.g., -xsoyis 'tail of quadruped' from
[FEET, GALL, HEAVY, RUB TAIL OF QUADRUPED]. This rule feeds
R2E, R3D. See rule R5C for s in -xsoyis.
(R1C) *y - s, e.g., miistsis 'tree or stick' from *mi:twiya 'quaking
[ASPEN, BELLY, CROTCH, EAR, LEATHER, LEGGING, OIL, RIB].
(RID) *h drops, e.g., isindim- 'she draws or paints it' from *m
ham-.
(R1E) *p, *t, *k, *m, *n, *w remain [three examples of each: B
BRAIN, DAWN; ASPEN, COUNT, CROTCH; ARMPIT, AWL, BIG; ANGER, ASPEN,
AWL; BERRY, BONE, DAUGHTER; EAT, EGG, FACIAL HAIR].

Major conditioned reflexes (in addition to those found in tables 1-3)

are:

(R2A) *c, *s --s word-initially [SHORT; CRUSH, THROUGH, URIN

Examples: saaxk- 'short' from irregularly changed *cya:hkw- b
*cahkw-, and reduplicated sisiksin- 'crush, grind' from *se^ekw-.
(R2B) * 2, * 2- ? 2 - y - zero [BITCH, DAUGHTER-IN-LAW, ELDER BROT
LODGE, THREE, FACIAL HAIR], e.g., niyim2ssa = niim ssa = nim
'my daughter-in-law' from *ne?temehsa, and B miyisstowaan
miisstowaan and misstowaan 'facial hair' T96 from *mi:?leto:wa:ni.
(R2C) *nl -- s, e.g., ksis- 'sharp' from *ki:nl-.
(R2D) Otherwise a consonant - x before an obstruent. See table 1. This
rule feeds rules R2E-R2F, R3E. x may also be deleted by action of
morpheme-final ? (see 6 and T107). Examples are:

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 51

TABLE 2
PREASSIBILATION

t I I s k

: ......... s s
......... S S S

TABLE 3
POSTASSIBILATION

t I i s k

i: ......... s
i ......... S S S

e .........S

a ......... s s

*hp - xp, e.g., -ooxpin?i 'lu

*tp - xp, e.g., -ooxpikis 'rib'
*Hm - xp, e.g., -xp and -
*-Hm.
*nt - xt [HEEL, THERE, THOUGHT], e.g., -otuxtun?i 'heel' from *-to:ntani.
* t - xt, e.g., ixtsii- 'be located' from *a?te:-.
*hk - xk, e.g., reduplicated nin?ixk- 'name' from *nehk-.
*tk - xk [LEG, THROAT], e.g., -ooxkdtsi from *-tka:ci 'leg'.
*tk- xk [BONE, FIND, LIVER, NECK, SING], e.g., -xkin?i 'bone' from
*wetkani.
*sk - xk [BITE OFF, CROTCH, CUT OFF, ELBOW, HORN], e.g., kaxtstim 'she
bites it through or off' from changed *ka:skantamwa beside unchanged
*ki:skantamwa. See 2.3.
(R2E) x - ss after *i, after word-initial *e, after *ya, after *ke, and
between *e(:) and *s [GATHER, YOUNGER SIBLING; BITCH, HIGH; MOTHER;
KNOW, THICK; DAUGHTER-IN-LAW, ELDER BROTHER]. Examples:
After *i, e.g., oyissi- 'she gathers berries' from medial *-awinswi-.
After word-initial *e, e.g., skiyim?a 'bitch' from *etkwe:?temwa.
After *ya, e.g., -ksisst- 'mother' from *-kyahta.
After *ke, e.g., issksinow- 'know, recognize' from *ketkinaw-.
Between *e(:) and *s, e.g., -yim?ssa 'daughter-in-law' from *-?temehsa.

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52 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

Note that initial *e became *i very early (probably in PA), *ya must
have given early *i and *ke early *ki (as in Shawnee). Presumably the
second-person prefix *ke- caused this assibilation in dependent stems,
but if so it has been leveled out. Examples are:

*fp - ssp, e.g., sspik- 'be thick' from *kelpek-.

*sp - ssp [HIGH, LIFT], e.g., spii?wa 'it's high' from *espyayewi. See 6
and Tl 10-112 for truncation.
*nt - sst, e.g., ipistsi- 'be enclosed' from *pi:nte:- (U writes st for sst).
*ht - sst, e.g., -ksisst- 'mother' from *-kyahta.
*tk - ssk, e.g., issksinow- 'know, recognize' from *ketkinaw-.
*Ik - ssk, e.g., skiyim?a 'bitch' from *efkwe:?tmwa. See 6 and T110-112
for truncation.
*sk - ssk, e.g., ksisskst- 'bite it through or off' from *ki:skant-.
(R2F) x - ss everywhere after i for some South Piegan speakers, e.g.,
nin2ssksin 'song' beside nin2ixk- 'sing along' from *natk[w]-. See
T105.

Is/ is inserted and deleted as follows (see tables 2-3):

(R3A) t - st after *i(:) and initial *e, regardless of the source of t (see
table 2).
In *i:t, e.g., miistsis 'tree or stick' from *mi:twiya 'quaking aspen'.
In *i:l, e.g., -iist6w 'personal pronoun' from *-i:la.
In *i:g [DAY, FINISH, WARM, TWO], e.g., ksiistsiko- 'be day' from *ki:sekat-.
In *it [THROAT, FEET], e.g., -ooxksistuna 'throat' from *-tkitweni, *-skitoni.
In *il, e.g., -istsi 'inanimate pl.' from *-ili.
In *et word-initially, e.g., ist- 'thus, thither' from *et.
Compare nonassibilation:
In *ik [RIB, SCRAPE HIDES], e.g., -ooxpikis 'rib' from *-tpikayi.
In *e:l, e.g., -iitsixt- 'by thought [TI]' from *-e:lent.
In *ed., e.g., kaxko2kit- 'cut off head' from *ki:skikwe:sw-.
In *et [DAUGHTER, HIT], e.g., issit- 'hit with a missile' from *meswet-.
In *el [GOOD, PUS], e.g., -itsow- 'good' from *melaw-.
In *et noninitially, e.g., it- 'thus, thither' from *et.
In *ek [DAY, CRUSH], e.g., ksiistsiko- 'be day' from *ki:sekat-.
In *at, e.g., -ttsisi 'belly' from *-atayi.
In *at, e.g., i?nit- 'perish (TA)' from *-inat-.
In *ak [THICK, POUND, BITE, THROW], e.g., sspik- 'be thick' from *ketpak-.

(R3B) *k - ks before *i(:) (see table 3).

In *ki: [BITE OFF, DAY, FINISH, PRONOUN (thou), WARM], e.g., ksisskst- 'bit
it through or off' from *ki:skantam-.
In *ki [BITE, KNOW, THROAT, URINATE], e.g., siksip- 'she bites her' from
*sakipwe:wa.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 53

Contrast nonassibilation:
In *ke: [INDEFINITE OBJECT, WRITE], e.g., isinaki- 'write or draw' from
*masina[:]hike:-.
In *ke, e.g., kimm- 'miserable' from *ketem-.
In *ka [BONE, CLAW, CROTCH, EAR, HIP, HORN, LEATHER, NECK RIB], e.g.,
-xkin i 'bone' from *wetkani.
(R3C) ks - k before i[i]st for some South Piegan speakers [DAY, MOTHER,
PRONOUN (thou)], e.g., kiistsiko6wa beside ksiistsik6owa 'it's day' from
*ki:sekatwi. See T104.
(R3D) t from all sources - ts before *i, *e(:), and *a (see table 3). No
examples have been found before *i:.
In *ci, e.g., -kdtsi 'leg [medial]' from *-ka:ci.
In *li, e.g., -itsisiw- 'pus, matter' from *meli. See 2.6 for B iw.
In *te: [ENCLOSED, LOCATED], e.g., ipistsi- 'be enclosed' from *pi:nte:-.
In *le [FAT, THOUGHT], e.g., -tsin- 'fat' from *wi:lenwi.
In *se, e.g., ksiistsiko- 'be day' from *ki:sekat-.
In *ta, e.g., -tsis 'legging' from *-tayi.
In *la, e.g., mtttsikaan 'scrape hides' from *ma:[n]lahike:-.
In *la, e.g., -tsini'tongue' from *-e:lanyiwi.
(R3E) sss - ss iteratively. See T112. Thus, ss from x by rule R2E is
reduced to s before *s.
*nS - ss [ELDER BROTHER, GATHER, YOUNGER SIBLING], e.g., B -sissa
'younger sibling' from *-hsiLnsa.
*hs - ss, e.g., -yim?ssa 'daughter-in-law' from *-?temehsa.

3.2. Vowels. The major reflexes of PA vowels are:

(R4A) *a: - a generally [CONCEAL, CROTCH, DAUGHTER, EMERGE, EVENING,

EVERGREEN, FISH, LEG, NEGATIVE, ROPE, TELL, THROUGH], e.g., ksisatoo-
'conceal [TI]' from *kya:to:-.
(R4B) *a: ' aa after semivowels [DAWN, EGG, GOOD-LOOKING, HEAD,
HIDE, LOOK, SLEEP, TAILFEATHER, WHITE; HIDE], e.g., waaw- 'egg' from
*wa:w-, -oo2tokaddni 'head, ear of corn' from *-?tekwa:ni. Bled when
*y gives s (rule R1C).'0 Fed when prefixed i - y [LOOK, SLEEP, WHITE;
EAR].
(R4C) *o: - o generally [EAT, HAIR, HIP, LEATHER, TAIL, SNOW, and,
with raising to u, HEEL, WARM], e.g., miyisstow- 'facial hair' from
*mi:'leto:w-, -otuxtun?i 'heel' from *-to:ntani.1
(R4D) *o - o [THROAT, and the intransitive final in DAWN, DAY, EVENING,
FEAR, SUMMER, TELL], e.g., raised in -ooxksistuna 'throat' from *-skitoni.

10 There is no gemination before a consonant cluster (EAT, EYE), before a geminate

(WRITE), nor in final position (SLEEP).
l *o: evidently also geminates after semivowels, like *a:. See T71-72, 289, 294.

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54 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

(R4E) *a - i generally [BELLY, BITE, BONE, CLAW, CROTCH, DAWN, EAR,

ELBOW, HIP, HORN, LEATHER, LEGGING, LIVER, LOCATED, LUNG, NECK,
PERISH (TA), POUND, RIB, SEED, SING, THICK, THROUGH, THROW, TONGUE,
UPSTREAM], e.g., -ttsisi 'belly' from *-atayi.
(R4F) *a - a at word boundaries [COUNT, SIT; ASPEN, BITCH, DAUGHTER,
DAUGHTER-IN-LAW, ELDER BROTHER, MOTHER, YOUNGER SIBLING], e.g.,
aksst- 'count it or them [inan.]' from *akint-, and -sissa 'younger
sibling' from *-hsiLnsa.
(R4G) *e --i generally [BITCH, DAUGHTER-IN-LAW, DAY, FAT, LIFT,
MISERABLE, NAME, THOUGHT, THREE], e.g., skiyim2a 'bitch' from
*elkwe: 2emwa.
(R4H) *e -a word-finally [BITE, WAIT], e.g., oxkita 'wait thou for it'
from *atk- 'wait, lie in ambush' plus imperative sg. *-lwe (Siebert
1975:422).
(R4I) *e: - i [CUT OFF, HORN, BITCH, ELDER BROTHER, MAN, PERISH (AI)],
e.g., kaxko2kit- 'cut off head' from *ki.:kikwe:Sw-.
(R4J) *i - i [ANGER, BITE, FEET, GATHER, KNOW, LOOK, PERISH, RIB (me-
dial), TELL, THROAT, SCRATCH, THROW, URINATE, WRITE, YOUNGER
SIBLING], e.g., isttsimm- 'anger by speech' from *kesim-.
(R4K) *i: - i [BITE OFF, DUNG, ENCLOSED, GALL, FINISH, FOUR, SCRATCH,
SHARP, WARM], e.g., ksisskst- 'bite through or off' from *ki:skant-.

