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Cultural Anthropology 10e

Serena Nanda
John Jay College of Criminal Justice,
City University of New York

Richard L. Warms
Texas State University–San Marcos

Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States
REFERENCES i
 Cultural Anthropology, Tenth Edition © 2011, 2007 Wadsworth, Cengage Learning
Serena Nanda and Richard L. Warms
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 13 12 11 10 09
dedication
To the grandchildren: Alexander, Adriana,
Charlotte, Kai, and Waverly.
— SERENA NANDA

To the students of Texas State University whose

questions, comments, and occasional howls
of outrage have, for 20 years, made being an
anthropology professor the best job I can
imagine.
— RICHARD L . WARMS
 Brief Contents

Part One Introduction to Cultural Anthropology

1 Anthropology and Human Diversity 1
2 Human Evolution 23
3 Doing Cultural Anthropology 49
4 The Idea of Culture 73
5 Communication 97

Part Two Families in Society

6 Making a Living 121
7 Economics 145
8 Kinship 169
9 Marriage, Family, and Domestic Groups 191

Part Three Equalities and Inequalities

10 Gender 215
11 Political Organization 237
12 Stratification 265

Part Four Symbols and Meanings

13 Religion 289
14 Creative Expression: Anthropology and the Arts 317

Part Five Culture Change

15 Power, Conquest, and a World System 341
16 Culture, Change, and the Modern World 361

Appendix
A Brief Historical Guide to Anthropological Theory 382

Glossary 388

References 394

Photo Credits 412

iv
Index 413
 Features Contents

A Successful Agricultural Intervention in Bolivia 136

Ethnography The American Beef Industry 138
Anthropologists in the Corporate World 160
The Nacirema 4 Kinship Rules and Realities in a Korean Village 172
Fossil Hunters 34 Culture, Power, and Violence within Families 206
Dangerous Field 64 Advocating for Female Factory Workers in China 230
Building a House in Northwestern Thailand 88 Refugees and Political Asylum 254
Cell Phone Use in Jamaica 106 The RACE Project 274
Global Warming and the Inuit Foraging Strategy 126 Religion and Fertility 292
The Maasai of East Africa: A Transhumant Pastoral Anthropology, Museums, and the Representation
Adaptation 130 of Culture 320
The Lua’: Swidden Cultivators in Thailand 132 Recovering Hidden Histories 342
Musha: A Peasant Village in Egypt 134 Development Anthropology and the Anthropology
West African Traders in New York City 162 of Development 366
The Matrilineal Minangkabau of Sumatra 178
Is Marriage Universal? The Na of China 194
The Global and The Local
The Hijras: An Alternative Gender Role in India 218
The Connection between Wealth and Power in the
“Stone Age” Tribes versus Globalization 18
Precolonial Asante State 250
Vanishing Primates 45
Polluted Promises: Race, Health, and the
Rights, Ethics, and Female Genital Operations 67
Environment 276
Understanding 9/11 92
The Rastafari: Religion and Resistance
English Only 115
to Domination 308
Globalization and Food Choice 141
The Arts, Tourism, and Identity in Tana Toraja,
Product Anthropology 165
Indonesia 332
Transmigration and Kinship 186
African Soldiers of Misfortune 352
A Cross-Cultural View of Aging 211
Child Labor in Brazil 370
Islam and Female Modesty 233
Crossing National Borders 259
Anthropology Makes a Difference The Global Economy and the Changing Class System
in China 284
Medical Anthropology 8 The Globalization of Religion in America 312
Forensic Anthropology 42 World Music 335
Anthropologists and Drug Use 56 Who Owns History? 357
Culture and HIV 80 How Flat Is Your World? 379
Can Nonhumans Speak? 100

v
 Contents

Features Contents v Humans and Our Nearest Relatives 26

Preface xiii Our Shared Ancestor and Common
Characteristics 26
Part One Primate Social Life 28
Introduction to Cultural Anthropology Tool Use among Primates 29
The Evolution of Humans 30
Naming Names 30

1 Anthropology and Finding Remains 31

The Earliest Human Ancestors 31
Human Diversity 1
The Australopithecines 32
Specialization in Anthropology 2
Homo Habilis and Homo Rudolfensis 33
Cultural Anthropology 2
Homo Erectus 36
Linguistic Anthropology 3
Homo Sapiens 38
Archaeology 6
Homo Sapiens Culture 39
Physical or Biological Anthropology 7
Human Variation 40
Applied Anthropology 7
The Global and the Local: Vanishing
Some Critical Issues in
Primates 45
Anthropology 10
Summary 46
Ethnocentrism 10
Key Terms 47
Anthropology and Cultural Relativism 11
Suggested Readings 47
Human Biological Diversity and Race 12
Anthropology in a Changing World 14 ethnography
Fossil Hunters 34
Anthropology and Globalization 15
Why Study Anthropology? 16 anthropology makes a difference
Forensic Anthropology 42
The Global and the Local: “Stone Age”
Tribes versus Globalization 18
Summary 20
Key Terms 21 3 Doing Cultural
Suggested Readings 21 Anthropology 49
ethnography Anthropology in Historical
The Nacirema 4 Perspective 50
Franz Boas and American Anthropology 50
anthropology makes a difference
Medical Anthropology 8 From Haddon to Malinowski in England
and the Commonwealth 51
Anthropological Techniques 52
Ethnographic Data and Cross-Cultural
2 Human Evolution 23
Comparisons 57
Darwin and Natural Selection 24
Changing Directions and Critical Issues
The Theory of Natural Selection 24 in Ethnography 58
Evolution, Politics, and Religion 26 Feminist Anthropology 58
Postmodernism 59

vi
 Engaged and Collaborative
Anthropology 60
5 Communication 97
Origins and Acquisition of Human
Studying One’s Own Society 61
Language 98
Ethical Considerations in Fieldwork 62
The Structure of Language 102
Anthropology and the Military 63
Phonology 102
New Roles for the Ethnographer 66
Morphology 103
The Global and the Local: Rights, Ethics,
Syntax 104
and Female Genital Operations 67
Semantics: The Lexicon 104
Summary 69
Language and Culture 105
Key Terms 70
Language and Social Stratification 108
Suggested Readings 70
The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis 109
anthropology makes a difference Nonverbal Communication 111
Anthropologists and Drug Use 56
Language Change 112
ethnography Language and Culture Contact 113
Dangerous Field 64
Tracing Relationships among
Languages 114
The Global and the Local: English Only 115
4 The Idea of Culture 73 Summary 116
Defining Culture 74 Key Terms 117
Culture Is Made Up of Learned Suggested Readings 118
Behaviors 76
anthropology makes a difference
Culture Is the Way Humans Use Can Nonhumans Speak? 100
Symbols to Classify Their World and
Give It Meaning 78 ethnography
Culture Is an Integrated System—Or Is Cell Phone Use in Jamaica 106
It? 82
Culture Is a Shared System of Norms Part Two
and Values—Or Is It? 84 Families in Society
Culture Is the Way Human Beings
Adapt to the World 86
Culture Is Constantly Changing 87
Culture Counts 91
6 Making a Living 121
Human Adaptation and the
The Global and the Local: Understanding
Environment 122
9/11 92
Major Types of Subsistence
Summary 93
Strategies 123
Key Terms 94
Foraging 124
Suggested Readings 95
Pastoralism 128
anthropology makes a difference Horticulture 134
Culture and HIV 80
Agriculture (Intensive Cultivation) 136
ethnography Industrialism 140
Building a House in Northwestern
The Global Marketplace 140
Thailand 88
The Global and the Local: Globalization and
Food Choice 141
Summary 142
Key Terms 143
Suggested Readings 143

CONTENTS vii
 ethnography
Global Warming and the Inuit Foraging 8 Kinship 169
Strategy 126 Kinship: Relationships through Blood
and Marriage 170
ethnography
The Maasai of East Africa: A Rules of Descent and the Formation
Transhumant Pastoral Adaptation 130 of Descent Groups 171
Unilineal Descent Groups 171
ethnography
Patrilineal Descent Groups 174
The Lua’: Swidden Cultivators in
Thailand 132 Matrilineal Descent Groups 176
Image not
available due Double Descent 177
ethnography
to copyright Nonunilineal Kinship Systems 177
Musha: A Peasant Village in Egypt 134
restrictions
The Classification of Kin 180
anthropology makes a difference
A Successful Agricultural Intervention A Comparison of Kinship Classification in
in Bolivia 136 North India and the United States 180
Principles for Classifying Kin 182
anthropology makes a difference Image not
The American Beef Industry 138 Types of Kinship Terminologies 183
available due
to copyright The Global and the Local: Transmigration
restrictions and Kinship 186
Summary 187
7 Economics 145
Key Terms 188
Economic Behavior 146
Suggested Readings 188
Allocating Resources 147
anthropology makes a difference
Foragers 148 Kinship Rules and Realities in a Korean
Pastoralists 148 Village 172
Horticulturalists 149
ethnography
Agriculturalists (Intensive Cultivation) 149 Image not The Matrilineal Minangkabau of
available due Sumatra 178
Organizing Labor 150 to copyright
Specialization in Complex Societies 152 restrictions
Distribution: Systems of Exchange and
Consumption 153 9 Marriage, Family, and
Reciprocity 153
Domestic Groups 191
Redistribution 156
Functions of Marriage and the
Market Exchange 158 Family 192
Capitalism 159 Marriage Rules 193
Resistance to Capitalism 164 Incest Taboos 196
The Global and the Local: Product Exogamy 197
Image not
Anthropology 165 available due Endogamy 198
Summary 166 to copyright
restrictions Preferential Marriages 198
Key Terms 167
Number of Spouses 199
Suggested Readings 167
Exchange of Goods and Rights
anthropology makes a difference in Marriage 201
Anthropologists in the Corporate Bride Service and Bridewealth 202
World 160
Dowry 203
ethnography Families, Domestic Groups, and Rules
West African Traders in New York of Residence 204
City 162
The Nuclear Family 204
The Changing American Family 204

viii CONTENTS
 Composite Families 207 Key Terms 235
Extended Families 208 Suggested Readings 235
The Global and the Local: A Cross-Cultural ethnography
View of Aging 211 The Hijras: An Alternative Gender Role
Summary 212 in India 218
Key Terms 213 anthropology makes a difference
Suggested Readings 213 Advocating for Female Factory Workers
in China 230
ethnography
Is Marriage Universal? The Na of
China 194 Image not
available due
anthropology makes a difference to copyright 11 Political
restrictions
Culture, Power, and Violence within
Families 206
Organization 237
Social Differentiation 238
Part Three Egalitarian Societies 238
Equalities and Inequalities Image not Rank Societies 238
available due Stratified Societies 238
to copyright
restrictions Power and Social Control 238
Formal and Informal Sources of Power
10 Gender 215 and Authority 239
Sex and Gender 216 Law: Social Control and Conflict
The Cultural Construction of Gender 216 Management 241
Alternative Sexes, Alternative Genders 217 Types of Political Organization 241
Cultural Variation in Sexual Band Societies 241
Behavior 220 Tribal Societies 242
Sexuality and the Cultural Construction Chiefdoms 246
of Gender 221
State Societies 248
Coming of Age in Cross-Cultural The State and the Control of Force 249
Perspective: Male and Female Rites
of Passage 221 The State and Social Stratification 252

Male Initiation 221 The Emergence of the Nation-

State 252
Female Initiation 222
Ethnicity and the Nation-State 253
The Construction of Masculinity in
Spain 224 The Nation-State and Ethnic Conflict 254

Proving Manhood: A Cultural The Nation-State and Indigenous

Universal? 224 Peoples 256

Gender Relations: Complex and The Global and the Local: Crossing
Variable 225 National Borders 259

Gender Relations in Foraging Societies 227 Summary 260

Gender Relations in Horticultural Key Terms 261

Societies 228 Suggested Readings 262
Gender Relations in Pastoral Societies 229 ethnography
Gender Relations in Agricultural The Connection between Wealth
Societies 231 and Power in the Precolonial Asante
State 250
Gender Relations in a Global Economy 232
The Global and the Local: Islam and Female anthropology makes a difference
Modesty 233 Refugees and Political Asylum 254
Summary 234

CONTENTS ix
12 Stratification 265
Reinforcing or Modifying the Social
Order 291
Explaining Social Stratification 266
Characteristics of Religion 291
Criteria of Stratification: Power, Wealth,
Stories, Sacred Narratives, and Myths 292
and Prestige 266
Symbols and Symbolism 294
Ascription and Achievement 268
Supernatural Beings, Powers, States, and
Class Systems 268
Qualities 294
The American Class System 268
Rituals and Ways of Addressing the
Race: A Cultural Construction 271 Supernatural 296
A Comparison of Race and Racial The Power of the Liminal 296
Stratification in the United States and
Rites of Passage 296
Brazil 272
Rites of Intensification 297
The Cultural Construction of Race
and Racial Stratification in the United Prayer 298
States 272 Sacrifice 299
The Cultural Construction of Race and Magic 299
Racial Stratification in Brazil 275 Divination 301
Ethnicity and Ethnic Stratification in Religious Practitioners 301
the United States 278
Shamans 301
Models of Immigrant Adaptation 279
Priests 303
Muslim Immigrants after 9/11 in the United
Witches and Sorcerers 304
States and Europe 280
Image not Religion and Change 306
Latino Immigrants and Social Stratification available due
in the United States 281 to copyright Varieties of Religious Prophesy 306
Caste 282 restrictions Religious Change in Native North
America 307
The Caste System in India 282
Fundamentalism and Religious Change 311
Changes in the Caste System 283
The Global and the Local: The Globalization
The Global and the Local: The Global
of Religion in America 312
Economy and the Changing Class System
in China 284 Summary 313
Summary 285 Key Terms 315
Key Terms 286 Suggested Readings 315
Suggested Readings 287 anthropology makes a difference
Religion and Fertility 292
anthropology makes a difference
The RACE Project 274 ethnography
The Rastafari: Religion and Resistance
ethnography to Domination 308
Polluted Promises: Race, Health, and
the Environment 276
Image not
available due
Part Four to copyright 14 Creative
Symbols and Meanings restrictions
Expression:
Image not
available due Anthropology and
to copyright
the Arts 317
13 Religion 289 restrictions
Art in Its Cultural Context 318
What Religion Does in Society 290
Some Characteristics of Art 318
Searching for Order and Meaning 290
Some Functions of Art 322
Reducing Anxiety and Increasing
Art as Ritual: Paleolithic Cave Art 322
Control 291

x CONTENTS
 Art and the Expression of Cultural Colonialism and Anthropology 355
Themes 323 Decolonization 356
The Display of Cultural Themes: Deep The Global and the Local: Who Owns
Play 325 History? 357
Art and Politics 326 Summary 358
Art and the Recording of Cultural Key Terms 359
History 327
Suggested Readings 359
Art and the Expression of
Identities 328 anthropology makes a difference
Recovering Hidden Histories 342
Body Art and Cultural Identity 328
Art and Personal Identity 328 ethnography
African Soldiers of Misfortune 352
The Arts: Representing the Other 330
Orientalism in European Art: Picturing the
Middle East 330 Image not
available due
Marketing World Art 331 to copyright 16 Culture, Change,
restrictions
Tourism and World Art 334 and the Modern
The Global and the Local: World Music 335
World 361
Summary 337
Development 363
Key Terms 338
Modernization Theory 363
Suggested Readings 338
Human Needs Approaches 364
anthropology makes a difference Structural Adjustment 365
Anthropology, Museums, and the
Representation of Culture 320 Multinational Corporations 367
The Nike Boycott 369
ethnography
The Arts, Tourism, and Identity in Tana Urbanization 371
Toraja, Indonesia 332 Population Pressure 373
China’s One-Child Policy 373
Part Five Environmental Challenges 375
Culture Change Pollution 375
Global Warming 376
Political Instability 376
15 Power, Conquest, Migration 378
Looking to the Future 378
and a World
The Global and the Local: How Flat Is Your
System 341 World? 379
European Expansion: Motives and Summary 380
Methods 344
Key Terms 381
Pillage 344
Suggested Readings 381
Forced Labor 345
anthropology makes a difference
Joint Stock Companies 346
Development Anthropology and the
The Era of Colonialism 348 Anthropology of Development 366
Colonization 1500 to 1800 348
ethnography
Colonizing in the 19th Century 350 Child Labor in Brazil 370
Making Colonialism Pay 351
Forced Labor 353
Taxation 354
Education 355

CONTENTS xi
 Appendix: Ethnoscience and Cognitive
Anthropology 385
A Brief Historical Sociobiology, Evolutionary Psychology,
Guide to and Behavioral Ecology 386
Anthropological Anthropology and Gender 386
Symbolic and Interpretive
Theory 382 Anthropology 386
19th-Century Evolutionism 382 Postmodernism 387
The Early Sociologists 383
Anthropology and Globalization 387
American Historical Particularism 383
Functionalism 383
Culture and Personality 384 Glossary 388
Cultural Ecology References 394
and Neo-Evolutionism 384
Neomaterialism: Evolutionary, Photo Credits 412
Functionalist, Ecological,
and Marxist 384 Index 413
Structuralism 385

xii CONTENTS
Preface

Anthropology is the study of all people, in all places and will find fascinating and relevant to the challenges they
at all times. We are drawn to anthropology as part of the face today.
realization that our lives and experiences are limited, but Additionally, we feel that issues of gender, power,
human possibilities are virtually endless. We are drawn stratification, the expansion of global capitalism, and
by the almost incredible variability of human society and culture change are central to understanding current-day
our desire to experience and understand it. We are drawn cultures. These topics are given chapters of their own,
by the beauty of other lives, but sometimes by the horror but in addition they are integrated in appropriate places
as well. We write Cultural Anthropology to transmit some throughout the text.
of our sense of wonder at the endless variety of the world Students often want to know what they can do with
and to show how anthropologists have come to under- anthropology, in what ways the discipline can be applied.
stand and analyze human culture and society. Cultural We believe that anthropological thinking is a critical
Anthropology, Tenth Edition, is designed to increase stu- component in understanding and solving the dilemmas
dents’ understanding of the globally interconnected that face people in many cultures. We further believe that
world in which they live, the human past and present, there are applications for all areas of anthropology. An-
and the unity and diversity that characterize the human thropology helps us in understanding people in other
species. Cultural Anthropology enables students to “make cultures but also helps us understand and respond to
sense” of the behavior and cultures of peoples unlike challenges in family life, ecology, and economics; indeed,
themselves, as well as gain insight into their own behav- it can illumine almost any aspect of human endeavor.
ior and society. It shows them how anthropology has Therefore, rather than presenting a chapter on applied
been applied to think about and sometimes solve critical anthropology, each chapter includes one or more illustra-
problems facing different societies. tions of the application of anthropological thinking.
Cultural Anthropology introduces fundamental con- These can be found both in the text and in the boxed
cepts, theories, methods, data, and references in ways features called “Anthropology Makes a Difference.” The
that are exciting and informative. It is sophisticated combined length of these features is at least as great as
enough to provide a firm foundation for students who most chapters on applied anthropology in other text-
intend to major in anthropology but also broad enough books.
for those who may take only one or two courses in the Cultural Anthropology describes the major issues
subject. The topics included in the text cover the full and theoretical approaches in anthropology in a bal-
range of cultural anthropology and are presented in an anced manner, drawing analysis, information, and in-
order most frequently taught in anthropology class- sight from many different perspectives. It takes a broad,
rooms. However, the book is designed so that instructors optimistic, and enthusiastic approach to the discipline of
may skip chapters or rearrange them to reflect their own anthropology.
interests and the emphases of their courses. This Tenth Edition of Cultural Anthropology contin-
The main perspective of this book is ethnographic. ues the collaboration between Serena Nanda and Richard
Ethnography is the fundamental source of the data of Warms. Warms’s specialties in West Africa, anthropo-
anthropology, and the desire to hear about and read eth- logical theory, and social anthropology complement Nan-
nography is one of the principal reasons students take da’s in India, gender, law, and cultural anthropology. The
anthropology courses. Knowledge of a broad range of results have been synergistic. Our experiences, readings,
ethnographic examples with enough depth for students discussions, and debates, as well as feedback from re-
to understand the context of cultural phenomena is es- viewers and professors who have adopted previous edi-
sential. It engages them and encourages them to analyze tions, have led to the production of a textbook that re-
and question their own culture. Ethnographic examples flects the energy and passion of anthropology. We have
are used extensively in every chapter of Cultural Anthro- revised extensively, rewritten, added hundreds of new
pology. In addition, each chapter contains one or more references, and emphasized what we believe to be the
multipage ethnographies that provide additional detail best of current thinking in our field. Writing this book
on specific cultures. The subjects of these ethnographic continues to be an exciting intellectual adventure for us,
features have been chosen to illuminate cultures, situa- and we believe that working with it will promote stu-
tions, and histories, both past and present, that students dents’ growth as well.

xiii
 In addition to its ethnographic focus, the Tenth Edi- • In Chapter 1 we have added a new section focusing
tion continues and expands upon many of the successful students’ attention on the ways in which communica-
innovations of earlier editions. We have increased the use tions and the expansion of the global economy affects
of full-color photographs and illustrations to catch the both anthropology and the societies anthropologists
eye and engage the mind. We find that our students are most frequently study. A second new section discusses
intensely visual. Well-chosen photographs make them the benefits of studying anthropology. Discussions of
think about the text’s critical points. All photographs medical anthropology and of uncontacted peoples have
have explanatory captions identifying their source and been substantially rewritten. Our “Global/Local” feature
linking them with the text. in this chapter concerns uncontacted peoples.
We continue to feature a chapter on evolution cover- • Chapter 2 includes more on cultural adaptation as well
ing Darwin’s theory of natural selection, distinctive char- as information on recent fossil finds, including the con-
acteristics of primates and their social lives, basic descrip- troversy over Homo floresiensis, the “Hobbit” find. The
tive information about the major species of human “Global/Local” feature is “Vanishing Primates.”
ancestors, and material on human variation. It is written • Chapter 3 has been substantially rewritten. It now in-
in a clear, jargon-free, accessible style. It is not necessary cludes a more thorough discussion of the history of
to read this chapter to understand the rest of the book, so fieldwork in anthropology as well as a new ethnogra-
instructors who do not normally cover evolution need phy on fieldwork in dangerous places. There is new in-
not assign it. formation about anthropology and ethics, particularly a
Also continued is our treatment of theory as a criti- discussion of the use of anthropologists by the U.S.
cal component of anthropological thought, in both Chap- military. Our “Global/Local” feature for this chapter fo-
ter 4, “The Idea of Culture,” and the Appendix, “A Brief cuses on anthropologists and human rights and consid-
Historical Guide to Anthropological Theory,” which of- ers the case of female genital operations.
fers concise descriptions of major schools of thought in • Chapter 4 now includes a discussion of culture and au-
anthropology from the 19th century to the present. tism. It has again been streamlined to provide new ex-
amples and to clarify the connections between critical
questions in anthropology and particular anthropologi-
New in This Edition cal perspectives. The “Global/Local” feature presents
ideas about the analysis of the events of 9/11.
• Chapter 5 has been reorganized to provide greater em-
We have made a number of significant changes and ad- phasis on the performance of speech. The section on
ditions to the Tenth Edition, based partly on recent devel- language change has expanded coverage of the dynam-
opments in the field of anthropology and partly on the ics of power as they relate to the history of language.
valuable feedback we have received from our adopters There is a new ethnography about the use of cell
and reviewers. Our changes include some significant re- phones in Jamaica and our new “Global/Local” feature
organizations of our text. We have placed the chapter on discusses the English Only movement in the United
kinship prior to the chapter on marriage and family to States.
emphasize that forms of marriage, family, and household • Chapter 6 has been rewritten to provide more complete
are set in the context of kinship systems. We have also coverage of different subsistence technologies and
reorganized our chapters on social stratification, race, greater balance of description among them. In addition,
and ethnicity to draw attention to the connections be- attention is paid to factors such as technology and the
tween these subjects. Although we have preserved boxed global market that are transforming traditional subsis-
features including “Ethnography” and “Anthropology tence methods. There is a new ethnography focusing on
Makes a Difference,” we have tried to reduce the total climate change and how this affects the subsistence
number of boxed features, integrating material into the economy of foraging groups in the Arctic and a new
main flow of the text where possible. We have also added “Global/Local” feature on the globalization of food.
material on globalization and culture change throughout • Chapter 7 has been streamlined to eliminate some redun-
the text, and introduced a new feature, “The Global and dancies with other chapters and expand coverage of po-
the Local,” at the end of each chapter to emphasize the litical economy with particular attention to market econ-
importance of the global context for contemporary an- omies and the naturalization of capitalism. There is a
thropology. In addition, our chapter summaries are now new ethnography on West African merchants in New
organized as a series of questions and responses. This York City. Our new “Global/Local” feature focuses on
will help students engage with the material and promote product anthropology and our “Anthropology Makes a
critical thinking skills. Difference” box about business anthropology has been
We list some of the most important changes to each expanded to include information from an interview with
of our chapters. Eleanor Wynn, an anthropologist working for Intel.

xiv PREFACE
• Chapter 8, “Kinship,” now precedes the material on ism and the process of decolonization. The “Global/
marriage and family and includes the ethnography on Local” box, titled “Who Owns History?” examines con-
the Minangkabau of Sumatra and emphasizes matrilin- troversies over the ownership of historical objects. The
eality as a significant form of contemporary kinship “Anthropology Makes a Difference” box called “Recov-
structure. The subject of transmigration is expanded to ering Hidden Histories” describes how anthropologists
show its very close contemporary links to kinship rela- attempt to tell the stories of those who have often been
tions. The “Global/Local” feature for this chapter dis- neglected or silenced.
cusses transmigration and kinship. • Chapter 16 focuses on the problems and prospects of
• Chapter 9 is now “Marriage, Family, and Domestic globalization. It includes a brief history of attempts at
Groups.” It shows how kinship is the matrix of social economic development and then explores challenges
relationships within which marriage and family takes facing the world’s societies. A new ethnography de-
place. A new ethnography on the Na of China, a society scribes the conditions of child labor in Olinda, Brazil. A
that raises interesting questions about whether mar- new “Global/Local” box discusses whether or not the
riage can truly be considered a human universal, is now world is truly becoming “flat.”
included. Our “Global/Local” feature presents a cross-
cultural perspective on aging.
• Chapter 10, “Gender,” includes an important new
“Global/Local” feature illustrating the diverse cultural
Chapter Overview
variations contained within the Islamic principle of fe-
male modesty and its relationship to female dress. Each chapter in the text begins with a short “Thinking
• Chapter 11, “Political Organization,” has been substan- Point” to engage students in critical thinking with pro-
tially altered to incorporate material that expands the vocative anthropological topics. The chapters are orga-
discussion of the impact of the nation-state on ethnicity, nized so that the main ideas, secondary ideas, important
indigenous peoples, and refugees. “Crossing National terms and definitions, and ethnographic material stand
Borders,” the “Global/Local” feature for this chapter, ex- out clearly. The entire text has been thoroughly updated
plores critical issues along the “Green Line” (the 1949 reflecting important recent anthropological work.
armistice line between Israel and its neighbors) and the
United States–Mexico border in Arizona. • Chapter 1, “Anthropology and Human Diversity,” fo-
• Chapter 12 has been reorganized using materials from cuses on anthropology as a discipline whose subject is
former Chapters 11 and 12. It focuses on the interrela- human diversity. This chapter introduces the major
tionships and inequalities of class, race, and ethnicity in perspectives of anthropology and the subfields of the
the United States, India, and China in the context of discipline. It highlights race as a social construction and
globalization. A new ethnography focuses on the the many ways anthropology contributes to a sensitive
connections between health, pollution, and social strati- understanding of human differences. There is a discus-
fication in the U.S. The new “Anthropology Makes a sion of the ways in which globalization has affected
Difference” section highlights the American Anthropo- both anthropologists and the people whom anthropolo-
logical Association’s Race Project. The “Global/Local” gists frequently study. The chapter explains the impor-
feature explores the changing class system of China. tance of anthropology as a university discipline and the
• Chapter 13, “Religion,” expands our coverage of ritual, reasons that understanding anthropology is critical in
particularly liminal states, rites of passage, and rites of the world today. The classic ethnography “The Naci-
intensification. There is great emphasis placed on vari- rema” as well as special sections on medical anthropol-
eties of religious practitioners. The “Global/Local” fea- ogy and contact with “stone-age” tribes are among the
ture for this chapter examines increasing religious di- features of the chapter.
versity in the United States. • Chapter 2, “Human Evolution,” is designed to give intro-
• Chapter 14, “Creative Expression: Anthropology and the ductory students a background in the theory of evolu-
Arts,” now includes an “Anthropology Makes a Differ- tion by natural selection, the physical and social charac-
ence” feature on the impact of anthropology on mu- teristics of primates, and the major groups of fossil
seum exhibits of art and culture. The new “Global/ human ancestors. The chapter concludes with a section
Local” feature expands and updates the subject of world on human variation that highlights the biology of hu-
music from the previous edition. man traits commonly used in racial classification.
• Chapter 15 is a new chapter that focuses on the Euro- • Chapter 3, “Doing Cultural Anthropology,” provides a
pean expansion that began in the 15th century and de- basic history of fieldwork in anthropology, focusing on
scribes the ways in which relatively independent societ- the contributions of Boas and Malinowski. It describes
ies were drawn or forced into a global economy. This the process of doing fieldwork and analysis including
chapter substantially expands our coverage of colonial- site selection, data collection, and analysis. It considers

PREFACE xv
 important issues in anthropological fieldwork, particu- • Chapter 8, “Kinship,” introduces the major kinship ide-
larly ethical concerns, the positioning of anthropolo- ologies and the kinds of social groups formed by kin-
gists and informants, and the role of collaborative and ship. The chapter features an extended discussion of
engaged anthropologies. There is coverage of issues sur- the Nuer as well as a comparison of kinship in the
rounding the use of anthropology in war and there is a United States and North India based on Serena Nanda’s
new ethnography about doing fieldwork in dangerous experiences in both cultures. The ethnography focuses
places. on the matrilineal Minangkabou of Sumatra, and the
• Chapter 4, “The Idea of Culture,” exposes students to a Anthropology Makes a Difference feature examines a
range of theoretical positions in anthropology by exam- dispute over inheritance in a South Korean village. The
ining the ways different anthropologists have under- chapter concludes with a “Global/Local” feature about
stood the idea of culture. In addition to introducing transmigration: international migrants who maintain
students to the history of theory in anthropology, it close relations with their home countries.
demonstrates that different theoretical positions lead • Chapter 9, “Marriage, Family, and Domestic Groups,”
anthropologists to ask different sorts of questions and focuses on types of family systems, emphasizing the
do different sorts of research. We present anthropology diversity of forms and functions of families, highlighted
as an exciting arena in which different understandings by a new ethnographic section on the Na of China, who
and interpretations jostle for position. The chapter con- raise the question of whether marriage is universal. In
cludes with a discussion of the cultural change mecha- addition to sections on marriage rules, marriage ex-
nisms of innovation and diffusion. (A full discussion of changes, and different types of families, the “Anthropol-
culture change and the expansion of capitalism is found ogy Makes a Difference” feature, on domestic violence,
in Chapter 16.) highlights the family as a context of uneven power and
• Chapter 5, “Communication,” provides a solid back- its consequences within families. We have retained the
ground for anthropological linguistics. Phonology, mor- material on a cross-cultural view of aging as the “Global/
phology, and other elements of linguistics are discussed. Local” feature of this chapter.
There are special highlights on language acquisition • Chapter 10, “Gender,” brings together a historical per-
and language experiments with apes. A section on so- spective on the examination of gender in cultural an-
ciolinguistics focuses on speech as performance and thropology with current research on the role of women
addresses issues including linguistic minorities and in foraging societies, the relationship between women
cross-cultural communication. Another section explores and power, changes in women’s roles as a result of Eu-
nonverbal communication. A new ethnography ex- ropean contact, and an examination of the effects of
plores the impact of cell phones on communication in “development,” globalization, and multinational corpo-
Jamaica. rations on women, highlighting the role of an anthro-
• Chapter 6, “Making a Living,” brings cultural adaptation pologist who advocates for female factory workers in
into focus. It examines the major human food- China. This chapter emphasizes the construction of
getting strategies through five extended ethnographies gender, using ethnographic data on masculinity in
describing the effect of climate change on Inuit forag- Spain and the construction of the hijra role, an alterna-
ing in the Arctic, as well as other global factors as they tive gender role in India. A new “Global/Local” feature
affect pastoralism among the Maasai of East Africa, addresses variation in concepts of female modesty in
horticulture among the Lua’ of Thailand, peasant agri- Islam in different national and political contexts.
culture in an Egyptian village, and industrialism through • Chapter 11, “Political Organization,” begins with a de-
a description of the meatpacking industry in the Amer- scription of social differentiation in egalitarian, rank,
ican Midwest. Throughout there is emphasis on the and stratified societies. It goes on to explore the issue of
roles played by technological change and expanding power and social control before turning to a systematic
ties that enmesh us in a global economy. discussion of leadership, social control, and conflict
• Chapter 7, “Economics,” explores the nature of eco- resolution in bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states. The
nomic behavior and economic systems in cross-cultural ethnography on the precolonial Asante highlights the
perspective. Special attention is paid to issues of access interactions among power, wealth, and the develop-
to resources, the organization of labor, systems of distri- ment of the state. Our expanded treatment of the
bution and exchange (including classic examples such nation-state now incorporates contemporary issues
as the potlatch and the Kula ring). There is extended such as ethnicity, indigenous peoples, and includes de-
coverage of market systems, including coverage of capi- tailed descriptions of the Saami reindeer herders of
talism and resistance to capitalism. Our “Anthropology Norway, ethnic conflict, and the issue of national bound-
Makes a Difference” and “Global/Local” features focus aries in relation to immigration.
on the use of anthropology in business and in market- • Chapter 12, now “Stratification,” focuses on the connec-
ing. A rewritten ethnography focuses on West African tions between race, class, and ethnicity. It expands the
traders in New York City. emphasis on race as a cultural construction, highlight-