Blackfoot vowels are often geminated due to initial change (FINISH,

FOUR, WARM). In other cases, gemination may have originated with
initial change but is now part of the base-form (BERRY, DAY, SUMMER,
PRONOUN). It may seem unusual that (BERRY, PRONOUN) have initial
change, but note that their PA forms have initial change relative to
Proto-Algic (Algic, #73, 132). An explanation for cases of vowel gemina-
tion at morpheme boundaries awaits further analysis of historical mor-
phology, and one case of gemination in a dependent stem but not in the
corresponding medial (RIB) is unexplained.12
The raising of Blackfoot o to u, much like a similar raising in Menomi-
nee, seems subject to variations among speakers (or at least transcriptions
of their speech). Generally, there is synchronic raising before a nasal, ss
or x, geminate consonants, and consonant clusters. (For discussion, see
T81-83.) There are too few diachronic examples to attempt a statement.

4. Minor reflexes. Most of the minor reflexes of PA phonemes arise

in relation to semivowels, while loss of *e and the simplification by
gemination of resulting consonant clusters account for most of the
remainder.

12 For what it is worth, such gemination seems more common near nasals and labials
(ASPEN, SIT, THOUGHT).

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 55

4.1. Semivowels, rounding, and related matters. The follo

are ordered:

(R5A) *e - *i initially and after *k [BITCH, HIGH, LIFT; KNOW, MISERABLE,

THICK], e.g., skiyim2a 'bitch' from *elkwe:?temwa, and kimm- 'mis-
erable' from *ketem-. After conditioning reflexes of a following
consonant cluster, initial *i drops [BITCH, HIGH], but is evidently
reintroduced from preverbs in some cases [LIFT] (cf. 2.2), e.g., isspinn-
'lift by hand' from *espen-.
(R5B) *a e i -- o before *kw [EVERGREEN, AWL, EYE, HEAD, HEAVY, KNEE;
CUT OFF HEAD], e.g., -axtoka 'evergreen' from *-a:ntakw, mo?ksis 'awl'
from *mekwi, kaxko?kit- 'cut off head' from *ki:skikwe:sw-.
(R5C) *i - yi finally after *o:w and i:y from any source, then to *iyi by
R5H and to is by R5L [TAIL OF QUADRUPED, DUNG, LODGE], e.g.,
-xsoyis 'tail of quadruped' from *-so:wi, -oyis 'beaver's lodge' from
*wi:?ti. Feeds R5D.
(R5D) *w - *y (and then is by R5H and R5L) between a consonant (*1
or *k) and word-final *i [TAIL; ARMPIT, AWL, EYE, KNEE], e.g., -o?ksis
'armpit' from *-tenkwi. Bleeds R5E.
(R5E) *lw - liw [GOOD, GOOD-LOOKING], e.g., -itsiw-, -itsow- 'good' from
*melw-, *melaw-.
(R5F) *w drops after a consonant [ASPEN, BITCH, BITE, CUT OFF, FAT,
GALL, GATHER, HIT, TIE-plus every case of *kw], e.g., miistsis 'tree or
stick' from *mi:twiya 'quaking aspen'. Follows R4B.
(R5G) There are many contractions between consonants:
*yi: - i [DEEP, SNOWDRIFT, TWO], e.g., immi- 'be deep' from *temyi:-.
*yi - i [TONGUE, WARM], e.g., -tsini 'tongue' from *-e:lanyiwi.
*ya - i, e.g., -ksisst- 'mother' from *-kyahla.
*owa: - oo, e.g., ksiistookomi 'the water is warm' from *ki:soowa:-
kamyiwi.
*awa - oo, e.g., -ooxtookis 'ear' from *-htawakayi.
*awe-' oo, e.g., Vxkoonow- 'find' from *melkaw- plus *-enaw 'see'.
*awi - o(yi), e.g., oyissi- 'gather berries' from medial *-awinswi-.
*i:wa - ii, e.g., iist- 'pack' from *-i:wat-.
*e:we - ii, e.g., -tuxkiimaanaa 'woman [possessed]' from *-telkwe:wema.
*aye - ii [LEATHER; HIGH, LONG, THICK, WARM], e.g., akaotokiimi?wa
'she has lots of hides' from *Lo:kay- 'leather, hide' plus *-emi 'have',
cf. -tokis 'leather, hide'.
*ayi - ii [BELLY, RIB], e.g., ottsiists 'her guts' from *-atayi 'belly' plus
*-ili 'inanimate plural', cf., singular ottsis 'her gut'.
*ani - ii [BONE, LUNG, NECK], e.g., oxkiists 'her bones' U from *wetkani
plus *-ili 'inanimate plural', cf. singular -xkin2i 'bone'. Bled by sporadic
rounding in [HEEL].

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56 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

*ahi - i, e.g., mattsikaan 'implement for removing hair in tanning' from

*ma:[n]tahike:- 'scrape hides'.
*a:hi - aa, e.g., isinaki- 'write or draw' from *masina:hike:-.
(R5H) *y - iy (and thence is by R5L) after a word-initial consonant
[FOUR, CONCEAL (TI or TA), JEALOUS], e.g., niso- 'four' from *nye:w-,
and between a consonant and a final vowel [CLAW, CORD, HAND, OIL],
e.g., -ookitsis 'claw' from medial *-kasy-. Also fed by rules R5C-R5D.
(R5I) *aw - ow elsewhere [EAR (by), FLOW, GATHER, KNOW, SEE], e.g.,
-akowii- 'flow' from *-a:kawi-.
(R5J) *eLwi - ii, e.g., ii?pii- 'be wet, watery' from *-epyeLwi-.
(R5K) *i[:]wi - ii medially and i finally [TONGUE, WARM WATER, cf. PUS,
SEED, SNOW; SNOWDRIFT], e.g., maatsiniiyi 'tongue' and -tsini 'tongue'
U from *-e:lanyiwi.
(R5L) *y - s elsewhere [ASPEN, DUNG; BELLY, CROTCH, LEATHER, LEGGING,
RIB], e.g., miistsis 'tree or stick' from *mi:twiya 'quaking aspen'. Also
fed by R5H.
(R5M) *w - y before i from any source [EGG, FLOW, GATHER, LONG, SEE,
TAIL OF QUADRUPED, TAIL], e.g., oyissi- 'she gathers berries' from
medial *-awinswi-.
(R5N) *iy y, *i: -i y between a consonant and back vowel [ASPEN, OIL,
RUB], e.g., miistsyoyis 'wooden house' from *mi:twiy- 'quaking aspen'
and -6yis 'house, lodge', cf. miistsis 'stick'; pumyaianakimaa?tsis 'oil
lamp' from *pemyi 'oil' and anakimatsis 'lamp', cf. pomis 'oil, fat';
essyaapinyooxsi?wa 'she's rubbing her eyes' from *kesi:- 'rub, wipe,
wash' plus -aapin 'eye'.
(R50) iyi - ii [CORD, HAND], e.g., nit6opiim2a 'my rope' from *-a:py
with possessive *-em, cf. apis 'cord'. Follows R5H and R4G.
(R5P) owi - oi before a consonant [DAY, EVENING], e.g., ksiistsik6ists
'days' with inanimate plural -istsi beside ksiistsik6o wi 'day'.
(R5Q) oni - ui before a consonant, e.g., motoxtuists 'heels' U with
inanimate plural -istsi beside otuxttini 'her heel'.
(R5R) awi - ai before a consonant, e.g., pl. misisaists 'dung' U with
inanimate plural -istsi beside sg. misisau U.

4.2. The origin of geminates. Thomson (1978:250) has shown that

when some Blackfoot stems are preceded by preverbs or prenouns, there
is syncope of a front vowel within the element and a subsequent simplifi-
cation of a resulting consonant cluster-some becoming geminates. We
are now in a position to be a bit more precise and to furnish more
examples:

(R6A) *e drops between a sequence of vowel + stop and a following

nasal + vowel. The stop is then lost, and the nasal geminated. This
rule follows *t - t. Examples are:

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 57

*tem -- mm, e.g., *ketem- 'miserable' - kimm-'pity'.

*lem - mm, e.g., *nalem- - nimm- 'upstream'.
*tem - mm, e.g., *temi:- - immi- 'deep'.
*ken - nn, e.g., *keno:- - inno- 'long'.
*pen - nn, e.g., *pen- - inn- 'down'.

In the last three examples, and in six of those in R6B bel

tive *-i- is prefixed to the Blackfoot form as explained in 2.2.

(R6B) *e is lost between a sequence of vowel + k and t or x

source) plus vowel or s (from any source) + vowel (i.e., Vk
Vk sV). This rule follows the loss of postconsonantal *w.
the assimilation of *k to t with loss of intervening x,
geminate, and the unconditional loss of *k before ss
follows. Recall that sss is reduced to ss by rule R3E. Exam
*ket - tt, e.g., *meketekwi - mottoksis 'knee'.
*kehs -- tt, e.g., *kehs- - isst- 'hurt'.
*kes - ss, e.g., kesi:- - issi- 'rub, wipe'.
*kwes - ss, e.g., *kwesekwan- - issoko- 'heavy'.
*ket - ss, e.g., *ketpak- - isspik- 'thick'.
*ket - ss, e.g., *ketkinaw- - issksinow- 'know'.
*kes" - tt, e.g., *kesim- - isttsimm- 'anger by speech'.

(R6C) Most of the losses of *e by the last two rules are par
pattern: its loss in the first syllable of a stem after an ob
the PA index]. Exceptions arise from its prior replaceme
analogy [WOMAN], or by regular or sporadic rounding [
OIL].

4.3. Other cases of gemination. Some cases of gemination-as in

Blackfoot niistunnaan?a 'we' from PA *ni:lawena:na 'we (exclusive)'
A1612, Blackfoot asspinnimay 'she is lifting it by hand' (*esp- 'high'
A357, *-en 'by hand'), Blackfoot -ttsisi 'belly' from PA *-atayi (Algic,
#95) and like the mm in 'anger by speech' above-are not readily
explained by rules R6A-R6B. Explanations could involve analogy with
cases where these rules did in fact apply, or traces from a period where
there was rhythmically controlled lengthening of consonants in some
positions (e.g., as in Natick). Much more data is needed to test either
hypothesis.

5. Boundaries. The position of grammatical boundaries conditions

Blackfoot reflexes in several ways. In addition, the increasingly blurred
contrast between word-initial and morpheme-initial position in this lan-
guage leads to complications (see 2.2).

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58 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

5.1. Word-initial position. Some of the conditioning effects of thi

position have already been noted: *c s -- s (R2A), *a - a (R4F), *Cy -
Ciy (R5H), and *e - i (R5A, probably already in PA). Other cond
tioned reflexes are as follows:

*me and *ne drop before an obstruent [FIND, HIT WITH MISSILE; PREFIX
(optionally restored T259), WET]. This loss is followed by truncation
of a following x [FIND], e.g., k66nookita 'find thou me' from *metkaw-
beside nikk6xkoonowaa?wa 'I already found her', nituxk66nowaaxsi
'when I found her', and changed iixk66nowaa?wa 'we [inc.] found
her'.
*we and *wi: contract to o [EVENING, SEED, THERE; FAT, GALL, LODGE],
e.g., otaku- 'evening' from *weta:kw-, and -oyis 'house, lodge' from
*wi:ti 'beaver's lodge'.