xvi PREFACE
 ing the Race Project of the American Anthropological • Chapter 16, “Culture, Change, and the Modern World,”
Association and comparing racial constructions and continues the story begun in Chapter 15 by examining
racial stratification in Brazil and the United States. the attempts by wealthy nations to engage poor nations
There is a new section on Muslim immigrants to the through economic development. It then turns to a dis-
United States and also on the connections between cussion of critical problems facing the world’s societies,
race, class, and health in the U.S. The chapter retains a including the actions of multinational corporations, ur-
cross-cultural context of stratification by looking at the banization, population pressure, environmental chal-
dynamics of caste in contemporary India and the ways lenges, political instability, and migration. Extended ex-
in which globalization has affected the class system in amples include the 1990s campaign against Nike, China’s
China. one-child policy, environmental problems in West Af-
• Chapter 13, “Religion,” moves from a brief consideration rica, and political instability in Rwanda and East Africa.
of the functions of religion to a definition of religion that Features include an ethnography on child labor in
includes stories and myths, symbolism, supernatural be- Olinda, Brazil, a feature describing the roles anthropolo-
ings and powers, rituals, practitioners, and change. It gists play in development projects, and a “Global/Local”
then looks at each of these aspects of religion using ex- feature asking readers to consider the degree to which
amples from different cultures. It includes material on technological processes mean that economic and social
the globalization of religion in the United States, religion opportunities are available to all people.
and ecology, religion and population growth, cargo cults, • The Appendix, “A Brief Historical Guide to Anthropo-
colonialism and ritual, and fundamentalism. An ethnog- logical Theory,” provides a concise, historically based
raphy on the Rastafarians and extensive information on introduction to the major schools of anthropological
the Ghost Dance religion and Native American Church theorizing beginning with 19th-century evolutionism.
show the roles of religion in social change and resis- The critical concepts of each theory are briefly summa-
tance. rized and the major thinkers in each school identified.
• Chapter 14, “Creative Expression: Anthropology and the In addition to evolutionism, the Appendix covers early
Arts,” highlights a cross-cultural perspective on the sociological theory, American historical particularism,
forms and functions of art. The theme of the relation- British functionalism, culture and personality, cultural
ship between cultural identity and art is carried through ecology and neo-evolutionism, neomaterialism, struc-
by ethnographic sections on Japanese manga and an- turalism, cognitive anthropology, sociobiology, anthro-
ime, and a section on Frida Kahlo. Our section on “deep pology and gender, symbolic and interpretive anthro-
play,” includes material on Spanish bullfighting, Ameri- pology, and postmodernism and its critics.
can football, and Balinese cockfighting. We examine the
symbolism of henna painting as it relates to women’s
roles in the Middle East, and orientalism as one aspect Teaching Features
of the relationship between art and power. Our ethnog-
raphy on the Toraja of Indonesia emphasizes how the
and Study Aids
art in small-scale societies has become part of the global
art market, changing local cultural identities in the pro- Each chapter of Cultural Anthropology includes outstanding
cess. Globalization also is the underlying theme in our pedagogical features to help students identify, learn, and
expanded discussion of world music. remember key concepts and data. As befits a text in which
• Chapter 15, “Power, Conquest, and a World System,” is ethnographic material holds so central a role, the major
a new chapter that explores the historical processes features within each chapter are the 20 boxed ethnogra-
that, beginning in the 15th century, transformed the phies. The ethnographies provide interesting and insight-
world from relatively independent societies to a world ful information designed to engage students and provide a
system. We examine the methods and motives for Euro- context for thinking about more abstract concepts. Locator
pean expansion, the roles of forced labor and joint stock maps accompany the ethnographies. Critical-thinking
companies, the processes of colonization, and the ways questions at the end of each “Ethnography” box tie the sec-
in which Europeans attempted to make colonialism tion firmly to the material presented in the chapter and
pay. A section focuses on the role of anthropology in open opportunities for discussion of anthropology’s role in
colonialism and another describes the process of de- the modern world. New topics in the Tenth Edition of Cul-
colonization. Our ethnography focuses on the experi- tural Anthropology include the use of cell phones in Jamaica
ences of African soldiers drafted to serve France in the (Chapter 5); climate change and how this affects the subsis-
20th century. The “Global/Local” box examines contro- tence economy of foraging groups in the Arctic (Chapter 6);
versies over the ownership of historical objects and our West African merchants in New York City (Chapter 7); and
“Anthropology Makes a Difference” feature describes the conditions of child labor in Olinda, Brazil (Chapter 16).
how anthropologists attempt to tell the stories of those The “Ethnography” boxes are now supplemented by
who have often been neglected. only one additional boxed feature in each chapter, with ma-

PREFACE xvii
terial presented previously in other boxes now seamlessly • References for every source cited within the text are
integrated with the body of the text, where appropriate: listed alphabetically at the end of the book.
• “Anthropology Makes a Difference” boxes highlight
the work of anthropologists who are “making a differ-
ence” in the world. This feature helps students see how Supplements for Instructors
anthropology relates to their own lives and provides
examples of careers and the type of work in which an-
thropologists engage. Examples include discussions of Online Instructor’s Manual with Test
medical anthropology in Chapter 1 and forensic anthro- Bank, by Richard Warms and Marjorie
pology in Chapter 2, as well as a new “Anthropology Snipes
Makes a Difference” box on the American Anthropo-
Prepare for class more quickly and effectively with such
logical Association’s Race Project in Chapter 12, and one
resources as learning objectives, detailed chapter outlines,
on “Recovering Hidden Histories” in Chapter 15.
suggested assignments, and film suggestions. A test bank
• A new chapter-ending feature called “The Global and
with more than 50 questions per chapter, prepared by
the Local” emphasizes the importance of the global
Richard L. Warms and validated by expert reviewers, saves
context for contemporary anthropology. Topics covered
you time creating tests. (0-495-90281-0, 978-0-495-90281-2)
include: uncontacted peoples (Chapter 1); vanishing
primates (Chapter 2); anthropologists and human
rights, including the case of female genital operations PowerLecture with ExamView
(Chapter 3); understanding 9/11 (Chapter 4); the English
PowerLecture instructor resources are a collection of
Only movement in the United States (new for Chap-
book-specific lecture and class tools on either CD or DVD.
ter 5); the globalization of food (Chapter 6); product
The fastest and easiest way to build powerful, custom-
anthropology (Chapter 7); cross-cultural perspective
ized, media-rich lectures, PowerLecture assets include
on aging (Chapter 8); transmigration and kinship
chapter-specific PowerPoint presentations, images, ani-
(Chapter 9); the Islamic principle of female modesty
mations and video, instructor manuals, test banks, useful
and its relationship to female dress (new for Chapter
web links and more. PowerLecture media-teaching tools
10); critical issues along the “Green Line” and the
are an effective way to enhance the educational experi-
United States–Mexico border (Chapter 11); the chang-
ence. (0-495-90282-9, 978-0495-90282-9)
ing class system of China (Chapter 12); increasing reli-
gious diversity in the United States (Chapter 13); an
expanded and updated discussion of world music Wadsworth Anthropology Video Library
(Chapter 14); controversies over the ownership of his-
Qualified adopters may select full-length videos from an
torical objects (Chapter 15); and a discussion of whether
extensive library of offerings drawn from such excellent
or not the world is truly becoming “flat” (Chapter 16).
educational video sources as Films for the Humanities
Each chapter also has several learning aids to help stu- and Sciences.
dents understand and retain the chapter’s information:

• Full-color opening photos are placed at the beginning ABC Video: Anthropology, Volume 1
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• An outline at the beginning of each chapter clearly award-winning news coverage of ABC. Addressing topics
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• A running glossary of key terms is found at the bottom contexts relevant to students’ lives. (0-534-63011-1, 978-0-
of the pages. 534-63011-9)
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each chapter, are now phrased as key questions fol-
lowed by answers to better help students critically re- AIDS in Africa DVD
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• Key terms are listed alphabetically at the end of each with this award-winning documentary series focused on
chapter, for quick review. controlling HIV/AIDS in southern Africa. Films focus on
• Suggested readings that are interesting and accessible caregivers in the faith community; how young people
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chapter. tionship of HIV/AIDS to gender, poverty, stigma, educa-
• A glossary at the end of the book defines the major terms tion, and justice; and the story of two HIV-positive women
and concepts, in alphabetical order for quick access. helping others. (0-495-17183-2, 978-0-495-17183-6)

xviii PREFACE
Online Resources for Instructors Globalization and Change in Fifteen
Cultures: Born in One World, Living in
and Students Another, edited by George Spindler and
Janice E. Stockard
Companion Website In this volume, 15 case study authors write about culture
The book’s companion website features a rich array of change in today’s diverse settings around the world. Each
teaching and learning resources that you won’t find any- original article provides insight into the dynamics and
where else. This outstanding site features the following meanings of change, as well as the effects of globalization
resources for each chapter of the text: tutorial quizzes, at the local level. (0-534-63648-9, 978-0-534-63648-7)
InfoTrac® College Edition exercises, web links, flash
cards, and crossword puzzles. And for instructors, preas-
sembled Microsoft PowerPoint lecture slides and the In- Classic Readings in Cultural
structor’s Manual are also available. (0-495-90280-2, 978-
0-495-90280-5)
Anthropology, Second Edition, edited by
Gary Ferraro
Brief and accessible, this reader edited by Gary Ferraro
Instant Access Code for Cengage features articles and excerpts from works that have
proved pivotal in the field of cultural anthropology. Top-
Learning eBook and the Anthropology ics include culture, language and communication, ecol-
Resource Center ogy and economics, issues of culture change, and many
This online center offers a wealth of information and use- more. (0-495-50736-9, 978-0-495-50736-9)
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find interactive maps, learning modules, video exercises,
Cross-Cultural Miscues, Meet the Scientists, and more. For Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology,
instructors, the Anthropology Resource Center includes a
gateway to time-saving teaching tools, such as image banks
edited by George Spindler and Janice E.
and sample syllabi. (0-8400-3570-5, 978-0-8400-3570-7) Stockard
Select from more than 60 classic and contemporary eth-
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WebTutor™ Toolbox for WebCT culture continuity, reflecting the globalization of the
and Blackboard world, and include New Cures, Old Medicines: Women
This web-based software for students and instructors and the Commercialization of Traditional Medicine in
takes a course beyond the classroom to an anywhere, Bolivia, by Lynn Sikkink.
anytime environment. Students gain access to an array of
study tools, including chapter outlines and chapter-
specific quizzing material, while instructors can provide
virtual office hours, post syllabi, track student progress
Case Studies on Contemporary Social
with the quizzing material, and even customize the con- Issues, edited by John A. Young
tent to suit their needs. Please contact your Cengage Framed around social issues, these new contemporary
Learning sales representative for ordering details. case studies are globally comparative and represent the
cutting-edge work of anthropologists today. Recent pub-
lications include Fetal Fatal Knowledge: New Reproduc-
tive Technologies and Family-Building Strategies in India,
Readings and Case Studies by Sunil Khanna.

Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of

India, Second Edition, by Serena Nanda
This ethnography is a cultural study conducted by text
Acknowledgments
author Serena Nanda of the hijras of India, a religious
community of men who dress and act like women. It fo- It gives us great pleasure to thank the many people who
cuses on how hijras can be used in the study of gender have been associated with this book. We are most appre-
categories and sexual variation. (0-534-50903-7, 978-0- ciative of the helpful comments made by reviewers of the
534-50903-3) Tenth Edition:

PREFACE xix
 Augustine Agwuele (Texas State University–San Marcos) University–San Marcos. In addition, many of our stu-
Kira Blaisdell-Sloan (University of California, Berkeley) dents have contributed ideas, reflections, and labor to
this project.
Patricia L. Jolly (University of Northern Colorado)
Our families continue to form an important cheering
Brett J. Millán (South Texas College) section for our work, and we thank them for their pa-
Mark Miller (East Texas Baptist University) tience, endurance, and just plain putting up with us.
Aimee Preziosi (West Los Angeles College) We are deeply grateful to the people at Wadsworth,
particularly our editor, Erin Mitchell, and our develop-
Jess White (Western Illinois University)
mental editor, Lin (Marshall) Gaylord, for their support,
For their support and assistance we would like to their encouragement, and their insights. In addition, we
thank Mrs. Raksha Chopra, Kojo Dei, Stanley Freed, Joan wish to thank Media Editor Melanie Creegan, Editorial
Gregg, and Michael Newman. For the use of photographs Assistant Pamela Simon, Content Project Manager Jerilyn
we would like to thank Soo Choi, Ronald Coley, Tom Cur- Emori, as well as Andrew Keay and Dimitri Hagnéré.
tin, Kojo Dei, Chander Dembla, Joan Gregg, James Hamil- Finally, we would like to thank Dan Fitzgerald, who shep-
ton, Jane Hoffer, Ray Kennedy, Judith Pearson, Chandler herded us through the production process, and Billie
Prude, and Jean Zorn. Porter, who did the photo research. The knowledge, edit-
We gratefully acknowledge the support of our uni- ing skills, and superb suggestions made by the many
versities and the help of the staffs of our departments people involved in the production of this book have
at John Jay College of Criminal Justice and Texas State greatly contributed to it.

xx PREFACE
 About the Authors

serena nanda is pro- richard l. warms is

fessor emeritus of anthro- professor of anthropology
pology at John Jay College at Texas State University–
of Criminal Justice, City San Marcos. His pub-
University of New York. lished works include An-
Her most recent book is thropological Theory: An
The Gift of a Bride: A Tale Introductory History and
of Anthropology, Matri- Sacred Realms: Essays in
mony and Murder, a novel Religion, Belief, and Soci-
set in an Indian immi- ety, as well as journal arti-
grant community in New cles on commerce, reli-
York City. Her other pub- gion, and ethnic identity
lished works include Nei- in West Africa; African
ther Man nor Woman: exploration and romanti-
The Hijras of India, win- cism; and African veter-
ner of the 1990 Ruth Benedict Prize; American Cultural ans of French colonial armed forces. Warms’s interests
Pluralism and Law; Gender Diversity: Cross-Cultural in anthropology were kindled by college courses and by
Variations; and a New York City guidebook, New York his experiences as a Peace Corps Volunteer in West Af-
More Than Ever: 40 Perfect Days in and Around the City. rica. He has traveled extensively in Africa, Europe, and
She has always been captivated by the stories people most recently, Japan. He continues to teach Introduction
tell and by the tapestry of human diversity. Anthropol- to Cultural Anthropology every year but also teaches
ogy was the perfect way for her to immerse herself in classes in anthropological theory, the anthropology of
these passions, and through teaching, to spread the religion, economic anthropology, and film at both the
word about the importance of understanding both hu- undergraduate and graduate level. Students and faculty
man differences and human similarities. are invited to contact him with their comments, sugges-
tions, and questions at [email protected].

xxi
 © John Warburton-Lee. All Rights Reserved/Danita Delimont
Anthropologists study cultural practices all over the world in their attempt to understand
the similarities and differences among human beings. Today, like these Maasai tribesmen,
members of cultures throughout the world are deeply affected by the global market and by
technological change. Anthropologists are particularly interested in the ways in which cul-
tures respond to such changes.

THINKING POINT: Though the practice has fallen out of favor

in recent years, in traditional times Nacireman women partici-
pated in weekly masochistic rituals during which they would
bake their heads in small ovens for about an hour.
—[See pages 4–5 for details.]
 {chapter 1}

Anthropology and Human Diversity

cha pte r o u tline As long as human beings have existed they have lived in groups
Specialization in Anthropology and have had to answer certain critical questions. They have had
to figure out how to feed, clothe, and house themselves, how to
Cultural Anthropology
determine rights and responsibilities, how to lend meaning to
Linguistic Anthropology
their lives, how to live with each other, and how to deal with those
ethnography: The Nacirema
who live differently. Cultures are human responses to these ba-
Archaeology
sic questions. The goal of anthropology—the comparative study
Physical or Biological Anthropology
of human societies and cultures—is to describe, analyze, and
Applied Anthropology
explain different cultures, to show how groups have adapted to
anthropology makes a difference: Medical their environments and given significance to their lives.
Anthropology
Anthropology is comparative in that it attempts to under-
Some Critical Issues in Anthropology stand similarities and differences among human cultures. Only
Ethnocentrism through the study of humanity in its total variety can we under-
Anthropology and Cultural Relativism stand who we are as human beings, our potentials and our perils.
Human Biological Diversity and Race In an era when people from different cultures are increasingly in
Anthropology in a Changing World contact with each other, and when most people in the world live in
Anthropology and Globalization multicultural and multiethnic nations, these are important goals.
Why Study Anthropology? Anthropologists attempt to comprehend the entire human
The Global and the Local: “Stone Age” Tribes versus Globalization experience. We study our species from its ancestral beginnings
several million years ago up to the present. We study human
beings as they live in every corner of the earth, in all kinds of
physical, political, and social environments. We reach beyond
humans to understand primates, those animals most closely
related to us. Some anthropologists even try to project how hu-
man beings will live in the future, exploring the possibilities of
space stations and communities on other planets. This interest
in humankind and our closest relations throughout time and in
all parts of the world distinguishes anthropology as a scientific
and humanistic discipline.
In other academic disciplines, human behavior is usually
studied primarily from the point of view of Western society.
Scholars in these disciplines often consider the behavior of peo-
ple in the modern industrial nations of Europe and North >>

1
America to be representative of all humanity. Anthropologists insist that to understand
humanity we must study people living in many different cultures, times, and places. Specialization in
Human beings everywhere consider their own behavior not only right, but natural. Anthropology
Our ideas about economics, religion, morality, and other areas of social life seem logical
and inevitable to us, but others have found different answers. For example, should you The broad range of anthropological in-
give your infant bottled formula or should you breast-feed not only your own child but, terest has led to specialization of re-
like the Efe of Zaire, those of your friends and neighbors as well (Peacock 1991:352)? Is search and teaching. The major divi-
it right that emotional love should precede sexual relations? Or should sexual relations sions of anthropology are cultural
anthropology, linguistic anthropology,
precede love, as is normal for the Mangaian of the Pacific (D. Marshall 1971)? What
archaeology, physical or biological an-
should we have for lunch: hamburgers and fries, or termites, grasshoppers, and hot
thropology, and applied anthropology.
maguey worms, all of which are commonly eaten in certain regions of Mexico (Bates
1967:58–59)? In anthropology, concepts of human nature and theories of human behav-
ior are based on studies of human groups whose goals, values, views of reality, and en- Cultural Anthropology
vironmental adaptations are very different from those of industrial Western societies. The study of human society and culture
Anthropologists bring a holistic approach to understanding and explaining. To say is known as cultural anthropology. An-
anthropology is holistic means that it combines the study of human biology, history,
thropologists define society as a group of
people persisting through time and the
and the learned and shared patterns of human behavior and thought we call culture in
social relationships among these people:
order to analyze human groups. their statuses and roles. Traditionally,
Holism also separates anthropology from other academic disciplines, which gen- societies are thought of as occupying
erally focus on one factor—biology, psychology, physiology, or society—to explain hu- a specific geographic location, but mod-
man behavior. Anthropology seeks to understand human beings as organisms who ern transportation and electronic com-
adapt to their environments through a complex interaction of biology and culture.
munication have made specific locales
less important. Societies are increasingly
Because anthropologists take a holistic approach, they are interested in the total range
global rather than local phenomena.
of human activity. Most anthropologists specialize in a single field and a single problem, As Chapter 4 will show, culture is
but together they study the small dramas of daily living as well as spectacular social events. an extremely complex phenomenon.
They study the ways in which mothers hold their babies or sons address their fathers. They Culture is the major way in which hu-
want to know not only how a group gets its food but also the rules for eating it. Anthro- man beings adapt to their environments
pologists are interested in how human societies think about time and space and how they
and give meaning to their lives. It in-
cludes human behavior and ideas that
see colors and name them. They are interested in health and illness and the significance
are learned rather than genetically
of physical variation. Anthropologists are interested in social rules and practices concern- transmitted, as well as the material ob-
ing sex and marriage. They are interested in folklore and fairy tales, political speeches, and jects produced by a group of people.
everyday conversation. For the anthropologist, great ceremonies and the ordinary rituals Cultural anthropologists attempt to
of greeting a friend are all worth investigating. Anthropologists believe that every aspect of understand culture through the study of
human behavior can help us understand human life and society. <<
its origins, development, and diversity
as it changes through time and among
people. They bring many research strat-
egies to this task. They may focus on the
search for general principles that underlie all cultures or
anthropology The comparative study of human societies and cultures. examine the dynamics of a particular culture. They may
holistic/holism In anthropology an approach that considers culture, explore the ways in which different societies adapt to
history, language, and biology essential to a complete understanding of their environments or how members of other cultures
human society.
understand the world and their place in it.
society A group of people who depend on one another for survival or Ethnography and ethnology are two important as-
well-being as well as the relationships among such people, including
their status and roles. pects of cultural anthropology. Ethnography is the descrip-
tion of society or culture. An ethnographer attempts to
culture The learned behaviors and symbols that allow people to live in
groups. The primary means by which humans adapt to their environ- describe an entire society or a particular set of cultural
ments. The way of life characteristic of a particular human society. institutions or practices. Ethnographies may be either
ethnography A description of society or culture. emic, or etic, or may combine the two. An emic ethnogra-
phy attempts to capture what ideas and practices mean
emic (perspective) Examining society using concepts, categories, and
distinctions that are meaningful to members of that culture. to members of a culture. It attempts to give the reader a
sense of what it feels like to be a member of the culture

2 CHAPTER 1
 description of the cultural past based on written records,
interviews, and archaeology.
Studies of culture change are important because
rapid shifts in society, economy, and technology are basic
characteristics of the contemporary world. Understand-
ing the dynamics of change is critical for individuals,
governments, and corporations. One goal of cultural an-
thropology is to be able to contribute productively to
public debate about promotion of and reaction to
change.

Linguistic Anthropology
Language is the primary means by which people com-

© Olivier Asselin/Acclaim Images

municate with one another. Although most creatures
communicate, human speech is more complex, creative,
and used more extensively than the communication sys-
tems of other animals. Language is an essential part of
what it means to be human and a basic part of all cul-
tures. Linguistic anthropology is concerned with under-
standing language and its relation to culture.
Cultural anthropologists describe and analyze current day cultures.
Many current studies focus on culture change and the movement of
Language is an amazing thing we take for granted.
objects and ideas between cultures. Here a Moroccan tribesman When we speak, we use our bodies—our lungs, vocal
gives water to his camel with a disposable plastic bottle. cords, mouth, tongue, and lips—to produce noise of vary-
ing tone and pitch. And, somehow, when we do this, if we
speak the same language, we are able to communicate
with each other. Linguistic anthropologists want to un-
it describes. An etic ethnography describes and analyzes derstand how language is structured, how it is learned,
culture according to principles and theories drawn from and how this communication takes place.
Western scientific traditions such as ecology, economy, or Language is a complex symbolic system that people
psychology. For example, the Nacirema ethnography in use to communicate and to transmit culture. Thus, lan-
this chapter is an etic analysis drawn from a psychologi- guage provides critical clues for understanding culture.
cal perspective. Ethnology is the attempt to find general For example, people generally talk about the people,
principles or laws that govern cultural phenomena. Eth- places, and objects that are important to them. Therefore,
nologists compare and contrast practices in different the vocabularies of spoken language may give us clues to
cultures to find regularities. important aspects of culture. Knowing the words that
Cultural anthropology is a complex field with many dif- people use for things may help us to glimpse how they
ferent subfields. One index of this complexity is the more understand the world.
than 50 different sections and interest groups of the Language involves much more than words. When we
American Anthropological Association; the vast majority speak we perform. If we tell a story, we don’t simply re-
of these are concerned with cultural anthropology. cite the words. We emphasize some things. We add in-
Some examples include political and legal anthropology,
which is concerned with issues of nationalism, citizen-
ship, the state, colonialism, and globalism; humanistic etic (perspective) Examining society using concepts, categories, and
anthropology, which is focused on the personal, ethical, rules derived from science; an outsider’s perspective, which produces
and political choices facing humans; and visual anthro- analyses that members of the society being studied may not find
meaningful.
pology, which is the study of visual representation and
the media. ethnology The attempt to find general principles or laws that govern
cultural phenomena.
Cultural anthropologists are often particularly inter-
ested in documenting and understanding the ways in cultural anthropology The study of human thought, meaning, and be-
havior that is learned rather than genetically transmitted, and that is
which cultures change. They examine the roles that typical of groups of people.
power and coercion play in change, as well as humans’
ethnohistory Description of the cultural past based on written records,
ability to invent new technologies and social forms and interviews, and archaeology.
modify old ones. Because understanding the ways in
linguistic anthropology A branch of linguistics concerned with under-
which societies change requires knowledge of their past, standing language and its relation to culture.
many cultural anthropologists are drawn to ethnohistory:

SPECIALIZATION IN ANTHROPOLOGY 3
Ethnography
The Nacirema
Anthropologists have become so familiar only with children, and then only during the tion the people seek out a holy mouth man
with the diversity of ways different peoples period when they are being initiated into once or twice a year. These practitioners
behave that they are not apt to be surprised these mysteries. I was able, however, to have an impressive set of paraphernalia,
by even the most exotic customs. The establish sufficient rapport with the natives consisting of a variety of augers, awls,
magical beliefs and practices of the Naci- to examine these shrines and to have the probes, and prods. The use of these objects
rema present such unusual aspects that it rituals described to me. in the exorcism of the evils of the mouth
seems desirable to describe them as an The focal point of the shrine is a box or involves almost unbelievable ritual torture
example of the extremes to which human chest that is built into the wall. In this chest of the client. The holy mouth man opens
behavior can go. The Nacirema are a North are kept the many charms and magical po- the client’s mouth and, using the above
American group living in the territory be- tions without which no native believes he mentioned tools, enlarges any holes that
tween the Canadian Cree, the Yaqui and could live. These preparations are secured decay may have created in the teeth. Magi-
Tarahumare of Mexico, and the Carib and from a variety of specialized practitioners. cal materials are put into those holes. In
Arawak of the Antilles. Little is known of The most powerful of these are the medi- the client’s view, the purpose of these min-
their origin, although tradition states that cine men, whose assistance must be re- istrations is to arrest decay and to draw
they came from the east. warded with substantial gifts. friends. The extremely sacred and tradi-
Nacirema culture is characterized by a Beneath the charm box is a small font. tional character of the rite is evident in the
highly developed market economy that has Each day every member of the family, in fact that the natives return to the holy
evolved in a rich natural habitat. Although succession, enters the shrine room, bows mouth men year after year, despite the fact
much of the people’s time is devoted to his head before the charm box, mingles that their teeth continue to decay.
economic pursuits, a large part of the fruits different sorts of holy water in the font, and It is to be hoped that, when a thorough
of these labors and a considerable portion proceeds with a brief rite of ablution. The study of the Nacirema is made, there will be
of the day are spent in ritual activity. The holy waters are secured from the Water careful inquiry into the personality structure
focus of this activity is the human body, the Temple of the community, where priests of these people. One has but to watch the
appearance and health of which loom as a conduct elaborate ceremonies to make the gleam in the eye of a holy mouth man, as he
dominant concern in the ethos of the peo- liquid ritually pure. jabs an awl into an exposed nerve, to sus-
ple. Such a concern is certainly not un- Below the medicine men in prestige are pect that a certain amount of sadism is in-
usual, but its ceremonial aspects and as- specialists whose designation is best trans- volved. If this can be established, a very in-
sociated philosophy are unique. lated “holy mouth men.” The Nacirema teresting pattern emerges, for most of the
The fundamental belief underlying the have an almost pathological horror of and population shows definite masochistic ten-
whole system is that the human body is fascination with the mouth, the condition dencies. For example, a portion of the daily
ugly and has a natural tendency to debility of which is believed to have a supernatural body ritual performed only by men involves
and disease. Man’s only hope is to avert influence on all social relationships. Were it scraping and lacerating the surface of the
these characteristics through the use of the not for the rituals of the mouth, they be- face with a sharp instrument. Special wom-
powerful influences of ritual and ceremony lieve that their teeth would fall out, their en’s rites are performed only four times
and every household has one or more gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends during each lunar month, but what they lack
shrines devoted to this purpose. The rituals desert them, and their lovers reject them. in frequency is made up in barbarity. As part
associated with the shrine are private and The daily body ritual performed by ev- of this ceremony, women bake their heads in
secret. The rites are normally discussed eryone includes a mouth rite, but in addi- small ovens for about an hour.

flection that can turn a serious phrase comic or a comic ple perform language—in the ways they change and
phrase serious. We give our own special tilt to a story, modify the meanings of their words.
even if we are just reading a book out loud. Linguistic All languages change. Historical linguists work to dis-
anthropologists are interested in the ways in which peo- cover the ways in which languages have changed and the
ways in which languages are related to each other. Under-
standing linguistic change and the relationships between
languages helps us to work out the past of the people
historical linguists Study relationships among languages to better un-
derstand the histories and migrations of those who speak them. who speak them. Knowing, for example, the linguistic
relationships among various Native American languages

4 CHAPTER 1
 The medicine men have an imposing subjected to the scrutiny, manipulation, and guidance early man could not have
temple, or latipsoh, in every community of and prodding of the medicine men. The mastered his practical difficulties as he has
any size. The more elaborate ceremonies fact that these temple ceremonies may not done, nor could man have advanced to the
required to treat very sick patients can be cure, and may even kill the neophyte, in no higher stages of civilization.”
performed only at this temple. These cere- way decreases the people’s faith in the
monies involve not only the priests, but a medicine men. critical thinking questions
permanent group of vestal maidens who In conclusion, mention must be made
1. It’s not at all clear that the Nacirema
move sedately about the temple chambers of certain practices that have their base in
see themselves as Horace Miner, the
in distinctive costume. native esthetics but that depend on the
author of this essay, sees them. But an
The latipsoh ceremonies are so harsh pervasive aversion to the natural body and
interpretation that makes no sense to
that it is phenomenal that a fair proportion its functions. There are ritual fasts to make
members of the culture being de-
of the really sick natives who enter the fat people thin and ceremonial feasts to
scribed is not necessarily wrong. Out-
temple ever recover. Despite this fact, sick make thin people fat. Still other rites are
siders may be able to perceive essential
adults are not only willing but eager to un- used to make women’s breasts larger if
truths invisible to members of a cul-
dergo the protracted ritual purification, if they are small, and smaller if they are large.
ture. Given this, how do anthropolo-
they can afford to do so. No matter how ill General dissatisfaction with breast shape is
gists know if their descriptions and
the supplicant or how grave the emergency, symbolized in the fact that the ideal form is
analyses are accurate?
the guardians of many temples will not virtually outside the range of human varia-
2. The Nacirema raise many critical is-
admit a client if he cannot give a rich gift to tion. A few women afflicted with almost
sues for anthropologists. Miner pres-
the custodian. Even after one has gained inhuman hypermammary development are
ents a vivid picture of a culture that will
admission and survived the ceremonies, so idolized that they make a handsome liv-
probably strike you as strange and dif-
the guardians will not permit the neophyte ing by simply going from village to village
ferent. Do you feel that he is giving a
to leave until he makes still another gift. and permitting the natives to stare at them
balanced account, or is he biased? If
The supplicant entering the temple is for a fee.
you think he is biased, what elements
first stripped of all his or her clothes. Psy- Our review of the ritual life of the Naci-
of the essay make you feel that way?
chological shock results from the fact that rema has certainly shown them to be a
3. Many essays in anthropology have po-
body secrecy is suddenly lost upon entry magic-ridden people. It is hard to under-
litical and social implications. By draw-
into the latipsoh. A man whose own wife stand how they have managed to exist so
ing our attention to aspects of other
has never seen him in an excretory act sud- long under the burdens that they have im-
cultures, anthropologists implicitly ask
denly finds himself naked and assisted by a posed upon themselves. But even such ex-
us to examine our own. What do you
vestal maiden while he performs his natu- otic customs as these take on real meaning
think the social and political goals of
ral functions into a sacred vessel. This sort when they are viewed with the insight pro-
this essay are?
of ceremonial treatment is necessitated by vided by Malinowski when he wrote: “Look-
Source: Horace Miner, “Body Ritual among the Naci-
the fact that the excreta are used by a di- ing from far and above, from our high rema.” From The American Anthropologist, 1956,
viner to ascertain the course and nature of places of safety in the developed civiliza- 58:503–507.
the client’s sickness. Female clients, on the tion, it is easy to see all the crudity and ir-
other hand, find their naked bodies are relevance of magic. But without its power

gives us insight into the histories and migrations of those municated relatively rarely. The mail was often slow and
who speak them. phone calls expensive. Now, such people may communicate
The technological changes of the past two decades have many times daily, speaking on the phone and visiting each
opened a new world of communications. The widespread other’s websites. Cell phones in particular have become ex-
use of cell phones, e-mail, texting, and social networking tremely important in poorer nations. For example, in 1998
sites such as Facebook create entirely new ways of commu- there were no cell phones in Botswana. But by 2006 there
nicating, changing both the occasions on which people com- were more than 800,000, enough for half the total popula-
municate and the language they use. For example, 20 years tion and more than six times the number of land lines
ago, people who live at great distance from each other com- (OSISA n.d.). Cell phone usage is explored in more detail in