Evidently *y remains as y after an initial vowel [INFIX, see 2.3].

There is also some tendency for initial change to mark the first syllable
of a verb, rather than a particular set of modes (see T121).

5.2. Stem-initial position. Stem-initial tsi from any source drops be-
tween a prefix and an obstruent cluster, and in all known cases the first
member of the cluster is replaced by glottal catch.
*-4enkwi - -o ksis 'armpit'.
*-tencyi -' -o ?tsis 'hand'.
*-tempi - -o?pi 'brain'.
*-tehkwemi- -*-o?komi- 'have lice'.
*-tahtaka:kwani - -oo kakin i 'back' (with haplology).

5.3. Word-final position. Some of the conditioning effects of this

position have already been seen: the treatment of final *i after *o:w and
*i:y (R5C), that of final *i[:]wi (R5K), that of *y between a consonant
and a final vowel (R5H). In addition, final *a and *e merge to a (R4F,
R4H).

5.4. Stem-final position. In many cases a stem-final vowel is gemi-

nated [FISH, LOCATED, SIT], but in some cases not. This is presumably the
result of gemination in some environments, and analogical leveling.

5.5. Morpheme-final position. Taylor (1969:106-8) describes the inser-

tion of a morpheme-final glottal catch, which in most cases metathesizes
with the following vowel or diphthong-optionally so when the first
consonant of the following morpheme is a member of a cluster. In the
case of clusters, such metathesis results in deletion of the first member of
the cluster (or, optionally, loss of the glottal stop).
This junctural glottal catch, which marks microword as well as ordi-
nary morpheme boundaries, is arguably the only historical source of

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 59

glottal catch in Blackfoot. There are cases where it seems to co

glottal catch from PA, but this may be coincidence.
In several cases, it seems to have been incorporated into a mor
(at least in some of its occurrences) so as to be present even wh
synchronically predictable. This is particularly common where
initial form of an element has replaced the initial one (as descr
2.2), e.g., Blackfoot ooka'kdni 'sleep' from *-enkw A313 and o2k
she slept'-but nitsooka 'I slept'. (The source of the initial oo her
doubt that described in 2.4.)

6. Other details. In a few cases, more data or more detaile

chronic description is needed to explain some unexpected refl
most common disturbance of expected reflexes is due to sporadic ro
ing of *a or *e(:) (HEEL, LIQUID; FEAR, LICE, NECK). Vowel harmony
be involved in HEEL, LIQUID, NECK, adjacent labials in FEAR, LICE.
are Blackfoot doublets in i and o (GOOD-LOOKING), perhaps dia
origin (see T144). In EAT, FISH, HOLE, a vowel is geminate excep
stressed. Unexplained geminate vowels are found in WE (EX
optionally in RIB, SNOW. The geminate in SHORT may reflect
changed form, but its exact history is unclear.

7. Data. Entries have the following order: gloss; PA reconstr

documentation; Blackfoot stem. Supporting Blackfoot data and
ments follow.
'anger, she...-s her by speech' *kesime:wa (A789): B isttsimm-. B
nitsiiksisttsimma2wa 'I'm very angry at her' T245, nitaistsimau 'I'm
angry with her' U.
'armpit' *-tenkwi (A1275): B -o2ksis. B ko?ksis 'your armpit',
ko2ksinno:nists 'our (inc.) armpits' V.
'aspen, quaking...' *mi:twiya (A1313): B miistsis 'tree / stick'. B
miistsis[a] 'tree' (pl. miistsiiks) Tl 17, 194, miistsis 'stick' T162, mistsists
'sticks' U, nitsistsim 'my stick' U. Also B miistsyoyis 'wooden house'
T92, and aiakiitoyiistsis 'quacking aspen' T117.
'awl' *mekw[ehs]i (S18): B mo?ksis. B moksis[a] T74, mbo2ksis T35,
199, aksisa (pl. aksiiks) T174 'awl', oksisi 'her awl' T178, noksinnaan9a
'our (exc.) awls' T199, kokssy6waa2wa 'your (pl.) awl' T199.
'backbone' *-tahtaka:kwani (F -tahtaka:kwani, pgO -tattaka:kwan): B
-oo?kakin?i. B noo2kakin?i 'my back' T59, nitssikoo?kakin2ixka 'my
back is broken' 223; cf. noo2kakikinii 'my back' T47.
'belly, bellies, have such a belly' *-atayi, *-atayali, *-ataye:wa (Algic,
#95): B -ttsisi. B attsiists 'guts' T178, ottsiists 'her guts' T178, ottsisi
'her entrails' T45 (cf. ottsis 'her gut' V), sooxkittsii?wa 'she has a big
belly' T219, saaOttsisiiwa2yi 'she cut open another's belly' T45.

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60 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'berry' *mi:n- (A1303): B miin-. B miini 'berry' (pl. miinists) T26, 79,
miinii 'berry' (pl. miinists) T193.
'big' *mank- (S24, but cf. uD amanki 'it's big'): B im2axk-. B
nittim axksi 'I'm big' T235, m ?axko?wa 'it's big' T235, im 'axkixkinay
'Big Horn sheep' T133, imaxk6piinai 'she (4p.) had a big arrow' U.
'bitch' *efkwe:7?mwa (A399, S26): B skiyim?a. B skiyimaa 'mare, bitch'
T41, ski2miks 'female beasts' U.
'bite, she...-s her' *sakipwe:wa (A1942): B siksip-. B siksipisa 'bite
thou her' T76, siksstaksin?i T185 and sikstaksin T126 'a bite',
siiksipa?wa 'she was bitten' T74.
'bite, she . . .-s it through/off' *ki:skantamwa (A968): B ksisskst-,
kaxtstim. B ksisskstakii 'beaver (subordinate)' T85, ksisskstakiiks
'beavers', and, with initial change, kaxkstim 'she bites it off' U.
'bone' *welkani (Goddard 1974a:112): B -xkin2i. B uxkin2i 'her bone'
T40, oxkiists 'her bones' U.
'brain' *-tempi (A2206): B -o?pi. B [h]6o?pi 'her brain' T105.
'claw' *-tkansya, *-skansya, and medial *-kasy- (Algic, #134, #141 and
Hamp 1976:167): B -ookitsis. B ookitsis 'her claw' T176, mokitsiks
'claws' U. Another example of the medial is in F papi:sikase:wa 'she
has small nails'.
'conceal' [TI] *kya:to:- (A 1140): B ksisatoo-. B nitsiksisatoo?pa 'I hide
it' T35.
'conceal' *ky- (A1133-reconstructed with the following link vowel
*a:, but Blackfoot suggests link *e:): B ksisi-. B ksisya2tsis 'bone hider'
T189. With B -a2tsis 'nominalizer' T188, also in 'hammer', see STRIKE,
POUND. Compare B nitsiksyaiasi 'I hid' T253, evidently from *kya:si-
(A1136-with *o for *i before *w, but cf. Mi kasiani 'I hide').
'conceal, she... -s her' *kya:te:wa (A1142, and see S200): B ksisat-. B
niteeksisata?wa 'I'm hiding her' T247.
'cord' *-a:py (0 -a:py [Bloomfield 1957:sec. 11.115], and compare
*-a:pye:k 'string' A59 with incorporated *- Vk 'elongated thing' [Algic,
#155]): B apis. B apis 'rope' T180, nit6opiim?a 'my rope' T180.
'count, she ... -s it / them' [inan.] *akintamwa (A97): B aksst-. B aks-
st66taa?wa 'count thou them' T158, iksst66myaa?wa 'she counted
them' T158, nitaoksstaki 'I'm counting' T228. Compare intransitive
final *-a:ke: A17. See also Bloomfield (1946:sec. 105) for extended
roots based on TI stems.
'crotch' *ta:skay- (pgO ta:skisw 'cut someone in half', Mc caski'crotch'
[with diminutive consonant symbolism], cf. C taskiso:w 'she is forked'
and ucicaska: 'between the legs'): B -taxkis. B omaitaxkis 'her groin,
genitals' T176. Presumably indefinite ma- has been incorporated into
the stem.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 61

'crush, grind' *sekw-, reduplicated *seg^ekw- (S62, F sesek

'she crushes her to pieces', pgO sassako- 'crush' [with a-gra
B isk-, sisiksin-. B iskim 'she breaks it' U, asikomoyiu 'she
her' U, sisiksinim 'she smashes it' U.
'cut off, she ... -s her head' *ki:skikwe:swe:wa (A978): B ka
nitsikaxko2kita?wa 'I cut off her head' T241, literally, 'ne
#165).
'daughter' *-ta:na (A1525): B -tan2a. B nitanaa 'my daughter' T43, 47.
'daughter-in-law, cross-niece' *- 2ema, *- 2emehsa (A1501, Hockett
1981:66): B -yim ssa 'daughter-in-law'. B niyim?ssa or niim?ssa T96,
nim ssa 'my daughter-in-law' T40.
'day, it's .. .' *ki:Sekatwi (A935): B ksiistsiko-. B ksiistsik6owa 'it's day'
T104, nominal ksistsiktui 'day' U, and ksiistsik6ists 'days' T57. The
final *-at is replaced by B -o, see 4.1.
'dawn, it's...' *wa:panwi (A2114): B apin-. B aapinakosi 'tomorrow'
T26, aakaayaakapinako?wa 'it's already dawning' T301, aa?pinakosi
'when it's morning' T26 (with a2- 'when' T320). Cf. B ao?takusi 'when
it's evening' T306.
'deep, it's...' *temyi:wi (C timi:w, M temi:w): B immi-. B immisi
'when it's deep' T279, immiu 'it's deep' U, imiko 'deep snow' U.
'down to the ground' *pen- (Algic, #82): B pin- and inn-. B pinapoxtsi
'down river' U, inis6xtsi 'down' U, ennisi2wa 'she's falling' T32,
nitsinaxpi 'I fall down' (nitaxpi 'I fall') U.
'dung' *mi:yi (M mi:yan 'pieces of dung' [sg. mi:h]): B misisaaw-. B
misisee T51, misisau (pl. misisaists) U 'dung'. This appears to reflect a
nominalized form of unattested B *misisaa?wa 'it is dung'.
'ear' *-htawakayi (S72): B -ooxto66kis. B nooxt66kis 'my ear' T59,
nooxto:kinna:nists 'our ears', ooxto:kiyowa:waists 'their ears' V, cf.
nitoo?suxsstooki 'my earlobe' T113 (evidently without the *-ay).
'ear, by...' *-eht, TI *-ehtam, TA *-ehtaw, (A286, 287, cf. *no:ntamwa
'she hears it' S106): B oxt-, oxtsim-, oxtow-. B oxtsita 'hear thou it'
T122, niteeyooxtsim?i 'I hear' T95, nit6xtsii?pa 'I heard it' T122,
aioxtsim 'she hears it' U, nooxkoxtookita 'hear thou me' T95 (nooxk-
'please' T303), aioxtoyiu 'she hears her' U.
'eat' *mo:[h]wa:- (C mo:we:w, Ch e-mevo, Ab o-mowa, N m8whau,
mD mhwe:w 'she eats her', and L nim8han, mD nim6hwa:w 'I eat
her'): B Vwa-. B iiwatsiiway 'she ate her' T138, a6owaxsin?i 'meal'
T186, cf. 6oyi?wa 'she's eating' T138, nitOo?yi 'I'm eating' T138.
'egg' *wa:wi (A2136, backcut from plural *wa:walwali A2135): B waaw-.
B oau 'egg' (pl. oaists) U, oowaiyi 'her egg' T177.
'elbow' *-skwani (A2201): B -ooxkin2sstsis. B nooxkin?sstsis 'my elbow'
(extended, cf. CONCEAL) T78, nooxkinWistsinno:nists 'our elbows' V.