SPECIALIZATION IN ANTHROPOLOGY 5
 ing systems have been deciphered.
However, even when an extensive
written record is available, as in the
case of Ancient Greece or Colonial
America, archaeology can help in-
crease our understanding of the cul-
tures and lifeways of those who came
before us.
The archaeologist does not ob-
serve human behavior and culture di-
rectly but reconstructs them from ma-
Image not available due to copyright restrictions terial remains or artifacts. An artifact
is any object that has been made,
used, or altered by human beings. Ar-
tifacts include pottery, tools, garbage,
and whatever else a society has left
behind.
In the popular media, archaeol-
ogy is mainly identified with spec-
tacular discoveries of artifacts from
prehistoric and ancient cultures, such
as the tomb of the Egyptian king Tut-
ankhamen. As a result, people often
think of archaeologists as collectors of
ancient artifacts. But contemporary archaeologists are
much more interested in understanding and explaining
the “Ethnography” section in Chapter 5. Studying these their finds in terms of what they say about the behavior
changes in communication is an exciting new challenge for that produced them than in creating collections. Their
linguistic anthropologists. principal task is to infer the nature of past cultures based
Understanding language is a critical task for people on the patterns of the artifacts left behind. Archaeolo-
interested in developing new technology as well. We live gists work like detectives, slowly sifting and interpreting
in a world where computers talk to us and listen to us. evidence. The context in which things are found, the lo-
We will only be able to build machines that use language cation of an archaeological site, and the precise position
effectively if we understand how language is structured of an artifact within that site are critical to interpretation.
and used by humans. In fact, these may be more important than the artifact
itself.
There are many different specialties within archaeol-
Archaeology ogy. Urban archaeology is a good example. Urban archae-
Archaeologists add a vital time dimension to our under- ologists delve into the recent and distant past of current-
standing of cultures and how they change. Archaeology is day cities. In doing so, they uncover knowledge of the
the study of past cultures through their material remains. people often left out of the history books, making our
Many archaeologists study prehistoric societies—those understanding of the past far richer than it was. For ex-
for which no written records have been found or no writ- ample, Elizabeth Scott’s work at Nina Plantation in
Louisiana (2001) adds to our understanding of the lives
of slaves and free laborers from the 1820s to the 1890s,
and the discovery of an African burial ground in New
archaeology The subdiscipline of anthropology that focuses on the re- York City in 1991 provides us with insight into the
construction of past cultures based on their material remains. lives of free and enslaved Africans in the 17th and 18th
prehistoric Societies for which we have no usable written records. centuries.
Another important archeology subfield is cultural re-
artifact Any object made or modified by human beings. Generally used
to refer to objects made by past cultures. source management, or CRM. Archaeologists working in
CRM are concerned with the protection and manage-
urban archaeology The archeological investigation of towns and cities
as well as the process of urbanization. ment of archaeological, archival, and architectural re-
sources. They are often employed by federal, state, and
cultural resource management (CRM) The protection and manage-
ment of archaeological, archival, and architectural resources. local agencies to develop and implement plans for the
protection and management of such cultural resources.

6 CHAPTER 1
Physical or Biological Anthropology
The human ability to survive under a broad range of
conditions is based primarily on the enormous flexibility
of cultural behavior. The capacity for culture, however, is
grounded in our biological history and physical makeup.
Human adaptation is thus biocultural; that is, it involves
both biological and cultural dimensions. Therefore, to
understand fully what it is to be human, we need a sense
of how the biological aspects of this adaptation came
about and how they influence human cultural behavior.
Biological (or physical) anthropology is the study of hu-
mankind from a biological perspective. It focuses pri-
marily on those aspects of humanity that are genetically
inherited. Biological anthropology includes numerous
subfields, such as skeletal analysis, or osteology; the
study of human nutrition; demography, or the statistical
study of human populations; epidemiology, or the study
of patterns of disease; and primatology.

© Tomas Bravo/Reuters/Landov
Biological anthropology is probably best known for
the study of human evolution and the biological pro-
cesses involved in human adaptation. Paleoanthropolo-
gists search for the origins of humanity, using the fossil
record to trace the history of human evolution. They
study the remains of the earliest human forms, as well
Forensic anthropologists advise law enforcement
as those ancestral to humans and related to humans.
agencies and other organizations about the identity of
We explore some of the findings of paleoanthropology in victims of crime, political violence, and natural disas-
Chapter 2. ter. Here a forensic anthropologist cleans a skull ex-
Another subspecialty of biological anthropology, humed from a mass grave near Juarez, Mexico.
called human variation, is concerned with physiological dif-
ferences among humans. Anthropologists who study
human variation map physiological differences among logical anthropologists involves studying these animals
modern human groups and attempt to explain the sources in the wild. Jane Goodall and Dian Fossey are two well-
of this diversity. known anthropologists who studied primates in the wild.
Because the human species evolved through a com- Fossey, who died in 1985, worked with gorillas in Rwanda.
plex feedback system involving both biological and cul- Goodall works with chimpanzees in Tanzania.
tural factors, biological anthropologists are also inter-
ested in the evolution of culture. Our unique evolutionary
history resulted in the development of a biological struc- Applied Anthropology
ture, the human brain, capable of inventing, learning, Although anthropology is mainly concerned with basic
and using cultural adaptations. Cultural adaptation, in research—that is, asking the big questions about the ori-
turn, has freed humans from the slow process of biologi- gins of our species, the development of culture and civi-
cal adaptation: populations can invent new ways of deal-
ing with problems almost immediately, or adopt solu-
tions from other societies. The study of the complex
biological (or physical) anthropology The subdiscipline of anthropol-
relationship between biological and cultural evolution ogy that studies people from a biological perspective, focusing primar-
links biological anthropology, cultural anthropology, and ily on aspects of humankind that are genetically inherited. It includes
archaeology. osteology, nutrition, demography, epidemiology, and primatology.
In addition to studying living human groups, bio- paleoanthropology The subdiscipline of anthropology concerned with
logical anthropologists study living nonhuman primates, tracing the evolution of humankind in the fossil record.
members of the order that includes monkeys, apes, and human variation The subdiscipline of anthropology concerned with
humans. Primates are studied for the clues that their mapping and explaining physical differences among modern human
groups.
chemistry, physiology, morphology (physical structure),
and behavior provide about our own species. At one time primate A member of a biological order of mammals that includes hu-
man beings, apes, and monkeys as well as prosimians (lemurs, tarsi-
primates were studied mainly in the artificial settings of ers, and others).
laboratories and zoos, but now much of the work of bio-

SPECIALIZATION IN ANTHROPOLOGY 7
Anthropology Makes a Difference
Medical Anthropology
Over the past century important advances found that disease and medicine never ex- depression caused by chronic pain are best
in preventing disease and improving health ist independently of particular cultural and understood as personal experiences of
care have been made. Yet the modern historical contexts. Health and disease are broader social concerns rather than simply
medical model has serious limitations in not just biological notions, but fundamen- individual medical problems. The implica-
dealing with health issues in different cul- tally socio-cultural and political-economic tion is that medical ills are closely related to
tures and among different ethnic, racial, concepts. social problems. Effectively treating the first
and class populations in the United States One result of the rethinking of the ideas sometimes requires addressing the sec-
(Helman 1998/1991). Medical anthropol- of sickness and health has been to make ond. Kleinman and other medical anthro-
ogy draws upon social, cultural, biological, medical anthropology more critical and pologists are particularly interested in ex-
and linguistic anthropology to better under- more politically engaged. For example, amining the culture of suffering or “the
stand those factors that influence health Baer, Singer, and Sussman (1997) note that manner in which an ill person manifests
and well-being. It is concerned with the ex- it is unproductive to think of health apart his or her disease or distress” (Scheper-
perience of disease as well as its distribu- from wealth. The degree to which people in Hughes and Lock 1990).
tion, prevention, and treatment. different societies have the ability to gain Medical anthropologists do much more
Medical anthropologists adapt the access to resources such as food and water than provide broad social, cultural, and
holistic and ethnographic approaches of as well as the goods and social positions political perspectives on health and health-
anthropology to the study of health and their society values is a critical determinant care institutions. They help to bridge the
disease in diverse societies. Modern bio- of health. Medical anthropologist and psy- gap between medical service providers and
medicine tends to regard diseases as uni- chiatrist Arthur Kleinman (1995) notes that their clientele (Schensul 1997). Their ethno-
versal entities, regardless of their contexts. the body connects individual and group graphic methodology often emphasizes the
However, medical anthropologists have experience. Trauma caused by violence and patient’s experience of disease and treat-

lization, and the functions of human social institutions— Specialists in each of the subfields of anthropology
anthropologists also put their knowledge to work to solve make contributions to applied work. For example, in cul-
human problems. tural anthropology, experts in the anthropology of agricul-
Applied anthropologists are generally trained in one of ture use their knowledge to help people with reforestation,
the four subdisciplines we have already mentioned. How- water management, and agricultural productivity. Cultural
ever, they work with governments, corporations, and anthropologists have been instrumental in many organiza-
other organizations to use anthropological research tech- tions that promote the welfare of tribal and indigenous
niques to solve social, political, and economic problems. peoples throughout the world. Such organizations include
In this book, we highlight some of the work of applied Cultural Survival, founded by anthropologist David
anthropologists. Each chapter includes a feature titled Maybury-Lewis; The Center for World Indigenous Stud-
“Anthropology Makes a Difference.” There, you will read ies; Survival International; and the Avenir des Peuples des
about some of the ways anthropologists are involved in Forets Tropicales/The Future of Tropical Rainforest Peo-
the practical worlds of business, medicine, public policy, ples, an organization devoted to the welfare of indigenous
law enforcement, and communication. peoples living in the tropical rainforest.
Anthropologists who study legal and criminal justice
systems address such problems as drug abuse or racial
and ethnic conflict. Alternative forms of conflict resolu-
tion, such as mediation, which grew out of anthropologi-
cal studies of non-Western societies, are now being used
medical anthropology A subfield of cultural anthropology concerned in American courts, as adversarial litigation proves itself
with the ways in which disease is understood and treated in different unequal to the task of efficiently resolving civil disputes.
cultures.
Psychological and educational anthropologists contribute
applied anthropology The application of anthropology to the solution to the more effective development and implementation
of human problems.
of educational and mental-health policies, and medical
indigenous peoples Societies that have occupied a region for a long anthropologists apply their cross-cultural knowledge to
time and are recognized by other groups as its original (or very an-
cient) inhabitants. improve health care, sanitation, diet, and disease control
in a variety of cultural contexts.

8 CHAPTER 1
ment. Results of their studies can be used and Ruth and Stanley Freed’s (1985) study has enormous implications for their per-
to increase a community’s ability to make of ghost possession. In keeping with this ception and treatment of emotional distur-
positive changes in its health programs. interest, the socialization and training of bance. However, Luhrmann notes that doc-
In addition to studying the way ill peo- psychiatric practitioners has been the sub- tors do not make this decision in a vacuum.
ple understand disease and its cure, an- ject of anthropological scrutiny. In Of Two Antipsychotic drugs heavily promoted by
thropologists are increasingly interested in Minds: The Growing Disorder in American pharmaceutical companies, the efforts of
analyzing the medical profession itself and Psychiatry, anthropologist Tanya Luhrmann insurers to control their costs, and political
the way it both influences and is influenced (2000) examines the socialization of doc- pressure to limit the cost of health care all
by larger cultural patterns. For example, tors who specialize in psychiatry in the militate against a psychosocial understand-
Sharon R. Kaufman (2000) examined the United States. The major question that ing of disease and treatment through psy-
special facilities for the terminally coma- shapes psychiatric training is whether men- chotherapy.
tose. Her study explored how technology tal illnesses are a matter of biological dys- The work of medical anthropologists
and the medical specialists associated with function best treated pharmacologically, or emphasizes the complex relationship of
keeping alive persons in a vegetative state whether they are the product of psychoso- biology and culture and the ways in which
are transforming the concept of the person cial factors such as family dynamics and cultural, political, and economic context
in American culture. thus best treated by psychotherapy. Lurh- shapes both disease and medical practice.
Anthropology has long had an interest mann found that psychiatric training takes Medical anthropologists offer insights that
in the cultural aspects of emotional distur- an either/or approach to this question. help improve the organization and practice
bance. Well-known anthropological works Psychiatric residents must decide which of health care in the United States and
on this subject include Jules Henry’s (1973) camp they are in by the second year of around the world.
analysis of families with autistic children residency. Once that decision is made, it

Archaeology has numerous applications. Establish- Private industry has become a major consumer of
ing the archaeological record has often enabled native anthropological talent. More than two dozen anthropolo-
peoples to gain access to land and resources that his- gists work for the technology consulting firm Sapient.
torically belonged to them. Work in archaeology is of- Anthropologists can also be found working at Microsoft,
ten basic to understanding the history of groups that Intel, Kodak, Whirlpool, AT&T, Hallmark, General Mo-
left little record. Excavations such as that done at the tors, and many other large corporations. They have been
African-American burial ground in New York City (Har- instrumental in developing many consumer products.
rington 1993) give us insight into the living conditions For example, you might not think anthropology when
of groups not well represented in the written record. you eat Go-Gurt (a popular brand of yogurt packaged in
Such knowledge is frequently fundamental to cultural a tube), but this product was developed as a result of
identity. Beyond this, archaeology has often produced ethnographic research by Susan Squires, an anthropolo-
technical applications. For example, in Israel’s Negev gist working for General Mills.
Desert, in Peru, and in other locations, archaeological Although it is true that there are many careers in an-
study of ancient peoples has yielded information about thropology, it is our conviction that applied anthropology
irrigation design and raised-field systems that allowed is more than just people earning their living with the skills
modern people to make more effective use of the envi- they gained through training in anthropology. Perhaps the
ronment and raise agricultural yields (Downum and most important aspect of anthropology (and the primary
Price 1999). justification for its existence) is the way an anthropological
Biological anthropologists shed light on some of the perspective demands that we open our eyes and experi-
major diseases of the modern industrial world. They ence the world in new ways. In a sense, anthropology is
compare our diet and lifestyle with those of prehistoric like teaching fish the meaning of water. How could a fish
and contemporary foraging peoples who suffer less from understand water? Water is all a fish knows; and it knows
heart disease, high blood pressure, and diabetes (Eaton
and Konner 1989). Forensic anthropologists use their knowl-
edge of human skeletal biology to discover information
forensic anthropology The application of biological anthropology to
about the victims of crimes, aiding in law enforcement the identification of skeletalized or badly decomposed human remains.
and judicial proceedings.

SPECIALIZATION IN ANTHROPOLOGY 9
it so well it cannot distinguish it from the nature of life societies and examines their differences and similarities in
and reality itself. Similarly, all humans live in cultures and detail. However, there are several issues to consider before
our experiences are normally bounded by our cultures. We we begin this investigation. These include the nature of
often mistake the realities and truths of our culture for ethnocentrism, the meaning and importance of cultural
reality and truth itself, thinking that the ways we under- relativism in anthropology, the ways in which anthropolo-
stand and do things are the only appropriate ways of un- gists understand race, and the importance of the develop-
derstanding and doing. ment of a global economic system. These are issues that
The fish only understands the meaning of water when cultural anthropologists must always address, regardless
it’s removed from the water (usually with fatal conse- of their subject of study or their perspective. Anthropo-
quences). If anthropology is not exactly about removing logical understandings of these issues inform much of the
people from their culture, it is, in a sense, the conscious discussion and description in this book.
attempt to allow people to see beyond its bounds. Through
learning about other cultures, we become increasingly
aware of the variety of different understandings present in Ethnocentrism
the world and of the social dynamics that underlie culture. When we look at those who are different from ourselves,
This promotes an awareness of the meanings and dynam- we are often in the position of a deaf man who sees a
ics of our own culture and, if we’re fortunate, allows us to bunch of people with fiddles and drums, jumping around
look at the problems that confront us with a fresh vision. every which way, and thinks they are crazy. He cannot
Applied anthropology doesn’t just mean that you get hear the music, so he doesn’t see that they are dancing
paid to use your anthropological training. All of us do ap- (Myerhoff 1978). Similarly, a person who does not hear
plied anthropology when we bring anthropological under- the music of another culture cannot make sense of its
standings and insight to bear on problems of poverty, edu- dance. In other words, if we assume that the understand-
cation, war, and peace. We don’t apply anthropology only ings, patternings, and rules of other cultures are the same
when we write a report. We apply anthropology when we as our own, then the actions of other people may seem
go to the voting booth and to the grocery store, when we incomprehensible. One of the most important contribu-
discuss issues with our friends and, if we’re religious, when tions of anthropology is its ability to open our ears to the
we pray. Anthropology provides no simple answers. There music and meaning in other cultures. It challenges and
is no correct anthropological way to vote, shop, or pray. corrects our ethnocentrism.
However, anthropology does inform our decisions about Ethnocentrism is the notion that one’s own culture is
these things. Our attempt to understand other cultures and superior to any other. It is the idea that other cultures
our own lets us look on these things with new eyes. should be measured by the degree to which they live up
In the “Anthropology Makes a Difference” boxes fea- to our cultural standards. We are ethnocentric when we
tured in each chapter of this book, you’ll find interesting view other cultures through the narrow lens of our own
ways that people have made careers of anthropology and culture or social position.
used it to help others. However, you’ll also find examples The American tourist who, presented with a handful
of the ways in which anthropology contributes to our of Mexican pesos, asks “How much is this in real money?”
understanding of the world. Ultimately, our lives are is being ethnocentric—but there is nothing uniquely
more about the ways in which we exemplify the mean- American about ethnocentrism. People all over the world
ings and values that we hold than about how we make tend to see things from their own culturally patterned
our living. For some, anthropology is a career, but it in- point of view, through their own cultural filters. They
forms the lives of all who study it seriously. tend to value what they have been taught to value and to
see the meaning of life in terms of their own culturally
defined purposes. For example, people in Highland New
Some Critical Issues Guinea understood the world of conscious beings to be
composed of themselves, their allies, their enemies, and
in Anthropology spirits, including ancestors, gods, and other figures. When
they first encountered European outsiders in the 1930s,
A major contribution of anthropology is to demonstrate they rapidly classified them as spirits and believed that
the importance and variability of culture in human societ- the carriers who accompanied them were their dead rela-
ies. The remainder of this book describes various human tives. It was the only way that these people could initially
make sense of what they were seeing (Connolly and
Anderson 1987:36-37).
Although most peoples are ethnocentric, the ethno-
ethnocentrism Judging other cultures from the perspective of one’s centrism of Western societies has had greater conse-
own culture. The notion that one’s own culture is more beautiful, ratio-
nal, and nearer to perfection than any other. quences than that of smaller, less technologically ad-
vanced, and more geographically isolated peoples. The

10 CHAPTER 1
 racism—beliefs, actions, and patterns of social
organization that exclude individuals and
groups from the equal exercise of human
rights and fundamental freedoms.
The transformation from ethnocentrism
to racism underlies much of the structural

© Margaret Bourke-White/Stringer/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images

inequality that characterizes modern history.

Anthropology and Cultural

Relativism
Anthropology helps us understand peoples
whose ways of life are different from our own
but with whom we share a common human
destiny. However, we can never understand a
people’s behavior if we insist on judging it
first. Cultural relativism is the notion that a
people’s values and customs must be under-
stood in terms of the culture of which they
Ethnocentrism is the notion that one’s own culture is superior to any other. This fa- are a part. Cultural relativists maintain that,
mous photograph, taken in 1937 by Margaret Bourke-White, illustrates the ethnocen- for the sake of scientific accuracy, anthropolo-
tric idea that American culture is superior to others. However, it also shows us how
gists must suspend judgment in order to un-
ethnocentrism may blind us to the problems of our own society, in this case, racism.
Note that the passengers in the car are white but the people in the bread line below derstand the logic and dynamics of other
are black. cultures. Researchers who view the actions of
other people simply in terms of the degree to
which they correspond to the observers’ notions of right
and wrong systematically distort the cultures they
historical circumstances that led to the spread of Western study.
culture have given its members a strong belief in its Cultural relativism is a fundamental research tool of
rightness and superiority. Westerners have been in a po- anthropology. It is distinct from moral relativism—the
sition to impose their beliefs and practices on other peo- notion that because no universal standard of behavior
ples because of their wealth and their superior military exists, people should not judge behaviors as good or evil.
technology. It may matter little, for example, to the aver- Anthropological methods may require researchers to
age Frenchman if the Dogon (an ethnic group in Mali) suspend judgment but not to dispense with it entirely.
believe that their way of life and beliefs are superior. The Anthropologists are not required to approve of all cul-
Dogon have little ability to affect events in France. How- tural practices. However, it is possible to understand
ever, it mattered a great deal to the Dogon that the French other cultures without approving of them. Anthropolo-
believed that their way of life and beliefs were superior. gists insist that every culture has a logic that makes sense
The French colonized Mali and imposed their beliefs and to its own members. It is our job to understand that logic,
institutions on its people. even if we do not approve of it or wish that culture for
Although ethnocentrism gets in the way of under- ourselves.
standing, some ethnocentrism seems necessary as a kind Using the anthropological technique of cultural rela-
of glue to hold a society together. A group’s belief in the tivism helps us to see that our own culture is only one
superiority of its own way of life binds its members to- design for living among the many in the history of hu-
gether and helps them to perpetuate their values. When mankind. We can see that our culture came into being
a culture loses value for its people, they may experience
anomie, a condition where social and moral norms are
absent or confused. This results in great emotional stress
and culture members may even lose interest in living.
Such people may be rapidly absorbed by other groups anomie A situation where social or moral norms are confused or en-
tirely absent; often caused by rapid social change.
and their culture lost.
To the extent that ethnocentrism prevents building racism The belief that some human populations are superior to others
because of inherited, genetically transmitted characteristics.
bridges between cultures, however, it is maladaptive.
When one culture is motivated by ethnocentrism to tres- cultural relativism The notion that cultures should be analyzed with
reference to their own histories and values, in terms of the cultural
pass on another, the harm done can be enormous. It is whole, rather than according to the values of another culture.
but a short step from this kind of ethnocentrism to

SOME CRITICAL ISSUES IN ANTHROPOLOGY 11

 man groups, one of the important outcomes of human
evolution is the wide variation in human form. Some
people are short, others are tall; skin color covers a spec-
trum from very dark to very light; some people have
slight builds, others are husky. The degree to which hu-
mans vary is even more startling when less obvious dif-
ferences, such as blood type and other biochemical traits,
are taken into account. Moreover, this biological diversity
follows geographic patterns, with people from the same
region tending to share more traits with each other than
they do with people from distant lands. Some of these
variations are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 2.
A particularly salient aspect of culture in the United
States, and throughout much of the world today, is the
assumption that the range of human diversity is best
understood as a small number of biologically separate

© Joan Gregg
races. Over the past two centuries, scientists have strug-
gled to create a consistent system to identify and classify
Race is a cultural construction that draws upon biologically based these races. It may come as a surprise to learn that de-
criteria to divide people into social groups. Race emerges in specific spite hundreds of years of labor by enormously creative
historical contexts. The understandings of race in the United States and intelligent researchers, no agreed upon, consistent
reflect the American slavery. Since a clear distinction between slaves system of racial classification has ever been developed.
and masters was essential, historically most people in the United
Furthermore, other cultures construct racial categories
States were assigned to either “black” or “white” racial categories.
Brazil and other parts of Latin America had different historical expe- differently than Americans (see Chapter 12).
riences resulting in more numerous racial categories. Anthropology in the United States has always been
concerned with questions of race. At the turn of the cen-
tury, Franz Boas, one of the founders of modern Ameri-
can anthropology, argued passionately for biopsychological
under a particular set of historical circumstances. It is not equality—the notion that although individuals differ, all
the inevitable end result of human social evolution. Un-
derstanding this provides a much needed corrective for
ethnocentrism.
From its beginnings, anthropology held out a dual
promise: contributing to the understanding of human
diversity, and providing a cultural critique of our own
society (Marcus and Fischer 1986). By becoming aware of
cultural alternatives, we are better able to see ourselves as
others see us and to use that knowledge to make con-
structive changes in our own society. Through looking at
the “other,” we come to understand ourselves.

Human Biological Diversity and Race

Anthropology shows us that there are important and often
dramatic differences between cultures. However, it also Image not available due to copyright restrictions
shows us that, despite all of these differences, from a bio-
logical perspective, people are overwhelmingly similar. In
fact, compared with other closely related species, the hu-
man species shows extremely low levels of morphological
(skeletal) and serological (blood type) diversity.
Despite the compelling biological similarity of all hu-

biopsychological equality The notion that all human groups have the
same biological and mental capabilities.

12 CHAPTER 1
human beings have equal capacity for culture. Before racial markers are traits such as skin color, eye shape,
World War II, however, many physical anthropologists nose shape, and hair texture. These traits are not chosen
attempted to create systems to divide humanity into for their biological importance but because they are eas-
races and rank them. Today most anthropologists agree ily visible. Thus, they make it relatively easy to immedi-
that there is no way of doing this and that race, as a bio- ately assign individuals to races. Using blood types, lac-
logical characteristic of humans, does not exist (Ameri- tose intolerance, or dry versus wet earwax to determine
can Anthropological Association 1998; Shanklin 1994). race would be as logical as other means of defining racial
Human beings are truly all members of a single race. groups, but because such traits are not easily seen, they
In biological terms, no group of humans has ever would be socially useless.
been isolated for long enough to make it very different Variation within socially constructed races also pres-
from others and, as a result, our similarities are far more ents enormous problems. Obvious and obscure physical
compelling than our differences. Thus, anthropologists differences between members of the same so-called race
understand systems of racial classification as reflecting are enormous, typically exceeding differences between
history and social hierarchy rather than biology. Preju- average members of racial groups. In fact, studies using
dice and racism are certainly realities, but they are not biological measures make it clear that individual differ-
rooted in biological differences between people (Kilker ences between people are much greater than racial differ-
1993; L. Reynolds 1992). ences. In other words, measured genetically, you are
The notion that races are not biological categories about as different from another person of your race as
might seem unusual and counterintuitive. Thus, it is you are from another person of a different race.
worth a brief detour to point out the problems with the To illustrate the importance of variation within
notion of biological race. These problems are many, but races, imagine lining up all the students on your campus
three are especially important: the arbitrary selection of according to the color of their skin. Assuming the stu-
traits used to define races; the inability to adequately dent population is large enough, all skin tones, from the
describe within-species variation through the use of ra- very light people at one end of the line to the very dark
cial categories; and the repeated independent evolution people at the other, would be represented. The vast ma-
of so-called racial characteristics in populations with no jority of people would fall in between the extremes. At
genetic relationship. what point would white become black? Are people who
Each human being is a collection of thousands of stand close to each other in the line necessarily more
characteristics such as skin color, blood type, tolerance to closely related than those who stand farther apart? In
lactose (milk sugar), tooth shape, and so on. Variations in fact, there is no way to tell who is related to whom by
these traits result from both genetic and environmental looking at the line.
factors as well as interactions between the two. There is Finally, the traits that are typically used to define
no way to weight the importance of any trait in determin- races have arisen repeatedly and independently through-
ing racial classification—no reason, for example, why out the world and are the result of common forms of
blood type should be intrinsically more or less important evolution. Most theories of race assume that people who
than lactose tolerance, skin color, or hair shape. However, share similar racial characteristics share similar origins.
schemes of racial classification select a very small num- The fact that traits arise recurrently, however, means that
ber of traits and ignore others. Such systems typically this assumption is faulty: people who share similar traits
assume that the traits they have selected have a very are not necessarily more closely related to each other
strong genetic basis and that these traits are more sig- than to people of other races.
nificant than others, which they ignore. The problem It is often imagined, for example, that all black peo-
with such schemes is that they identify races that are ple are descendants of a group of central Africans and all
simply the result of the particular traits the researchers white people are descendants of a group who lived in the
have chosen. In other words, if different traits were cho- Caucasus Mountains. In fact, this is biological nonsense.
sen, different races would result. Jared Diamond (1994) To illustrate this point, consider people from the Central
notes that identifying a race on the basis of lactose toler- African Republic, Papua New Guinea, and France. People
ance is as valid as basing a racial group on any other trait. from the Central African Republic and Papua New Guinea
However, if we did so, we would group Norwegians, (off the coast of Australia in Melanesia) are likely to have
Arabs, North Indians, and some Africans into one race, dark skin, similar hair texture, and share other features.
while excluding other peoples. There is no reason at all Most people from France are likely to have light skin and
to believe that lactose tolerance correlates with features have hair texture and other features that look quite dif-
of personality such as entrepreneurial drive, intelligence, ferent from Africans and Papua New Guineans. From
or sexuality. However, there is no reason to believe that this, one might conclude that Central Africans and Papua
eye shape or hair texture correlate with these either. New Guineans are more closely related to each other than
It is no accident that the characteristics the members either is to the French. This is incorrect. Molecular ge-
of many cultural groups, including Americans, choose as netic data tell us that Africans and Melanesians show a

SOME CRITICAL ISSUES IN ANTHROPOLOGY 13

great deal of genetic divergence. Europeans are more After World War II, international conditions began
closely related to both Africans and Papua New Guineans to change. Most colonies held by Western powers gained
than either is to the other (Templeton 1998:640). their independence in the 1960s. Political liberties were
The notion that perceived differences between social longer in coming in areas held by the Soviet Union, but
groups are caused by racial inheritance has no biological by the close of the 20th century the vast majority of
validity and must be dismissed. People who wish to ar- people lived in independent nations. Furthermore, edu-
gue that racial groups have differing biologically based cation in Western languages became increasingly avail-
abilities must first show that such groups are biologically able, and communication by radio, television, telephone,
distinct. This has not been done and is probably impos- and the Internet has become ubiquitous.
sible to do. These changes have profoundly affected anthropol-
One of the most important things we can learn by ogy. In order to work, anthropologists must now negoti-
studying anthropology is that although racism is an im- ate with independent governments. Community mem-
portant social fact, the big differences among human bers have much more say in deciding whether to accept
groups are the result of culture, not biological inheritance anthropologists. Anthropologists can often be certain
or race. All human beings belong to the same species, and that at least some of the people they work with will hear
the biological features essential to human life are com- about or read about the results of their research. Addi-
mon to us all. A human being from any part of the world tionally, anthropologists now come from many of the
will learn the cultural and behavioral patterns of the communities that anthropologists have traditionally
group in which he or she is raised. Adaptation through studied. These individuals, as well as many others, raise
culture and the potential for cultural richness and cre- hard questions about the nature of the discipline (Clif-
ativity are part of a universal human heritage and over- ford and Marcus 1986; di Leonardo 1991; Hooks 1989;
ride any physical variation among human groups. Issues Marcus 1992; Rosaldo 1993; Said 1993; Yanagisako and
of race and racism are treated in numerous places in this Delaney 1994). They challenge the accuracy of past an-
book. (See pages 40–44 in Chapter 2 for additional infor- thropological reporting and raise doubts about the ability
mation about race, and pages 271–278 in Chapter 12 for of anthropologists to accurately describe cultures. They
a more detailed analysis of racism.) urge us to consider exactly whose story gets told and
why.
Issues such as these present interesting theoretical
Anthropology in a Changing World challenges to anthropology. But they are also very impor-
From the late 19th through the mid-20th century, when tant because anthropological research often has political
anthropology was developing as a field of study, much of implications. As contemporary social groups, whether
the world was colonized by powerful nations. These na- nations or smaller units within nations, search for iden-
tions often held ethnic minorities and traditional societ- tity and autonomy, cultural representations become im-
ies as subjugated populations within their own borders. portant resources, and traditions once taken for granted
It was frequently among these colonized and oppressed become the subject of heightened political conscious-
peoples that anthropologists worked. For example, Brit- ness. People want their cultures to be represented to the
ish and French anthropologists worked among colonized outside world in ways acceptable to them and are hold-
people in Africa. American anthropologists often worked ing anthropologists responsible for the political impact
with Native American populations or Pacific Islanders in of their work.
areas under U.S. control. Anthropologists have responded to these challenges
Doing anthropological research under such condi- in a variety of ways. For example, anthropologists have
tions had several implications. First, communities had become much more explicit about the exact conditions
little control over whether or not to accept an anthro- under which their data were collected. They increasingly
pologist. If the government assigned anthropologists to a present their work using multiple viewpoints, trying to
village, the residents had to accept them. Second, anthro- tell the story of a culture from the perspective not only of
pologists did not have to be responsive to the political or the detached social scientist, but also of men, women,
economic needs of the people among whom they worked. and children of the society under study. Additionally,
Finally, very few of the people among whom anthropolo- many have become politically active, fighting for the
gists worked either knew how to read European lan- rights of oppressed minorities and traditional peoples
guages or had access to the libraries and bookstores throughout the world.
where anthropological works were available. Thus an- The challenges to anthropology and the discipline’s
thropologists had little fear their work could be contra- response to them have caused enormous controversy.
dicted by those about whom they wrote. Although Some theorists insist that anthropology must be commit-
anthropologists during these times frequently did out- ted and engaged. They argue that it is the duty of anthro-
standing research, the conditions under which they pologists to defend the rights of the oppressed and pres-
worked inevitably affected their descriptions of society. ent the views of those who have not previously been