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62 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'elder brother' *-?te:nsa (C -ste:s, Sh -Oe:Oa, M -2ne:hs-): B -iPsa. B

nii2sa T35, niss(a) T74 'my elder brother', uiss(i) T73 'her elder brother'.
'emerge, protrude' *sa:k- (A1933): B sak-. B saaksista 'go thou out'
T261, B miinWsaksista 'do thou not go out' T78.
'enclosed, it's...' *pi:nte:wi (A1876): B ipistsi-. B nittiipistsi or B
nitaipstsi 'I'm inside' U.
'evening' *wela:kw- (A2146): B otaku-. B oa2takuisi 'when it's evening'
T306, aiutdkoists 'evenings' U. Cf. aa2pinakosi 'when it's morning' T26
(with a2- 'when' T320).
'evergreen' *-a:ntakw (Siebert 1967:25): B -axtoka. B oo?kaxtoka 'green
pine tree' T141, itaxtokaa?siwa 'she became a pine' T230, paxtoka
'pine, spruce tree' T141. See T142 for an initial alternation between p
and m.
'eye, face' *-ski:nsekwi (A1522): B -oosstoksisi. B usstoksisi 'her face'
T175, mostoksists 'faces' U, no:stoksinno:nists 'our faces' V. Note the
dissimilation of the first *k to *t (cf. T113), and haplology.
'eye, have such...-s' *wa-pi- (C wa:piciya:piw 'she's white-eyed', M
wa:peciya:pew 'she has light-colored eyes'): B -api-. B utsskaapini
'blue eyes' T91 (cf. utssku- 'blue' T236 and nominal *-n), noapsspa
'my eye' T47 (with nominal *-Hm).
'face' *-i:nkw (A432): B -sski. B apski'white-faced horse' U.
'fat' *wi:lenwi (A2234): B -tsin-. B atsinayi 'fat, suet', otsinayi 'her fat'
T178. See T195 for -ayi.
'fear' *kwecpen- (Pentland 1979:383): B koo?pu-. B nitsikoo?pu and
niteekoo?pu 'I'm afraid' T44, 73, kay6oopum?ma 'she was afraid' T81.
Compare kay6opomma 'she got scared' (Taylor 1967:153), and note
that vowels sound longer before glottal catch (T35).
'feet, hoofs' *-sitali (A1509): B -ooxsistin- (?). B kooxsistsinno:niks
'our toes, hoofs' V, moxsistsiks 'hoofs', moxsistsini 'hoof' U. Presum-
ably the in of the singular is secondary.
'find' *metkaw- (in *nemelkawa:wa 'I find her' A1436): B Vxk66now-
(incorporating *-enaw 'see' A1389, with connective *e). B
iixk6onowaa2wa 'we (inc.) found her' T286, nikk6xkoonowaa2wa 'I
already found her' T249, nituxkoonowaaxsi 'when I found her' T284,
koonookita 'find thou me' T85.
'finish, be done' *ki:s- (A926): B ksist-. B ksiistssi?wa 'she's finished'
T63, niksiksistssi 'I'm finished' T61.
'fish' [verb] *a:me:- (A27, Ps ame 'she fishes'): B amixkaa-. B
amixkaan2i 'fishing' T185, amixkaata 'fish thou' T129, iimiixkaacwa
'she fished' T 130, amixkaa2tsis 'fishing gear', nit6miixkaa2tsis 'my
fishing gear'. The Blackfoot stem has incorporated -xk-aa T229, from
*-Lhk- 'make, gather' (Proulx 1984a:sec. 2.1) plus a final of unknown
origin. Compare maamiiPwa 'fish'.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 63

'flow' *-a:kawi-, *-ikawi- (M espa:kawew 'it flows up', M po:n

'it ceases to flow', C ohcikawiw 'it flows from there'): B -a
aawaakoyii2wa 'it's flowing' T49.
'four' *nye:w- (root of *nye:wwi A1665, and psPA *nye:wan
dard 1974a:105, 114]): B niso-. B niiso 'four' T145, niisoo
four' T237, reduplicated in naanisoo[yi]- 'be eight', niisiikopo
teen' T145.
'gall' *wi:swepi (in *wewi:swepi 'her gall' A1756, with *o for *we): B
usspi. B usspi 'her gall [bladder]' T44, wisspi T73.
'gather, she...-s berries' *mawinswiwa, medial *-awinswi- (S147-
with *o for *wi): B oyissi-. B nitao?ssi 'I'm picking fruits/berries'
T103, auyisiu 'she's picking berries' U.
'good-looking' *melwa:p- (F menwa:pame:wa 'she likes to see her', C
miywa:pin 'pleasing sight', M menuapamew 'she likes the look of
her'): B matsiwaa?p-. B matsiwaa?pssi?wa and mats6waa?pssiwa 'she's
handsome' T144.
'good' *melw-, *melaw- (A1213, cf. C miyawihtam 'she hears well'): B
-itsiw-, -itsow-. B iikitsiinam2ma 'she's very nice looking' T236
mats6waakii?wa 'handsome woman' T34, matsiimo2wa 'it smells good
and iikitsiimo2wa 'it smells very fragrant' T137.
'hair, facial...' *mi:?leto:w-, *mi:?leto:wa:ni (C mi:hyi:stowa:n S22):
B miyisstow-. B miyisstowaan and miisstowaan and misstowaan 'facia
hair' T96, omisstowaxsi 'her facial hair' T26. Cree and Blackfoot seem
to reflect *?t for *t in this item.
'hand, hands' *-tencyi, *-tencyali (S104): B -ogtsis. B notsis 'my hand',
no?tsiists(i) 'my hands' F140, otsoaists 'their hands' U [under 'cut
off'].
'head, ear of corn' *-?tekwa:ni (Pentland 1977:225): B -oo?tokaan?i. B
noo2tokaan?i 'my head' T43, motokanists 'heads' U, moo?tokaan?a
'it's a head' T110.
'heavy' *kwesekwanwi (A1064, with *o for *we, and cf. Mc keskuk 'it's
heavy', with dissimilation of the first labial): B issoko-. B issoko2wa
and sok6owa 'it's heavy' T235. Cf. kitssoksi 'thou art heavy' T235.
'heel' *-to:ntani (Goddard 1974a:111): B -otuxtuini. B otuxtu'ni 'her
heel' T44, motoxtuists 'heels' U.
'high, it's...' *espyayewi (C ispa:w, cf. F inehpya:wi 'it's so high'): B
spii2wa. B spii2wa 'it's high' T233. Uhlenbeck gives 'is high': spitau
(person), spimiu (animal), spiksim (animate tree), spiksiu (inanimate
tree), spiu (inanimate thing).
'high, she is [so] ...' *epesiwa (C ispisi:w 'she is so tall'): B spssi2wa.
B spssi2wa 'she is high' T233. The long *i: in Cree is unexplained.
'hip' *-to:kani (A1749): B -tokin. B matokini 'someone's hip', otokin
'her hip' T178.

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64 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'hit, she...-s it with a missile' *meswetamwa (A1254): B issit-. B

issitoot 'hit thou it with a missile' Taylor (1967:153), ayissiniimay 'she
hit it with a missile' T122.
'hole, den' *wa:t- (A 2127): B wat-. B watsimaan 'hole' T58. Cf. B
-imaan?a T116.
'horn' *-t-e:skana (Goddard 1981:67, and C ka:site:skane:w 'she has
pointed horns' beside C ka:sipota:w 'she sharpens it to a point', bO
nijodeshkani 'it has two horns'): B -tskina. B itskina 'Horn Society',
otskinay 'her horn' T178, otskinau 'horn' U, nisootskina 'four horns'
T86.
'hurt' *kehs- (0 kissawa:t, Mc kesa:lat'l 'she hurts her'): B istts-. B
isttsi7wa 'it hurts' T61.
'jealous' *kya:- (A1134, cf. A1143): B ksisa-. B nitsiksisattsiiwa 'I'm
jealous' T219.
'knee' *-ketekwi (C -kitik[wak], M -kE:tek [anim.], pgO -kitikw [inan.],
N -kkuttuk[quog], Ps kitkw, Ch -nestane, and Ab ohkidikw 'her
knee'): B -ottoksisi. B ottoksisi 'her knee' T82, motoksiks 'knees' U,
kottoksinno:niks 'our knees' V.
'know, recognize' *ketkin[a]w- (A853, A862 [with *0 for *t], A875): B
issksinow-. B nitssksinowaa2wa 'I knew her' T249, issksinowaa?wa
'one recognized' T183.
'leather, hide' *-Lo:kay[ehs]i, *Lo:kayi (Proulx 1984a:sec. 1, L = /l1):
B -tokis. B otokisi 'her hide' T45, atokis(a) 'a hide' T131, 174, atokii
'leather' T174 (and see T192 on loss of s with nonspecific -i), motokiks
and motokists 'hides' U, aki6tokiimi?wa 'she has lots of hides' T229
(with *-emi 'have' A445), and makokis 'bad hide' U. Compare C
mise:kisiw 'she's a big hide'.
'leg' [medial] *-ka:t (A536): B -katsi. B mii7ksikattsi 'teal duck [pink-
feet]' Tl 13.
'leg' *-tka:ci (A2213, A2214, Algic, #10): B -ooxkatsi. B ooxkdtsi T39,
oxkaitsi T199 'her foot, leg', mooxkatsistsi 'legs' V, koxkatsinnawanists
'our legs' T154.
'legging' *-tay[ehs]i (Proulx 1980a:290): B -tsis. B atsis 'leggings,
trousers' T137, utsskuitsis 'bluejeans' T137, [m]atsiks and [m]atseks
(pl.) U.
'lice, she has...' *wetehkwemiwa (A2205 with *o for *we): B
ii?kumi?wa. B ii2kumi2wa 'she has lice' T44, B aka6okomiyaa?wa 'they
have lice' T87.
'lift by hand' *espen- (M espe:nam 'she lifts it by hand'): B isspinn-. B
dsspinnimay 'she is lifting it by hand' T242, nitdispinaki 'I lift',
nitdispinau 'I lift her', nitspinomoau 'I lift it for her' U.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 65