14 CHAPTER 1
heard. Others argue that such political engagement dis- tourists, poachers, and disease. Today, the Jarawa are the
torts anthropological research and that anthropologists largest indigenous group but only about 250 remain.
should be concerned with gathering data as objectively as One of the most compelling facts of our world is that
possible and using it to increase our theoretical knowl- no place is truly isolated. Today, we are connected with
edge of the underlying dynamics of human society. (See one another by lines of transportation and communica-
D’Andrade, Scheper-Hughes, et al. 1995 for a good explo- tion. Even more important, we are connected by flows of
ration of this debate.) money, products, and information. Policy decisions, wars,
We firmly believe that anthropology benefits from natural disasters, fashions, and tastes in one part of the
lively discussion of its role and meaning. The participa- globe have profound effects on the lives of people in
tion of anthropologists from many backgrounds, as well many parts of the world. Wars in the Middle East directly
as members of the communities anthropologists study, affect the lives of American servicemen and their fami-
makes the discipline richer and the debate more useful. lies as well as the millions who live in areas of political
instability. The consumption habits of Americans and
Chinese affect each other as the price of oil moves up and
Anthropology and Globalization down in dramatic swings. Styles in clothing in the West
During the early years of anthropology in the 19th and affect the lives of villagers in Asia and Latin America as
early 20th century, anthropologists usually studied soci- corporations search for the cheapest and most efficient
eties as if each culture was a separate, well-defined, and way to produce products. Migration has become so exten-
isolated unit. Books from this era often include exhaus- sive that anyone living in a large Western city is likely to
tive descriptions of individual cultures but contain only come into contact with people from all over the world
scant mention of the relationships between cultures. For every day. Conversely, individuals living in poverty in
example, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown’s The Andaman Islanders, rural Africa, Asia, and Latin America are likely to have
a well-known ethnography first published in 1922, de- relatives living in large cities in the United States, Eu-
scribed people living on an archipelago in the Indian rope, or the Arab World.
Ocean between India and Thailand. The Andaman Island- Globalization has affected anthropology in at least
ers has 500 pages of description and analysis of social two important ways. First, anthropologists have often
organization, ceremonies, religious customs, and technol- worked with small, relatively isolated groups. These
ogy but only one or two pages describing the connections groups are usually virtually powerless in the modern na-
between the islands and the rest of the world. tions that control their territory. Like the Andaman Is-
Even in the era when Radcliffe-Brown wrote, the landers, such groups have often suffered enormously
Andamans were only relatively isolated. The British gov- from increased contact with the outside world. They have
ernment established a penal colony on the Andamans in been pushed onto smaller and smaller areas of land,
the 18th century, and contacts between the islands and decimated by disease, and exploited by corporations, gov-
the outside world were well established by the time ernments, and even tourists. Anthropologists have re-
Radcliffe-Brown arrived more than a century later. In sponded by becoming increasingly engaged in political
fact, Radcliffe-Brown actually did his work by interview- and social action. Anthropologists’ interests in defending
ing people at Andaman Homes, an institution founded the rights of indigenous people has sometimes led to ac-
by a colonial clergyman that functioned as something tivist research in which anthropologists work together
between a prison and a boarding school (Pandya 2005.; with the people they study to formulate strategies to end
Mukerjee 2003:50). their oppression and improve their lives (Hale 2001:13).
Today, the Andaman Islands remain remote to the Secondly, globalization has changed the ways in
rest of the world. However, you can fly from New York which anthropologists work and write. As we saw in the
City to the Andamans on regularly scheduled service in case of Radcliffe-Brown, until the late 20th century, an-
under two days. You can book your vacation there thropologists generally focused on the particular unique
through www.andamanholidays.com and stay at one of characteristics of the communities they studied. Today,
several resorts. You can join the Switzerland-based Anda- they are far more likely to focus on the relationships and
man Association, and you can view more than 13,000 exchanges between those they study and the rest of the
pictures from the Andamans on Flickr.com. However, world. Anthropologists rarely write works that purport to
this increased contact has not been good for all of the describe an entire culture and it is unusual for their
Islands’ residents. One hundred and fifty years ago, there books to have titles like The Andaman Islanders. Instead,
were perhaps 5000 to 8000 indigenous people living on book titles reflect specific concerns and often focus on
the Andaman Islands. Today, the total population is al- the connections between cultures. Some examples are
most 400,000 but there are fewer than 500 indigenous From Enslavement to Environmentalism: Politics on a
people. One indigenous group, the Jarawas, remained Southern African Frontier (Hughes 2006), An Alliance of
more or less isolated until the 1990s, when a highway Women: Immigration and the Politics of Race (Merrill
extended into their territory, bringing timber companies, 2006), and Practicing Ethnography in a Globalizing

SOME CRITICAL ISSUES IN ANTHROPOLOGY 15

World: An Anthropological Odyssey (Nash 2007). Even training in highly technical skills that are directly appli-
books that sound as if they might be descriptions of a cable to jobs. For example, geography departments may
single group emphasize global connections. Hillary offer training in remote sensing, the acquisition and
Kahn’s (2006) Seeing and Being Seen: The Q’eqchi’ Maya analysis of aerial photography, and multispectral and in-
of Livingston, Guatemala, and Beyond is a good example. frared imagery and radar imagery for use by government
It includes chapters on colonialism, the ways in which and business; these are highly complex skills with very
religious belief is connected to exchange with outsiders, specific job applications. However, the vast majority of
and Q’eqchi’ relations with their neighbors, the Garifuna, liberal arts programs produce generalists. An undergrad-
one quarter of whom have migrated to New York City uate degree in psychology does not generally get you a
(2006:12). job as a psychologist. Most people who study political
We explore the anthropology of globalization in science do not go on to be politicians, and few who study
many places in this book. The ethnographies in Chapter sociology go on to work as sociologists. In fact, survey
6, for example, indicate how making a living in today’s data show that there is often little connection between
world ties many people to globalization. Chapter 7, “Eco- people’s undergraduate major and their eventual career.
nomics,” provides some additional background for un- For example, in a survey of 3000 alumni from the Univer-
derstanding globalization. In Chapters 8 (“Kinship”) and sity of Virginia School of Arts and Sciences, 70 percent
11 (“Political Organization”), we examine the issues of reported that there was little such connection. And this
global migration, and Chapter 10, “Gender,” explores survey included many who had majored in subjects that
some of the new roles of women in a global economy. taught very specific technical skills (University of Vir-
Religion, and art, too, now have global dimensions, which ginia 2008.).
we explore in Chapters 13 and 14. Chapter 15, “Power, The fact is that both job prospects and the careers
Conquest, and a World System,” describes the historical that people eventually pursue are about the same for
development of economic and social links between dispa- students who study anthropology and those who major
rate peoples, and in Chapter 16, “Culture, Change, and the in other liberal arts disciplines. Like the others, anthro-
Modern World,” we examine many of the problems and pology graduates go on to government, business, and the
prospects that face people in both wealthy and poor na- professions. Some become executives at large corpora-
tions alike. In addition, each chapter of the book ends tions, some are restaurateurs, some are lawyers, some are
with a feature called “The Global and the Local,” in which doctors, some are social service workers, some sell insur-
we offer examples of the ways in which global and local ance, some are government officials, some are diplomats,
cultures interact with each other; these sections include and yes, no doubt, some still live with their parents.
discussion questions about this interaction. And you could say the same of every other liberal arts
program.
To refocus our question we might ask: What are the
Why Study Anthropology? particular ways of thought that anthropology courses
develop and that are applicable to the very broad range
of occupations that anthropologists follow? How is an-
If you’re reading this book for a course at a college or thropology different from other social science disci-
university, and particularly if you are considering a major plines? Although there are certainly many ways to an-
in anthropology, you’ve probably faced some strong swer these questions, it seems to us that three are of
questioning from friends and family members. Some particular importance.
may have known about anthropology and applauded First, anthropology is the university discipline that
your wisdom in taking this course. Others may have had focuses on understanding other groups of people. This
no idea what anthropology is. Still others probably asked focus on culture is one of the most valuable contributions
you what anthropology was good for and what you anthropology can make to our ability to understand our
hoped to do with it. You might have told them that you world, to analyze and solve problems.
want to work in one of the many aspects of applied an- Although America has always been an ethnically and
thropology or become a college professor, but we think culturally diverse place, for most of the 20th century, the
there are other good answers as well. reins of wealth and power were held by a dominant
Anthropology is, in most places, part of a liberal arts group: white Protestant men of Northern European an-
curriculum, which also generally includes English, Geog- cestry. Members of other groups did sometimes become
raphy, History, Modern Languages, Philosophy, Political rich, and there were certainly many poor white Protes-
Science, Psychology, and Sociology, as well as other de- tants. However, wealthy white Protestants held the ma-
partments and programs. Some liberal arts departments jority of positions of influence and power in American
have teacher training programs. If you want to teach society, including executive positions at most large corpo-
middle school English, in most places you probably need rations, high political offices at both state and national
a degree in English. Some liberal arts programs involve levels, and seats on the judiciary. As a result, if you hap-

16 CHAPTER 1
 institutions such as the World Bank, the In-
ternational Monetary Fund, and the World
Trade Organization, and by capital and in-
formation flows that cross cultural boundar-
ies in milliseconds. Americans who wish to
understand and operate effectively in such a
world must learn other cultures, and other
ways; failure to do so puts them at a distinct
disadvantage.
At home, America is once again a nation
of immigrants. Until the late 20th century,

© AP Photo/Steven Senne
most immigrants were cut off from their
homelands by politics and by the expense
and difficulty of communication. Under these
conditions, assimilation to the dominant
American culture was essential. Although
America is once again a nation of immigrants. In 2007 about 12 percent of the U.S.
politics will always be an issue, today’s im-
population was foreign born. Here, new citizens recite the Pledge of Allegiance during
naturalization ceremonies. At this ceremony at Fenway Park in Boston, more than migrants can, in most cases, communicate
3,000 people took the oath of citizenship. freely and inexpensively with family and
friends in their homelands and may be able
to travel back and forth on a regular basis. Thus, complete
pened to be born white, Protestant, and male you had an assimilation is far less necessary or desirable.
advantage. Of course, you might inherit great wealth. Some people may applaud multiculturalism, others
But, even if (as was far more likely) you were the son of may bemoan what they feel is the passing of the “Ameri-
a factory hand or a shopkeeper, you were a representative can” way of life. What no one can really dispute is that
of the dominant culture. The ways of the powerful were, the world of today is vastly different from the world of
more or less, your ways. If members of other cultural 1950. Given the increasing integration of economic sys-
groups wanted to speak with you, do business with you, tems, declining costs of communication and transporta-
participate in public and civic affairs with you, they had tion, and the rising economic power of China and other
to learn to do so on your terms. . . . not you on theirs. nations, we can be sure that people of different ethnic,
They not only had to learn to speak English, they had to racial, and cultural backgrounds will meet more and
learn the forms of address, body language, clothing, man- more frequently in arenas where none has clear eco-
ners and so on, appropriate to their role in your culture. nomic and cultural dominance. Thus, an understanding
Because it was others who had to do the work of chang- of the nature of culture and knowledge of the basic tools
ing their behavior, you yourself were probably almost scholars have devised to analyze it is essential, and an-
completely unaware of this disparity and accepted it thropology is the place to get it.
simply as the way things are. Miami Herald columnist In addition to this first, very practical application,
Leonard Pitts has pointed out that “if affirmative action there is a second, more philosophical concern of anthro-
is defined as giving preferential treatment on the basis of pologists. Like scholars in many other disciplines, anthro-
gender or race, then no one in this country has received pologists grapple with the question of what it means to
more than white men (2007).” This is true whether such be a human being. However, anthropologists bring some
men wanted preference or even realized they were get- unique tools to bear upon this issue. Within anthropol-
ting it. ogy we can look for the answer to this question in two
Although the white, Protestant, Northern European seemingly mutually exclusive ways. We can look at cul-
male is hardly an extinct species in America (such people ture as simply the sum total of everything that humans
still today control most of the nation’s wealth), by the late have done, thought, created, and believed. In a sense, as
20th century, their virtual monopoly on power began to individual humans, we are heirs to the vast array of cul-
break up. In America, members of minority groups have tural practices and experiences humans have ever had.
moved to stronger economic and political positions. Anthropology is the discipline that attempts to observe,
Moreover, America increasingly exists in a world filled collect, record, and understand the full range of human
with other powerful nations with very different histories cultural experience. Through anthropology we know the
and traditions. It is less and less a world where everyone great variety of forms that cultures can take. We know
wants to do business with America and is willing to do the huge variation in social organization, belief system,
so on American terms. Instead, it is a rapidly globalizing production, and family structure that is found in human
world characterized by corporations with headquarters society. This gives us insight into the plasticity of human
and workforces spread across the world, by international society as well as the limits to that plasticity.

WHY STUDY ANTHROPOLOGY? 17

 Alternatively, we can answer the question by ignor- many are today. They have never had the wealth that
ing the variability of human culture and focusing on the many societies have today. They have never had the lev-
characteristics that all cultures share. In the 1940s, George els of technology, abilities to communicate, and abilities
Murdock listed 77 characteristics that he believed were to destroy that our current society has. These characteris-
common to all cultures. These included such things as tics make it naive to imagine that we could simply ob-
dream interpretation, incest taboos, inheritance rules, serve a different culture, adopt their ways as our own,
and religious ritual. More recent authors (Brown 1991; and live happily ever after. We can no more recreate
Cleaveland, Craven, and Danfelser 1979) have developed tribal culture or ancient culture or even the culture of
other lists and analysis. Brown (1991:143) notes that hu- industrialized nations of 50 years ago than we can walk
man universals are very diverse and there is likely no through walls. But it does not therefore follow that the
single explanation for them. However, thinking about answers of others are useless to us.
such commonalities among cultures may guide us in our In Greek drama, the notion of hubris is critical. Hubris
attempt to understand human nature. is probably best understood as excessive pride or confi-
Finally, a third interest of anthropologists is in creat- dence that leads to both arrogance and insolence toward
ing new and useful ways to think about culture. One others. In Greek tragedy, the hubris of characters is often
particularly effective way to understand culture is to their fatal flaw and leads to their downfall. Heroes such as
think of it as a set of answers to a particular problem: Oedipus and Creon are doomed by their hubris.
how does a group of human beings survive together in We surely won’t find that the members of other cul-
the world? In other words, culture is a set of behaviors, tures have provided ready-made answers to all the prob-
beliefs, understandings, objects, and ways of interacting lems that confront us. But to imagine ourselves as totally
that enable a group to survive with greater or lesser suc- unique, to imagine that the experiences of other peoples
cess and greater or lesser longevity. At some level, all and other cultures have nothing to teach us, is a form of
human societies must answer this critical question and to hubris, and as in tragedy, could well lead to our downfall.
some degree each culture is a different answer to it. The ancient Greeks contrasted hubris with arete.
In the world today and in our own society we face ex- This characteristic implies a humble striving for perfec-
traordinary problems: hunger, poverty, inequality, violence tion along with the realization that such perfection can-
between groups, violence within families, drug addiction, not be reached. With the notion of arete in mind, we
pollution, crime. . . . The list is long. However, we are not approach the study of anthropology cheerfully and with
the only people in the world ever to have faced problems. a degree of optimism. From anthropology we hope to
At some level, all of these problems are the result of our learn new ways of analyzing, understanding, celebrating,
attempt to live together as a group on this planet. Learning and coming to terms with the enormous variations in
how other peoples in other places, and perhaps other times human cultural behavior. We hope to be able to think
as well, solved their problems may give us the insight to creatively about what it means to be human beings and
solve our own; we might learn lessons, both positive and to use what we learn to provide insight into the issues,
negative, from their cultural experiences. problems, and possibilities of our own culture. We hope
In some ways the cultures of today are unique. Soci- that, with the help of such understanding, we will leave
eties have never been as large and interconnected as the world a better place than we found it.