'liquid, natural body of water' *-kamy, *-ikamy, *-a:ka

Algic, #154): B -Vkim. B iUm2axksikim2i 'lake' T60, ksiist
water' T77. See WARM WATER.
'liver' *4tkwani (A2210): B -xkinaikin (extended). B ooxkinadkin 'her
liver', kinakin 'a liver' T178, kinakists 'livers' U.
'located, it's. *' *a?te:wi (A174 'it sets', cf. *a?te:ki 'when it's there'
A173): B ixtsii-. B itextsii?wa 'she's there' 180, itstsii?wa 'she was
there' T80, itstsiu 'there is' U, ita'ixtsui 'she's there' U, nitsitaixts 'I'm
there' U, nita'ists 'I lie' U.
'lodge, beaver's...' *wi:j?f (C wi:stih, Mc wi:s, M we:?[nan] 'muskrat's
lodge'): B -oyis. B -6yis 'house, lodge' T92, miistsima moyiistsima
'these lodges' T201.
'long, it's...' *keno>-, *kenw- (Proulx 1980b:46-47): B innoyii?wa. B
in6sim 'she's long', inoksim 'it [tree] is long' (with *-Vk 'ropelike
thing' Algic, #155), nitsinokinaki 'I have long legs' (with *-kan, archaic
medial beside *-tkan 'leg', Algic, #168), itsinnapistotsimma 'then she
made it long' U, innoyii2wa 'it's long' 151.
'look' *wa:pi-, medial *-a:pi- (in *wa:piwa 'she looks on' A2124, A54):
B api-. B aapita 'look thou' T94, nftsyappi 'I saw' 1102. itsimm?ssapi?wa
'she looked west' T118.
'lung, lungs' *-hpani, *-hpanali (C -hpan, M -hpa:n, pgO -ppan [inan.],
Mc -p'n [anim.]): B -ooxpin2i. B oxpin2i 'her lung' T174, nooxpiists
'my lungs' 158.
'man, male' *na:pe:wa (A1352): B naapi. B nadapi 'old man' 175, napi
'partner!' 143, nina'ipiim2a'my husband, my old man' T180, naidpii2wa
'he is an old man' 175, napi'miks 'male beasts' U, otcapim 'her male
beast' U.
'miserable' *ketem- (A826): B kimm-. B kimmukkita 'have pity on me'
140, nitsikimmoka 'she pities me' 172.
'mode sign, independent absolute..., nominalizer' *.Hm (Goddard
1974c:sec. 1.5; Proulx 1982a:sec. 1-1.1): B -xp and -?p. See CONCEAL
[TI], STRIKE, THROW, WARMED BY; SIT.
'mother, have a mother' *-kyahla, *-kyahgjiwa (M -kiahsenaw 'our
[inc.] mother', N/L n8kas 'my mother', 0 ninkags"i 'my mother', Ch
tse'he-s"keto[vestse]): B -ksisst-. B niksissta 152, niksista 1198, and
'pounded' 1302 (with conjunct -xsi). See STRIKE.
'prefix, first person...' *n.., *ne., *net. (A1398, A1523): B n-, [ni]t-.
See 2.1.
'pronoun, personal...' *-i:la (A431, blended with *.i:yaw'body, flesh'
A 440 to psPA *.i:law): B -iistow. B niist6o2wa ksiisto?was ostd'yi
'I, thou, she' 1210. B mostz'mi 'body', pl. mostz'mists U. Note the

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66 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

addition of secondary possessive inflection for 'body': indefinite *m-

and *-em.
'pus, matter' *meli (A1210, also Mi mili, M mene:w, Ch matse): B
-itsisiw-. B akaitsisii?wa 'it has festered' T137, matsisii 'matter, pus'
T137, matsisiu 'pus' (pl. matsisists) U, itsitsisiu 'then it suppurated' U.
'raw' *ask- (in *askipowa 'she eats raw food' A179): B ookk-. B
66okotokis 'rawhide'T131 (cf. atokis 'skin, hide'), 6ookapayiin 'flour =
raw bread' T118 (cf. napayiin 'bread' < French lafarine).
'rib' *-tpikayi, medial *-pik (Goddard 1974a:109, B -pik only for the
medial, but an archaic pattern-see Proulx 1985:sec. 6 and compare
M -hpek): B -ooxpikis, -pik-. B ooxpiikis 'her rib', piikis 'a rib' T178,
nooxpiki:sts 'my ribs' V. Compare C nispikay and Pe nitahpike 'my
rib'. B nitsina:nipiki: 'I have ribs' V.
'rub, wipe, wash' *kesi:- (A774): B issi-. B nitassyaa?wa 'I'm wiping
her' T246, essyaapinyooxsi?wa 'she's rubbing her eyes' T225 (with
-aapin 'eye', as in utsskaapini 'blue eyes' T91), nitassiixp 'I rub it' U.
Note ai + - e or a T79.
'scrape hides' *ma:[n]tahike:- (C ma:tahike:w 'she scrapes hides', C
ma:tahikan and O madaigan [Baraga] 'hide scraper'): B macttsikaan. B
dialectal nikista T104 'my mother', iksistsiu 'she has a mother' U, and
nitiaoksistsimma?wa 'I have her for a mother' T251.
'name' *nehk- (Algic, #127): B nin?ixk-. B nin?ixkatsis or niin?ixkatsis
'name thou her' T109, 124, niin2ixkatoomay 'she named it' T124,
nitsinixkasim 'my name' U. Cf. F isitehka:ne:wa 'she names her so'.
'neck, necks' *-4kwe:kani, *-4kwe:kanali (Algic, #165): B -ooxkokinVi.
B ooxkokin2i 'her neck', ooxkokiists (pl.) T 174, kooxkokinno:nists
'our necks' V. See CUT OFF.
'negative' *ka:t- (F ka:ta, M kat [evidently atonic], cf. O ka:, C e:ka:,
and Wiyot ka): B kata-. B kikatei2nookixpa 'did you (sg.) see me?'
T312, nikataisikstakixtopi 'if I should not bite her' T310.
'oil' *pemyi (Algic, #24): B pumis. B pomis 'oil, fat' (pl. pomists) U,
pumyaanakimaa2tsis 'oil lamp' T92. Compare B anatkimatsis 'lamp' U.
'pack' *-i:wat- (A439, Algic, #82): B iist-. B iistamisa 'carry thou her
on thy back' T123, ayiistsi2wa 'she packed something on her back'
T123. Cf. bO bimiwane 'carry a pack'.
'perish' *-in-, AI *-ine:-, TA *inaf- (F ocine:wa 'she is ill therefor', M
ohce:ne:w 'she dies from that cause', Ps nacine 'she goes somewhere
and dies'; C ki:minate:w 'she stealthily assails her', O uncininituwak
'they kill each other therefor', M me:2cenane:w 'she exterminates her',
cf. F ota:hpena:ne:wa 'she therefor makes her perish', and C minah-
'kill game'): B i2n-, i2ni-, i?nit-. B itsi7ni?wa 'she died there' T103,
i?ni?wa 'she died' T105, nitsiPnita?wa 'I killed her' T241.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 67

'pound, she... -s' *pake:wa (A1792): B piki-. B kitsipikssi 'th

(sg.) mattsikaan 'implement for removing hair tanning' T62, mats
'scraper (animate)' U.
'scratch' *ki:ciki-, *ci:ciki- (N nukkitchkeem 'I scratch', 1C tchi
'elle se gratte', bO nintchitchigi 'I scratch myself slightly wit
nails', cf. Ab gatskazo): B ksistsik-. B ksistsiksiiyita 'scratch
thyself' T72, eekstsiksiiyi2wa 'she is scratching herself' T72. See T
114 for dissimilation to k and t.
'see, recognize, by sight' *nen[a]w-, medial *-naw- (Algic, #230, A1389):
B niinow-. B niino6sa 'recognize thou her' T124, niteenowaa?wa 'I see
her' T91, inowaiciwa 'she was seen' T284, iinoyiiway and nadnoyiiway
'she recognized her' T124.
'seed, fruit stone' *welkanimini (S180): B uxkini. B kini 'roseberry' (pl.
kiniks) U, otuxkiniimiks 'her rose hips' T180. See 2.6.
'sharp' *ki:nl- (A911): B ksis-. B ksiisaidko2wa 'it's sharp' T236,
iiksiksisaikim?ma 'she [knife] is sharp' T236, eeksisistsstoomay 'she is
sharpening it' T240.
'short, she's short' *cahkw-, *cacahkwesiwa (F cahkw-, Mh tschachqu-,
mD cahkw- 'short' S186, Pe cicahkWiso S186 'she's short', with di-
minutive consonant symbolism from *tahkw- S186): B saaxk-,
saaxkssi2wa. B saaxkii2wa 'it's short' T77, saaxkssi2wa 'she's short' T77.
'sing along' *natk[w]- (F nahkowe:wa 'she hums an accompaniment',
C naskwahama:ke:w 'she accompanies dancers by song', M nahkuahew
'she joins in the song', Mc poxci-nskawet 'she begins to sing magic
songs'): B nin?ixk-. B niteenixki 'I am singing' T40 (see T109 for ?),
[n]in ixkita 'sing thou' T120, nitsin?ixksin?i 'my song' T200. But com-
pare South Piegan nin2ssksin 'song' T105.
'sit, she . . . -s' *apiwa (A154): B apii-. B apissini 'sitting' T132 (with
*-wen 'verbal abstract' A2182), apiita 'sit thou' T132, ist6piita 'sit thou
there' T313, iipii?wa 'she sat' T132, oopii2wa 'she sat', nitsitaoipiixpi
'where I am sitting' T260.
'sleep' *-enkw- (A313): B ookk-. B oo2kadn?i 'sleep' T185, aiyo2kaawa
'she sleeps', oVkddsi 'if she slept' (Taylor 1967:154), nits6oka 'I slept'
T47, itsyookaa2waa 'she slept there' T95, ixp6ksokamiu 'she sleeps
with her' U.
'snow' *ko:na (A1039, reconstructed *konya): B k6ni. B k6ni (pl.
k6niks) 'snow' U.
'snowdrift' *ko:nitkyi:wi (psPA, *ko:n- 'snow' + * Vtky- 'land' + end-
ing *-i:wi, see 2.6): B k6n?ssku. B k6n2ssku 'snow in drifts' T78,
k6o6nssku 'snow' T39, ko66nssku?yi 'snow on the ground' T45,
koniskuists 'snow (pl.) lying on ground' U. Compare B ksaxku 'earth,
soil' T39. See WET.

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68 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'strike, beat, pound' *pak-, (A1787): Bpik-. B niteepiksii?pa 'I'm pound-

ing it' T248, niteepiksistaawa 'I'm pounding her' T248, [a]pakksaa?tsis
'stone hammer' T136. See POUND.
'summer, its...' *ni:pen- (F ni.penwi, M ne.pen, C/O ni:pin, Mc
nip'n): B niipu-. B niipusi T280 an niiputssi T81 'when it's summer, in
the summer', aaksiipoyixka 'they say it was nearly summer' T302.
'tail of quadruped' *-so:wi (C -soy, M -so:w): B -xsoyis. B ooxsoyis
'her tail' T177, issoyisa 'tail' T177, moxsoyists 'tails' U.
'tail' *-a:low (in *kenwa:lowe:wa 'she has a long tail' A716): B -Vtow.
B issikotoyi 'black-tail' T112.
'tail' *-so:wa:lwi (F -so:wa:nowi, northern C uso:wa:niwaskwah 'horse-
tail grass' [Bloomfield, Cree lexicon], Sh -0owa:lwi): B sowaatsis. B
sowaatsis 'tailfeather' T83, soatsists 'tailfeathers' U.
'tell' *a:cimowa (A5): B atsimo-. B nitaiwaatsimo2ixka 'I'm praying'
T253. See T84 for connective w.
'there, from...' *went- (A2189): B Vxt-, m?uxt-. B ookoowaayi
iixtol2too2wa 'she came from her house' T140, tsimatxta
asskuxtoo2ooxpi2waxta 'where could it come from?' T140. See T139
for a truncated form, and some with accretions.
'thick, it's...' *kelpakyayewi (A869, with *a: for *aye): B sspik-. B
spikiu 'it's thick' U, isspikssi?wa 'she's thick' T62. Compare B
kixpii?wa 'it's swollen' T127.
'though, by...' [TI] *-e:lent (A257): B -iitsixt-. B niteesimiitsixta 'I'm
thinking secretly' T117, mitsixtata 'think thou' U.
'three' *ne?1[w]- (root of *ne?twi S3): B ni[w]-. B nioksskaayaa2wa
'there are three' T237, niuoksa 'three' U, aiokskauniu 'it is three days'
U. Compare nitoksskaa?wa 'there is one' T237.
'throat' *-tkitweni, *-skitoni (Algic, #152): B -ooxksistuna. B
moxksistuna U, mo:sksistona V.
'through' [reduplicated] *sasa:pw- (implied by *sa:pw- A1969 and
known rules of reduplication): B sisapok-. B sisapok- 'through [as a
hole]' U. For the accretion -Vk compare C kakwa:hyak- 'frightful'
beside unreduplicated *kwe?l- 'fear' (Algic, #176).
'throw' *pak-, TA *pakif-, [ps]TI *pakitam- (M pake:nE:w 'she puts
her down', Sh noo pakila 'I throw her', M pake:tam 'she puts it
down', N paketam 'she throws away'): B piksist-. B aisaipiksistsiu 'she
throws her out' (sai- 'out') U, nitaisaipiksistau 'I throw her out'
U, aapiksistta 'throw thou' T261 (with accretion of aa). Cf. B
nitaapiksiixpa 'I throw it' T228.
'thus, thither' *et- (A369): B ist-, B it- 'thither, there, so, thus, then'
T172, 313. This is further evidence that initial *e had already shifted
to *i in PA. B istopiita 'sit thou there' T132, nitsitaoupiixpi 'where I am

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 69

sitting' T260. Note how *e goes to pre-Blackfoot *i in initia

(generating a following s), but not after a prefix.
'tie one's self' *-e:piswi- (F kehci:piso:ni, Mi aciscikipissoni,
bO kitchipisowin 'belt', bO dajoiawebison 'suspenders', M
kehke:ka:te&pisow 'she garters herself', Mc ikatepisit 'she has garters'):
B -ipssi. B meepssim?i T175, ipsatsis 'belt' (pl. ipsatsists) U.
'tongue' *-e:lanyiwi (C -te:yaniy, M -te:naniw, pgO -te:niniw): B -tsini.
B matsiniyaawa 'tongues' T38, maatsiniiyi 'tongue' T85, matsini'tongue'
(pl. matsinists) U. There is also an Early Lake-Eastern prototype
*-i:lanyiwi, also reflected in Arapaho.
'two' *nyi:s- (root of *nyi:^wi S2): B nist-. B nist6kianasisau 'if they
costed two' U, naitookaayaa?wa 'there are two' T237.
'upstream' *natem- (C natimikh 'in the west, upstream', N nanumiyeu
'to the north', Ch notima 'north'): B nimm-. B nimmists 'west' T118
('up the river' U), itsimm?ssapi?wa 'she looked west' T118. Cf. B
issapi?wa 'she looked' T188.
'urinate, she...-s' *Sekiwa (A231): B issksi-. B issksiyaa?wa 'they
urinate' T219.
'wait, lie in ambush' *atk- (A207): B oxk-. B 6xkita 'wait thou for it'
T122, nitiioxkim 'I wait' U. Post-prefix o is evidently generalized to
initial position.
'warm, it's ...' *ki:^Vwayewi (M ki:sawiw, C ki:so:wa:w 'it's warmed'):
B ksiistoyiiwa. B ksiistoyiiwa 'it's hot' F68.
'warm, the water is...' *ki:sowa:kamyiwi (M ki:suakamiw, Sh
ki:sowa:kami): B ksiist6okomi. B ksiist66komi 'warm or hot water'
T77 (see Algic, #154 for *-a:kamy and *-ikamy 'body of water'). See
SNOWDRIFT. Compare PA *tahkikamyiwi 'it's cold water' A2008.
'warmed, be...' *ki:saw-, *ki:sw-, *ki:so:-, *ki:so:w-, *ki:sow- (see
examples below; also *ki:so:wes- and *ki:sowa:kamyiwi): B ksiisto-.
(a) M ke:sawapew 'she sits warm' and ki:sawiw 'it's warm', (b) C
ki:sone:w 'she warms her', pgO ki:sosite: 'have warm feet', mD
kiswope:w 'it's lukewarm water', (c) F ki:so:pye:te:wi 'it's hot water',
Sh ki:so:kwa:mwa 'she sleeps warmly', C ki:so:siw 'she's warmed', O
ki:so:s^in 'she lies warm', Mc kisupa:x 'it's lukewarm liquid', (d) Sh
ki:so:we0i 'she's warm', C ki:so:wa:w 'it's warmed', Ps kisuwupekw
'warm spring', (e) Sh ki:Sowa:kami 'the water is warm', mD ki:s^we:w
'it's warm clothing'.
'warmed, be ... by clothing or environment' *ki:so:[we]s- (C ki:so:siw,
Sh ki:so:we0i 'she's warmed'): B ksistuxs-. B niteeksistuxso?yi 'I'm
warming up' T224, niteeksistuxsa?wa 'I'm warming her up' T244,
niteeksistuxsixpa 'I'm warming it up' T244.

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70 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

'wet, watery, it's...' *-epyeLwiwi (deverbal from *nepyeLwiwi 'it

wet / watery': F nepi:wiwi, C nipi:wiw M nepe:wew; cf. *-epy 'water
liquid' A321, *-eLwi 'be' Algic, #138): B ii?pii-. B ii?pii?wa 'it's wet
T77.
'white' *wa:p- (A2090): B aap-. B aipinissi?wa 'she is albino' T78,
aapiimiPwa 'she [horse] is light colored' T232.
'woman' [possessed] *-tetkwe:wema (means 'sister [male speaking]' in
several languages-see A1553, with contracted *e: for *e:we-and
'wife' in Blackfoot and Weagamow Lake Ojibwa [Black 1973:9]): B
-tuxkiimaan a. B nituxkiimaan 2a 'my wife' T42, 197, with -imain 2
'possessed relation' T116. Compare Weagamow Lake Ojibwa
indihkwe:m 'my wife'. This dependent stem is obviously derived from
independent *etkwe:wa A403.
'write or draw, she draws or paints it' *masina:hike:-, *masina:hamwa
(1C itasinahikew 'elle ecrit ainsi', C masinaham 'she paints it'): B
isiniki-, isindim-. B nitaisinaki 'I draw, write' U, siinaimyaawa'yi 'they
drew it' T297. Cf. B siinaiwannaaniki 'if we draw her' (T284, with
direct *-a:.
'writing, book, paper' *masina[:]hikani (M mase:nahekan, Mi
masdnakani, pgO misinahikan, bO masinaigan 'paper', and Mi
masinakani 'book'): B siniaaksin?i. B annistsska sinaaksiistska 'those
writings' T201, siniksin 'writing' U. The Blackfoot ending is reshaped
somehow, to reflect the diachronic shift of B -i to assibilating I before
-n T185.
'younger sibling' *-hsiLnsa, *-hsiLnsa (M nehse:h, 0 injijes [Weaga-
mow Lake, Black 1973:9], mD nxi:s:imis, F nesi:ma, Sh nOi:me:Oa, all
'my younger sibling'): B -sissa. B nisissa 'my younger sibling [woman
speaking]' T43.

8. PA index. *-a:kawi-, *-ikawi- 'flow' B -akowii-.

*-a:low 'tail' B -Vtow.
*-a:ntakw 'evergreen' B -axtoka.
*-a:py 'cord' B apis.
*-atayi, *atayali, *-ataye:wa 'belly, bellies, have such a belly' B -ttsisi.
*-e:lanyiwi 'tongue' B -tsini.
*-e:lent 'thought, by... [TI]' B -iitsixt-.
*-e:piswi- 'tie one's self' B -ipssi.
*-t-e:skana 'horn' B -tskina.
*-eht, TI *-ehtam, TA *-ehtaw'ear, by...' B oxt-, oxtsim-, oxtow-.
*-enkw- 'sleep' B oo?k-.
*-epyeLwiwi 'wet, watery, it's . ..' B iipii-.
*-hpani, *-hpanali 'lung, lungs' B -ooxpin?i.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 71

*-hs^iLnsa, *-hsiLnsa 'younger sibling' B -sissa.

*-htawakayi 'ear' B -ooxtookis.
*-Hm 'mode sign, independent absolute..., nominalizer
- 21,.

*Hi:la 'pronoun, personal...' B -iist6w.

*-i:nkw 'face' B -sski.
*-i:wat.'pack' B iist-.
*-in-, Al *-ine:-, TA *-inat-'perish' B i2n-, iPni-, Pjnit-.
*-ka:t 'leg [medial]' B -katsi.
*-kamy, *-ikamy, *-a:kamy 'liquid, natural body of water' B-Vkim.
*-ketekwi 'knee' B -ottoksisi.
*-kyahl *-kyahS^iwa 'mother, have a mother' B -ksisst-.
*tenc3yi, *-ten^yali 'hand, hands' B -o?tsis.
*..enkwi 'armpit' B -o2ksis.
*..kwani 'liver' B -xkinakin (extended).
*Akwe:kani, *4ikwe:kanali'neck, necks' B -ooxkokin?i.
*4o:kani 'hip' B -tokin.
*-Lo:kay[ehs]i, *Lo:kayi 'leather, hide' B -tokis.
*??e:nsa 'elder brother' B -iPsa.
*-??ema, *-?t'emehsa 'daughter-in-law, cross-niece' B -yim2ssa 'daughter-
in-law'.
*.?tekwa:ni 'head, ear of corn' B -oo2tokaianni.
*.sitali 'feet, hoofs' B -ooxsistin- (?).
*_so:wa:lwi 'talk' B s6waatsis.
*.so:wi 'tail of quadruped' B -xsoyis.
*-s ki:nS'ekwi'eye, face' B -oosstoksisi.
*'-skwani 'elbow' B -ooxkin?sstsis.
*-ta:na 'daughter' B -tain?a.
*.tahtaka:kwani 'backbone' B -oo0kakin2i.
*-tay[ehs]i 'legging' B -tsis.
*-te?kwe:wema 'woman [possessed]' B -tuxkiimaan2a.
*-tempi 'brain' B -o2pi.
*.tka:&i 'leg' B -ooxkadtsi.
*..tkafl,Y *"-skangya, and medial *-kagy 'claw' B -ookitsis.
*-tkitwenil, *kitoni 'throat' B -ooxksistuna.
*q1o:ntani 'heel' B -otuxtuin ji.
*-tpikayi, medial *-pik 'rib' B -ooxpikis, -pik-.
*a:cimowa 'tell' B atsimo-.
*a:me:. 'fish [verb]' B amixkaa-.
*akintamwa 'count, she... -s it / them [inan.]' B aksst-.
*a?k- 'wait, lie in ambush' B oxk-.
*apiwa 'sit, she... -s' B apii-.

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72 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

*a?te:wi 'located, it's ...' B ixtsii-.

*as"k. 'raw' B oo?k-.
*cahkw-, *caiahkwesiwa 'short, she's short' B saaxk-, saaxkssiPwa.
*ehkwemi-, *wetehkwemiwa 'lice, she has...' B ii2kumPwa.
*e?. 'thus, thither' Bist-, Bit-.
*e?kwe:?1emwa 'bitch' B skiyim2a.
*egpen. 'lift by hand' B isspinn-.
*espesiwa 'high, she is [so]...' B spssiPwa.
*eApyayewi 'high, it's...' B spiiPwa.
*ka:t- negative' B kata-.
*kehs- 'hurt' B istts-.
*ketpakyayewi 'thick, it's...' B sspik-.
*kenw-, *keno:- 'long' B inn-, inno-.
*kesi:- 'rub, wipe, wash' B issi-.
*kes'ime:wa 'anger, she.... -s her by speech' B isttsimm-.
*ketem- 'miserable' B kimm-.
*ketkin [a] w- 'know, recognize' B issksinow-.
*ki ciki-. *ix ciki- 'scratch' B ksistsik-.
*ki:nl. 'sharp' B ksis-.
*ki:s Vwayewi 'warm, it's...' B ksiistoyiiwa.
*ki: ._ 'finish, be done' B ksist-.
*kisaw-, *ki:s"w-, *ks * ki:ow-, 5 *kj ow- 'warmed, be...' B
ksiisto-.
*ki:sekatwi 'day, it's...' B ksiistsiko-.
*k. kantamwa'bite, she ... -s it through / off' B ksisskst-, kadxtstim.
*ki.s^kikwe:s^we:wa 'cut off, she ... -s her head' B kaxko2kit-.
*ki: o:[we]s- 'warmed, be ... by clothing or environment' B ks-istuxs-.
*ki:s^owa:kamyiwi 'warm, the water is...' B ksiist6ookomi.
*ko:na 'snow' B k6ni.
*ko:nitkyeLwi 'snowdrift' B konnssku.
*kwe Apan- 'fear' B koo2pu-.
*kwesekwanwi 'heavy' B issoko-.
*ky. 'conceal' B ksisi-.
*kya:- 'jealous' B ksisa'-.
*kyaa?e:wa 'conceal, she ... -s her' B ksisat-.
*kya:to:- 'conceal [TI]' B ksisat&o-.
*ma:[n]?ahike:- 'scrape hides' B mattsikaan.
*mank. 'big' B im2axk-.
*masina[:]hikani 'writing, book, paper' B sinaiaksin?i.
*masina[:]hike:-, *masina[:]hamwa 'write or draw, she draws or paints
it' B isinaki-, isinaiim-.
*mawinswiwa, medial *.awinswi. 'gather, she.... -s berries' B oyissi-.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 73

*mekw[ehs]i'awl' B mo2ksis.
*meli 'pus, matter' B -itsisiw-.
*melw., *melaw- 'good' B -itsiw-, -itsow-.
*melwa:p- 'good-looking' B matsiwaa?p-.
*melkaw- 'find' B Vxk66onow- (incorporating *.enaw 'see').
meswetamwa 'hit, she ... -s it with a missile' B issit-.
*mi:?leto:w-, *mi:?leto:wa:ni 'hair, facial...' B miyisstow-.
*mi:n 'berry' B miin-.
*mi:twiya 'aspen, quaking...' B miistsis'tree/ stick'.
*mi:yi 'dung' B misisaaw-.
*mo:[h]wa:-'eat' B Vwa-.
*n-, *ne-, *net- 'prefix, first-person...' B n-, [ni]t-.
*na:pe:wa 'man, male' B naapi.
*natem- 'upstream' B nimm-.
*natk[w]- 'sing along' B nin2ixk-.
*nehk- 'name' B nin2ixk-.
*nen[a]w-, medial *-naw- 'see, recognize, by sight' B niinow-.
*ne?1[w]- 'three' B ni[w]-.
*ni:pen- 'summer, it's...' B niipu-.
*nye:w- 'four' B niso-.
*nyi:s5- 'two' B nist-.
*pak- 'strike, beat, pound' B pik-.
*pak-, TA *pakib-, [ps]TI *pakitam. 'throw' B piksist-.
*pake:wa 'pound, she... -s' B piki-.
*pemyi 'oil' B pumis.
*pen- 'down to the ground' B pin- and inn-.
*pi:nte:wi 'enclosed, it's .. .' B ipistsi-.
*sa:k- 'emerge, protrude' B sak-.
*sakipwe:wa 'bite, she ... -s her' B siksip-.
s"as"apw- 'through [reduplicated]' B sisapok-.
*sekiwa 'urinate, she... -s' B issksi-.
sekw-, reduplicated *s^egekw- 'crush, grind' B isk-, sisiksin-.
*ta:sikay- 'crotch' B -taxkis.
*temyi:Wi 'deep, it's...' B immi-.
*wa:1- 'hole, den' B wcat-.
*wa:p- 'white' B aap-.
*wa:panWi 'dawn, it's...' B apin-.
*wa:pi- 'eye, have such... -s' B -api-.
*wa:pi-, medial *-a:pi- 'look' B api-.
*wa:wi 'egg' B waaw-.
*we?a:kw- 'evening' B otaku-.
*we?kani 'bone' B -xkin?i.

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74 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

*we?kanimini 'seed, fruit stone' B uxkini.

*went- 'there, from...' B Vxt-, m?uxt-.
*wi:lenwi 'fat' B -tsin-.
*wi:2?j 'lodge, beaver's...' B -oyis.
*wi:swepi 'gall' B usspi.

9. PA reverse index. Items are ordered by PA stem.

*mo:[h]wa: 'eat' B Vwa-
*kya:- 'jealous' B ksisad-.
*-tka:ei 'leg' B -ooxkadtsi.
*pake:wa 'pound, she... -s' B piki-
*ma:[n]?ahike>- 'scrape hides' B ma6ttsikaan.
*masina[:]hike:-, *masina[:]hamwa 'write or draw, she draws or pai
it' B isinaki-, isinadim-.
*a:me:- 'fish [verb]' B amixkaa-.
*pi:nte:wi 'enclosed, it's ...' B ipistsi-.
*a?te:wi 'located, it's. . .' B ixtsii-.
*ki:s^ Vwayewi 'warm, it's...' B ksiistoyiiwa.
*ketpakyayewi 'thick, it's...' B sspik-.
*e pyayewi 'high, it's...' Bspii?wa.
*kesi.. 'rub, wipe, wash' B issi-.
*sekiwa 'urinate, she... -s' B issksi-.
*ki:ciki-. *Ci:'iki- 'scratch' B ksistsik-.
*ehkwemi., *wetehkwemiwa 'lice, she has.. ' B ii?kumiPwa.
*apiwa 'sit, she... -s' B apii-.
*wa:pi. 'eye, have such.... -s' B -api-.
*wa:pi-, medial *-a:pi- 'look' B api-.
*eipesiwa 'high, she is [so]...' B spssi2wa.
*-a:kawi-, *-ikawi- 'flow' B -akowii-.
*-epyeLwiwi'wet, watery, it's...' B i2ipii-.
*e.e:piwsi. 'tie one's self' B -ipssi.
*mawinswiwa, medial *-awinswi. 'gather, ,she... -s berries' B oyis
*sa:k- 'emerge, protrude' B sak-.
*pak- 'strike, beat, pound' B pik-.
*nehk- 'name' B nin2ixk-.
*mank- 'big' B im?axk-.
*aS'k- 'raw' B oo2k-.
*a!k- 'wait, lie in ambush' B oxk-.
*meli 'pus, matter' B -itsisiw-.
*.i:la 'pronoun, personal...' B -iistow.
*ki:nl- 'sharp' B ksis-.
*wi:?i'lodge, beaver's...' B -oyis.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 75

*kya:?e:wa 'conceal, she ... -s her' B ksisat-.

*wa:1- 'hold, den' B wat-.
*-i:wal. 'pack' B iist-.
*et. 'thus, thither' B ist-, B it-.
*-kyah?a, *-kyahg^iwa 'mother, have a mother' B -ksisst-.
*pak., TA *pakil-, [ps]TI *pakitam- 'throw' B piksist-.
meswetamwa 'hit, she . .. -s it with a missile' B issit-.
*akintamwa 'count, she ... -s it/them [inan.]' B aksst-.
*ki:s kantamwa'bite, she ... -s it through/off' B ksisskst-, ka6x
*etkwe:?temwa 'bitch' B skiyim a.
*nakem- 'upstream' B nimm-.
*ketem- 'miserable' B kimm-.
*-te?kwe:wema 'woman [possessed]' B -tuxkiimaan2a.
*kes^ime:wa 'anger, she.... -s her by speech' B isttsimm-.
*.Hm 'mode sign, independent absolute..., nominalizer' B
-?p.
*-ta:na 'daughter' B -tcan?a.
* ?tekwa:ni 'head, ear of corn' B -oo2toka'an2i.
*mi:?leto:w-, *mi:?leto:wa:ni 'hair, facial...' B miyisstow-.
*4kwe:kani, *A?kwe:kanali 'neck, necks' B -ooxkokin2i.
*masina[:]hikani 'writing, book, paper' B sinaiaksin?i.
*welkani 'bone' B -xkin2i.
*4o:kani 'hip' B -tokin.
*-t-e:S kana'horn' B -tskina.
*-hpani, *-hpanali 'lung, lungs' B -ooxpin2i.
*wa:panwi 'dawn, it's.. .' B apin-.
*kwe Pan- 'fear' B koo2pu-.
*-to:ntani 'heel' B -otuxtuin2i.
*4tkwani 'liver' B -xkina'kin (extended).
*-gkwani 'elbow' B -ooxkin ?sstsis.
*.tahtaka:kwani 'backbone' B -oo2kakin ?i.
*pen. 'down to the ground' B pin- and inn-.
*ni:pen- 'summer, its...' B niipu-.
*egpen. 'lift by hand' B isspinn-.
*-tkitweni, *~-skitoni 'throat' B -ooxksistuna.
*-in-, Al *-ine:., TA *-inat. 'perish' B i3n-, Pni-, i?nit-.
*mi:n- 'berry' B miin-.
*ko:na 'snow' B k6ni.
*kya:to:- 'conceal [TI]' B ksisat5o-.
*a:cimowa 'tell' B atsimo-.
*melwa:p- 'good-looking' B matsiwaa?p-.
*wa:p- 'white' B aap-.

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76 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

*wi:swepi 'gall' B usspi.

*-tempi 'brain' B -o?pi.
*ki:s"o:[we]s- 'warmed, be ... by clothing or environment' B ksistuxs-.
* 2!ema, * 2i'emehsa 'daughter-in-law, cross-niece' B -yim2ssa 'daughter
in-law'.
*-?e:nsa 'elder brother' B -i2sa.
*-hs^iLnsa, *-hsiLnsa 'younger sibling' B -sissa.
*kehs^- 'hurt' B istts-.
*ki:..S 'finish, be done' B ksist-.
*nyi:s"- 'two' B nist-.
*-ka:t 'leg [medial]' B -kadtsi.
*ka:t- 'negative' B kata-.
*ki:sekatwi 'day, it's...' B ksiistsiko-.
*n-, *ne-, *net- 'prefix, first-person.. .' B n-, [ni]t-.
*-eht, TI *-ehtam, TA *-ehtaw, 'ear, by...' B oxt-, oxtsim-, oxtow-.
*sitali 'feet, hoofs' B -ooxsistin- (?).
*-e:lent 'thought, by... [TI]' B -iitsixt-.
*went- 'there, from...' B Vst-, m2uxt.
*wa:wi 'egg' B waaw-.
*me?kaw-'find' B Vxk66now- (incorporating *-enaw'see').
*melw., *melaw- 'good' B -itsiw-, -itsow-.
*nen[a]w, medial *naw 'see, recognize, by sight' B niinow-.
*ketkin [a] w- 'know, recognize' B issksinow-.
*ki:^aw-, *ki:"w-, *ki:j"o>- *ki:so:w-, *ki:s"ow-'warmed, be...' B
ksiisto-.
*na:pe:wa 'man, male' B naapi.
*nye:w- 'four' B niso-.
*ko:nitkyeLwi 'snowdrift' B k6nossku.
*temyi:wi 'deep, it's.. .' B immi-.
*.so:wa:lwi 'tail' B sowaatsis.
*e:lanyiwi 'tongue' B -tsini.
*_a:ntakw 'evergreen' B -axtoka.
*weIa:kw- 'evening' B otaku-.
*-ketekwi 'knee' B -ottoksisi.
*-kijns.ekwi 'eye, face' B -oosstoksi'si.
*mekw[ehs]i 'awl' B mo2ksis.
*kwesekwanwi 'heavy' B issoko-.
sekw-, reduplicated *segekw- 'crush, grind' B isk-, sisiksin-.
*cahkw-, c~acahkwesiwa 'short, she's short' B saaxk-, saaxkssiPwa.
*nalk[w]- 'sing along' B nin2ixk-.
*.tenkwi 'armpit' B -o2ksis.
*-enkw 'sleep' B oo?k-.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 77

*-i.nkw'face' B -sski.
*kij:gowa:kamyeLwi 'warm, the water is...' B ksiist66kom
*ne?4w]- 'three' B ni[w]-.
*kenw, *keno:- 'long' B inn-, inno-.
*wi:lenwi 'fat' B -tsin-.
*so:wi 'tail of quadruped' B -xsoyis.
*-a:low 'tail' B-Vtow.
sasaa:pw- 'through [reduplicated]' B sisapok-.
*sakipwe:wa 'bite, she... -s her' B siksip-.
*ki:kikwe:S^we:wa 'cut off, she ... -s her head' B kaxko2kit-.
*-htawakayi 'ear' B -ooxt66kis.
*-Lo:kay[ehs]i, *Lo:kayi 'leather, hide' B -tokis.
*-tpikayi, medial *-pik 'rib' B -ooxpikis, -pik-.
*ta:gkay- 'crotch' B -taxkis.
*-atayi, *-atayali, *-ataye:wa 'belly, bellies, have such a belly' B -ttsisi.
*-tay[ehs]i 'legging' B -tsis.
*-ten^yi, Y*-en^yali 'hand, hands' B -o?tsis.
*mi:yi 'dung' B misisaaw-.
*mi:twiya 'aspen, quaking...' B miistsis'tree/ stick'.
*ky- 'conceal' B ksisi-.
*-kamy, *-ikamy, *-a:kamy 'liquid, natural body of water' B -Vkim.
*pemyi 'oil' B pumis.
*we?kanimini 'seed, fruit stone' B uxkini.
*_a:py 'cord' B apis.
*-tkangya, *-gkangya, and medial *-kagy 'claw' B -ookitsis.

10. Blackfoot index.

-akowii- 'flow' *-a:kawi-, *-ikawi-.

-api- 'eye, have such... -s' *wa:pi-.
-axtoka 'evergreen' *-a:ntakw.
-iPsa 'elder brother' * ?le:nsa.
-iist6w 'pronoun, personal.. .' *-i:la.
-iitsixt- 'thought, by... [TI]' *-e:lent.
-ipssi 'tie one's self' *-e:piswi-.
-itsisiw- 'pus, matter' *meli.
-kadtsi 'leg [medial]' *-ka:t.
-itsiw- '-itsow- 'good' *melw., *melaw-.
-ksisst- 'mother, have a mother' *-kyahta, *.kyahfiwa.
-o2ksis 'armpit' *4Ienkwi.
-o2pi 'brain' *-tempi.
-o?tsi' 'hand, hands' *-ten^yi, *-.en^yali.
-oo0kakin2i 'backbone' *-tahtaka:kwani.

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78 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

-oo?toka'adn?i 'head, ear of corn' * ?tekwa:ni.

-ookitsis 'claw' *-tkan ya, *-9kan'ya, and medial *-kagy'.
-oosstoksisi 'eye, face' *-s'ki:nsgekwi.
-ooxkadtsi 'leg' *-tka:ci.
-ooxkin2sstsis 'elbow' *s."kwani.
-ooxkokin i 'neck, necks' *4fkwe:kani, *4kwe:kanali.
-ooxksistuna 'throat' *-tkitweni, s"kitoni.
-ooxpin ?i 'lung, lungs' *-hpani, *-hpanali.
-ooxpikis, -pik- 'rib' *.tpikayi, medial *-pik.
-ooxsistin- (?) 'feet, hoofs' *.sitali.
-ooxt6o6kis 'ear' *.htawakayi.
-ottoksisi 'knee' *.ketekwi.
-otuxtu'n2i 'heel' *-to:ntani.
-oyis 'lodge, beaver's.. .' *wi:91i.
-sissa 'younger sibling' J *.hsiLnsa
-sski 'face' *-i.nkw.
-tain2a 'daughter' *-ta:na.
-taxkis 'crotch' *ta:-kay-.
-toki'n 'hip' *4to.kani.
-tokis 'leather, hide' *.Lo:kay[ehs]i, *Lo:kayi.
-tsis 'legging' -*tay[ehs]i.
-tsini 'tongue' *-e:lanyiwi.
-tsin- 'fat' *wi:lenwi.
-ttsisi 'belly, bellies, have such a belly' *.atayi, *.atayali, *.ataye:wa.
-tuxkiimaan ?a 'woman [possessed]' *-teekwe:wema.
- Vkim 'liquid, natural body of water' *-kamy, *-ikamy, *-a:kamy.
- Vtow 'tail' *-a:low.
-xkin2i 'bone' *we?kani.
-xkindkin (extended) 'liver' *4kwani.
-xp and -?p 'mode sign, independent absolute... , nominalizer' *-Hm.
-xsoyis 'tail of quadruped' *so:wi.
-yim2ssa 'daughter-in-law'; 'daughter-in-law, cross-niece' *-2ema,
* 2lemehsa.
aap- 'white' *wa:p-.
aksst- 'count, she... -s it/them [inan.]' *akintamwa.
amixkaa- 'fish [verb]' *a:me:-
apis 'cord' *-a:py.
api- 'look' *wapi-, medial *-api-.
apii- 'sit, she . .. -s' *apiwa.
apin- 'dawn, it's.. .' *wa:panwi.
atsimo- 'tell' *a: imowa.
2n-, iPni-, N2it- 'perish' *-in-, Al *-ine::-, TA *-inal..

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 79

iist- 'pack' *-i:wal..

im2axk- 'big' *mank-.
immi- 'deep, it's.. .' *temyi:wi.
inn-, inno- 'long' *kenw-, *keno:-.
ipistsi- 'enclosed, it's ...' *pi:nte:wi.
isinaki-, isindi'm- 'write or draw, she draws or paints it' *masina[:]h
*masina[:]hamwa.
isk-, sisiksin- 'crush, grind' *s"ekw-, reduplicated *se?ekw-.
issi- 'rub, wipe, wash' *kesi:-.
issit- 'hit, she .. . -s it with a missile' *meswe tamwa.
issksi- 'urinate, she... -s' *sekiwa.
issksinow- 'know, recognize' *ketkin[a]w-.
issoko- 'heavy' *kwesekwanwi.
isspinn- 'lift by hand' *espen-.
ist-, it- 'thus, thither' *eI-.
istts- 'hurt' *kehs^-.
isttsimm- 'anger, she.... -s her by speech' *keS^ime:wa.
ixtsii- 'located, it's . . .' *a?te:wi.
ii2kumiPwa 'lice, she has...' *ehkwemi- *wetehkwemiwa.
ii2pii- 'wet, watery, it's.. *' *.epyeLwiwi.
kata- 'negative' *ka:t-.
kaxko2kit- 'cut off, she.... -s her head' *ki:-skikwe:s"we:wa.
kimm- 'miserable' *ketem-.
koo?pu- 'fear' *kwei?pan-.
kon nssku 'snowdrift' *ko:nitkyeLwi.
k6ni 'show' *ko:na.
ksisatoo- 'conceal[TI]' *kya:to:-.
ksisi- 'conceal' *ky-.
ksisskst-. kadxtstim 'bite, she ... -s it through/ off' *ki.kantamwa.
ksiist6o6komi 'warm, the water is .. .' *ki.:gowa:kamyiwi.
ksiisto- 'warmed, be . ..' *ki:S^aw-, *ki:s"w-, *Fki:s^o:-, *ki.1SAo:w-, *ki.,SAOW
ksiistoyiiwa 'warm, it's.. .' *ki:s" Vwayewi.
ksiistsiko- 'day, it's . . .' *ki:s^ekatwi.
ksisa'- 'jealous' *kya:-
ksis- 'sharp' *ki:nl-.
ksisat- 'conceal, she... -s her' *kya:le:wa.
ksist- 'finish, be done' *ki:j^-.
ksistsik- 'scratch' *tki:C^iki-, *C^i:ciki-.
ksistuxs- 'warmed, be ... by clothing or environment' *ki:so:[we]s
ma'ttsikaan 'scrape hides' *ma:[n]?ahike:-.
matsiwaa2p- 'good-looking' *melwa:p-.
miin- 'berry' *mi:n-.

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80 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

miistsis 'tree/ stick'; 'aspen, quaking...' *mi:twiya.

misisaaw- 'dung' *mi:yi.
miyi'ssbow- 'hair, facial...' *mi:?leto:w-, *mi:?leto:wa:ni.
mo2ksis 'awl' *mekw[ehs]i.
n-, [ni]t- 'prefix, first-person...' . *n-, *ne-, *net-.
naapi 'man, male' *na:pe:wa.
ni[w]- 'three' *ne??[w]..
niinow- 'see, recognize, by sight' *nen[a]w-, medial *-naw-.
niipu- 'summer, it's.. .' *ni:pen-.
nin2ixk- 'name' *nehk-.
nin2ixk- 'sing along' *na?k[w]-.
niso- 'four' *nye:w-.
fist- 'two' *nyi:S ..
nimm- 'upstream' *nalem-.
oo2k- 'raw' *as'k-.
oo2k- 'sleep' *-enkw-.
otaku- 'evening' *weta:kw-.
oxk- 'wait, lie in ambush' *atk-.
oxt-, oxtsim-, otow- 'ear, by...' *-eht, TI *-ehtam, TA *..ehtaw.
oyissi- 'gather, she... -s berries' *mawinswiwa, medial *.awinswi-.
pik- 'strike, beat, pound' *pak-.
piki- 'pound, she... -s' *pake:wa.
piksist- 'throw' *pak-, TA *paki?-, [ps]TI *pakitam-.
pin- and inn- 'down to the ground' *pen-.
pumis 'oil' *pemyi.
saaxk-, saaxkssi2wa 'short, she's short' *Cahkw-, *CaCahkwesiwa.
sak- 'emerge, protrude' *sa:k-.
siksip- 'bite, she ... -s her' *sakipwe:wa.
sinddksin2i 'writing, book, paper' *masina[:]hikani.
sisapok- 'through [reduplicated]' *s'asa:pw-.
skiyim2a 'bitch' *e?kwe:?temwa.
s6waatsis 'tail' *-so:wa:lwi.
spii2wa 'high, it's...' *espyayewi.
spssi?wa 'high, she is [so] ...' *espesiwa.
sspik- 'thick, it's..*.' kelpakyayewi.
-tskina 'horn' *-t-e.kana.
usspi 'gall' *wi:swepi.
uxkini 'seed, fruit stone' *wetkanimini.
Vwa- 'eat' *mo:[h]wa:-.
Vxk66onow- (incorporating *-enaw'see') 'find' *me?kaw-.
Vxt-, m2uxt- 'there, from...' *went-.
wat- 'hole, den' *wa:L.
waaw- 'egg' *wa:wi.

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 A SKETCH OF BLACKFOOT HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY 81

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