The Global and the Local: “Stone Age” Tribes versus Globalization
Introductory anthropology students often imagine that economic, they took both still photos and movies. Their
anthropologists go off to study groups that are wholly pictures as well as interviews with the brothers and the
unaffected by the modern world and uncontaminated New Guineans they encountered are explored in the film
by its practices. For better or for worse, this is not the First Contact and the book of the same name (Connolly
case: there have been no such groups for a long time. and Anderson 1983, 1987).
Members of industrialized cultures had reached virtually Survival International, a British organization that
every group of people in the world by the time of World promotes the interests of native peoples, reports that to-
War I. day there are about 70 tribes that choose to reject contact
One exception to this occurred in the 1930s. Then, with outsiders. Of these, 50 live in the Brazilian Amazon
the Leahy brothers, Australian gold prospectors, made (Survival International 2000). However, here, “uncon-
contact with the native peoples of Highland New Guinea. tacted” is a relative term. These groups are neither un-
Although the purpose of their exploration was strictly known nor undiscovered. In many cases they have con-

18 CHAPTER 1
 from the radio, television, and the Internet. Even in very
remote locations, it is common to meet people who have
traveled themselves or who have relatives living in the
United States, or in Western Europe.
The successful presidential campaign of Barack
Obama is a good example of the extent of global inter-
connections. Obama’s mother was an anthropologist and
this may have increased his sensitivity to the variety and
complexity of culture. Obama’s candidacy drew unprec-
edented attention not only in the United States but
throughout the world. The enthusiasm generated by his
campaign was demonstrated by the spontaneous appear-

© Glieson Miranda/FUNAI
ance of Obama songs in many places. Some examples
include Trinidadian Mighty Sparrow’s “Barack the Mag-
nificent,” Jamaican Cocoa Tea’s “Barack Obama,” Ghana-
ian artist Blakk Rasta’s “Barack Obama,” and Kenyan
Tony Nyadundo’s 17-minute-long “Obama.” Enthusiasm
Members of an “uncontacted” group in the Peruvian Amazon. Such for Obama was not limited to the African diaspora. Irish
groups are the descendants of survivors of bloody and violent con- artists Hardy Drew and the Nancy Boys sang “There’s No
tact with the outside world in the 19th and early 20th century. One as Irish as Barack O’bama.” The German country duo
Sly’N’Boyle sang “Gimme Hope Obama.” And residents
of Obama, Japan, produced a song for Barack Obama
called “Obama, Is Beautiful World.” You can see most of
tacts with neighboring tribes and in some cases members these as videos on YouTube. Somewhat more seriously,
have visited the outside world. In Brazil, such groups are American news election coverage on November 4, 2008,
composed of the descendants of the survivors of bloody featured shots of jubilant crowds around the world cele-
and violent contact with the outside world in the 19th brating Obama’s victory, and the Kenyan government
and early 20th century. Some of them have fled after re- declared November 5 a national holiday.
cent contact with missionaries (National Public Radio, We are connected more closely to those around the
2008). Thus, rather than being people unaffected by the globe than we often believe. And the implication of that
outside world, the members of uncontacted tribes are is that no one today is truly isolated from world events.
people who know of the outside world and choose to flee No one lives in the Stone Age.
from it.
The current world population is approximately 6.8 Key Questions
billion. It is very difficult to estimate the total population
1. What are your global connections? Do you have rela-
of uncontacted people, but it is probably no more than
tives you know who are living in other nations or are
10,000, or about 1 uncontacted person for every 600,000
citizens of other nations? If all of your classmates an-
of world population. One of the most compelling facts of
swered this question, how many individuals and na-
life in the 20th century is that although some groups of
tions would be represented?
people are surely more isolated than others, virtually all
2. One of the consequences of global interconnections is
groups are in contact with one another. Today, anthro-
that the economic and political policies of powerful
pologists are apt to find that the people they work with
countries like the United States affect people all over
are well aware of events in the United States and the
the world. Given this, should noncitizens be repre-
policies of governments around the world. They wear T-
sented in the American political system? If so, how
shirts with the names of American cities or professional
should such representation take place?
sports teams and drink Coca-Cola. They get their news

THE GLOBAL AND THE LOCAL: “STONE AGE” TRIBES VERSUS GLOBALIZATION 19
 Summary
1. What is the definition of anthropology? Anthropology is almost all people and may serve important roles in
the comparative study of human societies and cul- society. However, anthropology also shows the prob-
tures. Its goal is to describe, analyze, and explain dif- lems of judging other people through the narrow
ferent cultures, to show how groups have adapted to perspective of one’s own culture.
their environments and given significance to their 11. What is cultural relativism and is it the same as moral rela-
lives. tivism? Cultural relativism is the belief that cultures
2. In what ways is anthropology holistic? Anthropology is must be understood as the products of their own his-
holistic in that it combines the study of human biol- tories, rather than judged by comparison with each
ogy, history, and the learned and shared patterns of other or with our own culture. Anthropologists note
human behavior and thought we call culture in order that cultural relativism differs from moral relativism;
to analyze human groups. understanding cultures on their own terms does not
3. What are the five subdisciplines, or specializations, of an- necessarily imply approval of them.
thropology? The five areas of specialization within an- 12. What is the anthropological perspective on race? Anthro-
thropology are cultural anthropology, linguistics, ar- pology demonstrates that race is not a valid scientific
chaeology, biological (or physical) anthropology, and category, but rather an important social and cultural
applied anthropology. construct.
4. What is the focus of study of cultural anthropology? Cul- 13. How have anthropologists responded to the increasing in-
tural anthropology focuses on the learned and shared terconnections among people throughout the world? An-
ways of behaving typical of a particular human thropologists are deeply concerned with documenting
group. and understanding the ways in which global eco-
5. What is the focus of study of linguistic anthropology? Lin- nomic, social, and political processes affect local cul-
guistic anthropology examines the history, structure, ture throughout the world. Anthropologists have of-
and variation of human language. ten been involved in advancing the rights and interests
of native peoples.
6. What is the focus of study of archaeology? Archaeologists
try to reconstruct past cultures through the study of 14. What is anthropology’s relationship to other university disci-
their material remains. plines and what sorts of jobs do anthropology majors hold?
Anthropology is part of the liberal arts curriculum.
7. What is the focus of study of biological anthropology? Bio-
Both the job prospects and the careers of those who
logical anthropologists study humankind from a bio- study anthropology are similar to those who study
logical perspective, focusing on evolution, human other liberal arts disciplines. Anthropology courses de-
variation, skeletal analysis, primatology, as well as velop ways of thinking that are applicable to the broad
other facets of human biology. range of occupations that anthropologists follow.
8. What do applied anthropologists do? Applied anthropolo-
15. In what ways is anthropological thinking useful in the
gists are trained in one of the other subfields. They world? Anthropology focuses on understanding other
use anthropological research techniques to solve so- groups of people. This is critical because people are
cial, political, and economic problems for govern- more in contact with each other than ever before. An-
ments and other organizations. thropologists grapple with the question of what it
9. Name some critical issues that concern cultural anthropolo- means to be a human being. Anthropologists attempt
gists. Critical issues that concern all cultural anthro- to observe, collect, record, and understand the full
pologists include ethnocentrism, cultural relativism, range of human cultural experience. Anthropology
race, and globalization. presents many useful ways of thinking about culture.
10. What is ethnocentrism and what is its importance in the Learning how other peoples in other places solved
study of different cultures? Ethnocentrism is the notion their problems may give us insight to solve our own.
that one’s own culture is superior to all others. Anthro- Additionally, we can learn lessons from their cultural
pologists find that ethnocentrism is common among experience.

20 CHAPTER 1
 Key Terms
anomie culture human variation
anthropology emic (perspective) indigenous peoples
applied anthropology ethnocentrism linguistic anthropology
archaeology ethnography medical anthropology
artifact ethnohistory paleoanthropology
biological (or physical) anthropology ethnology prehistoric
biopsychological equality etic (perspective) primate
cultural anthropology forensic anthropology racism
cultural relativism historical linguists society
cultural resource management (CRM) holistic/holism urban archaeology

Suggested Readings
Anderson, Barbara G. 1999. Around the World in 30 Years: Life as Grindal, Bruce, and Frank Salamone (Eds.). 1995. Bridges to Hu-
a Cultural Anthropologist. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland manity: Narratives on Anthropology and Friendship. Prospect
Press. Anderson describes her experiences as an anthropolo- Heights, IL: Waveland. A collection of 14 essays by anthro-
gist in 10 cultures, including the United States, France, Thai- pologists who explore the process of anthropological research
land, Japan, Russia, and Corsica. In each chapter she high- and the often very personal meaning it has for them. This
lights principles of anthropology, as well as describing both book explores the ways that anthropology changes our under-
the successes and failures of life as an anthropologist in the standing of others and of ourselves.
field. Malik, Kenan. 1996. The Meaning of Race. New York: New York
DeVita, Philip R., and James D. Armstrong. 1993. Distant Mirrors: University Press. A provocative and stimulating discussion of
America as a Foreign Culture. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. An the development of the idea of race in the history and culture
entertaining series of articles about the way American culture of Western society. Malik focuses specific attention on recent
looks to foreign anthropologists. This book gives us a chance events, particularly the end of the Cold War.
to reflect on our own cultural practices.

SUGGESTED READINGS 21
 Dan Johanson/Institute of Human Origins/Courtesy of National Museum of Ethiopia
As fragments of a hominid find are collected, each location where a piece is discovered is
marked with a flag. Here, Yoel Rak of Tel Aviv University and the Institute of Human Origins
flags the precise location of each fragment of the Australopithecus afarensis cranium dis-
covered at Hadar in 1992.

THINKING POINT: In 1924, South African paleontologist

Raymond Dart was getting ready for a wedding when he re-
ceived a box containing the fossilized skull of a primate.
Almost 3 months of careful chipping away at the stone revealed
the face of an ancient “child.” Dart called the child his “Taungs
Baby” (after the place it was found) but gave it the scientific
name Australopithecus africanus. Though few people believed
Dart at the time, he had found an authentic early hominin. His
discovery was critical because it showed that human ancestors
had lived in Africa and that their upright posture developed
before their large brains.
—[See page 32 for details.]
 {chapter 2}

Human Evolution
cha pte r o u tline In its broadest sense, evolution refers to directional change.
Darwin and Natural Selection Biological evolution, however, is something more specific. For
biologists, evolution is descent with modification from a single
The Theory of Natural Selection
common ancestor or ancestral population. Evolution is a char-
Evolution, Politics, and Religion
acteristic of populations, not individual organisms. As individu-
Humans and Our Nearest Relatives
als we may grow and learn. We may create inventions or alter
Our Shared Ancestor and Common Characteristics
our lifestyles. But, for a change to be evolutionary in a biological
Primate Social Life
sense, it must affect the genes we pass along to the next genera-
Tool Use among Primates
tion. Evolution is the primary way we understand the biological
The Evolution of Humans history of humanity and, indeed, of all life.
Naming Names Speculation about human history and the natural world
Finding Remains plays an important role in most societies. For example, the no-
The Earliest Human Ancestors tion that human beings came from earlier life forms was well
The Australopithecines developed among ancient European philosophers. In the 6th
Homo Habilis and Homo Rudolfensis century BCE, the Greek thinker Anaximander of Miletus specu-
ethnography: Fossil Hunters lated that humans arose from fish. A century later, his dis-
Homo Erectus ciple, Xenophanes of Colophon, used evidence of fossil fish
from numerous places around the Mediterranean to support
Homo Sapiens
Anaximander’s theory.
Homo Sapiens Culture
We are often asked why, in a text on cultural anthropology,
Human Variation
there should be an extensive chapter on human evolution, nor-
anthropology makes a difference: Forensic
mally a part of biological anthropology. We include it because
Anthropology
although modern human behavior is almost totally learned and
The Global and the Local: Vanishing Primates
cultural, it rests on a biological base. It is expressed in the brains
and bodies of actual human beings. These brains and bodies
were shaped by the process of evolution. Evolution has shaped
our behavior, our capacity for culture, and the nature of that
culture. For example, we have highly accurate depth perception,
hands with opposable thumbs, and the ability to manipulate ob-
jects with great precision. These features, which developed >>

23
over the course of evolution, are absolutely fundamental to the making of tools and from sources including mutation, sexual
thus the cultural behavior of modern humans. Members of all cultures are adept tool reproduction, gene flow, and gene drift.
users. Humans make tools ranging from fishhooks and spears to microprocessors and All living things are subject to
mutations, or random changes in genetic
satellites. The use of such tools is basic to human life and helps to shape the patterns of
material. These are the ultimate source
subsistence, learning, and communication within society. Without tools, human culture
of all variation. Sexual reproduction
would be vastly different, if it existed at all. Language, our habitual two-legged stance, and the movement of individuals and
and our need to reproduce are all evolved traits that are basic to human culture. groups from place to place (or gene
Although human cultures are vastly different, human bodies and brains are all fl ow) results in the mixing of genetic
very similar. All human beings share a common evolutionary heritage and this heritage material and also creates new varia-
tions. Isolation can play an important
shapes our cultures. It means that despite the impressive differences among cultures,
role as well. Imagine that a small num-
there are powerful underlying similarities as well. Understanding our evolutionary his-
ber of individuals are separated from a
tory is vital to cultural anthropologists because it informs us about the things that all larger population. By chance, some
humans have in common. As we learn about evolution, we gain insight into what it members of the small group have a
means to be human, the ties that bind us to one another, and our relationship to the characteristic relatively rare in the larger
nonhuman world. << population—say, a sixth finger on their
right hand. The descendants of this
small, isolated group will have an un-
usually large percentage of individuals
Darwin and Natural Selection with six fingers, compared with the larger population
from which they were separated. This process is known
In the 18th and 19th centuries, scientists in Europe and as genetic drift.
North America proposed many different theories of evo- Darwin went on to observe that most creatures, hu-
lution. It was Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution by man and nonhuman, did not survive long enough to
natural selection, however, that proved the most convinc- have offspring. They fell victim to predators, contracted
ing scientific explanation of the variety and history of life diseases, or perished through some defect in their bio-
on earth. logical makeup. Darwin argued that, in most cases, those
creatures that survived did so for some reason. That is to

The Theory of Natural Selection

Darwin’s notion of natural selection is both powerful and
elegant. It is a relatively simple set of ideas with pro-
found consequences. Because it is based on things that
are easily observable, such as variation among members
of a species, most of its elements are easy to verify and
extremely difficult to refute. As a result, Darwin’s theory
has been highly durable.
Darwin began by pointing out the great variety of
nature. He observed that no two living things, even those
of the same species, are quite alike. As later scientists
discovered, variation among members of a species comes

Image not available due to copyright restrictions

evolution In its broadest sense, directional change. For biologists, de-
scent with modification from a single common ancestor or ancestral
population.
natural selection The mechanism of evolutionary change; changes in
traits of living organisms that occur over time as a result of differences
in reproductive success among individuals.
mutation A random change in genetic material; the ultimate source of
all biological variation.
gene flow Mixing of genetic material that results from the movement
of individuals and groups from place to place.
genetic drift Changes in the frequencies of specific traits caused by
random factors.

24 CHAPTER 2
say, their survival was not a random occurrence. There example, more than 20 percent of children died before
was something about them that favored survival. Perhaps the age of 5 in 11 African nations. Around the world,
they blended well with a background and so were more more than 10 percent died in 45 nations (World Bank
difficult for predators to see, or they had a bit more resis- 2005). In these deaths the main culprits are surely pov-
tance to a disease. Perhaps their shape made them a bit erty and lack of access to basics such as clean water,
more efficient at getting food, or their digestive system a sanitation, and medical care.
bit better at processing the food they did find. (See Figure Darwin was profoundly affected by the economic
2.1.) and social philosophy of his era, particularly the works of
Although very few animals survive to reproductive Adam Smith and Thomas Malthus. Both these philoso-
age, with the advent of modern medicine we have be- phers emphasized the role of competition in human so-
come used to the idea that most of our children will sur- cial life and culture. In the 1770s, Smith had argued that
vive. However, before the development of sanitation in competition among firms increased their productivity
the 19th century and antibiotics in the 20th century, vast and led to social betterment. A quarter century later,
numbers of children died very young. For example, more Malthus wrote that because human population levels rose
than 40 percent of all deaths in London between 1813 and much faster than agricultural production, struggles over
1820 were children under 10 years old (Roberton 1827). resources were inevitable. Darwin, synthesizing these two
Even today, in the world’s poor nations, large numbers of positions, gave competition and struggle prominent roles
children die before they reach the age of 5. In 2003, for in his theory. He argued that life involved constant strug-
gle. Creatures competed with many others for food and
with members of their own species for mates. Those who
had traits that suited them well to their environment
tended to win this struggle for nutrition and reproduction.
Thus, Darwin combined the struggle-for-food element of
Malthus’s work with the notion drawn from Adam Smith
that competition leads to betterment.
Darwin further argued that those who won this
A Medium ground finch struggle for survival were able to pass some of the traits
Main food: seeds
Beak: heavy
that led to their success to their offspring. Thus, each
subsequent generation would include more and more
individuals with these traits and fewer without. Darwin
reasoned that, over the course of millions of years, this
process could give rise to new species and all of the tre-
mendous variation of the natural world.
Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection is
B Large tree finch sometimes referred to as “survival of the fittest,” but this
Main food: leaves, buds, blossoms, fruits
Beak: thick, short phrase was coined by the social theorist Herbert Spencer
(1864), not by Darwin himself. Although Darwin ap-
proved of Spencer’s phrase, it is misleading for modern
readers. When Spencer spoke of fitness, he thought of
wealth, power, and physical strength. But when Darwin
spoke of fitness, he meant reproductive success: crea-
tures better adapted to their environment tend to suc-
ceed in the struggle for food and mates, passing on their
C Woodpecker finch
Main food: insects traits, whereas those less well adapted tend to disappear.
Beak: stout, straight Modern readers tend to understand fitness the way
Spencer did, equating it with strength or intellect. So, it
sounds as if Darwin’s theory actually says the strong and
smart survive. But this is incorrect. Strength and intelli-
gence do not necessarily guarantee reproductive success.
They are not important for all creatures or environments.
D Warbler finch Consider the tree sloth, the famous South American tree-
Main food: insects
Beak: slender dwelling mammal. Sloths are neither particularly strong
nor intelligent, yet their continually growing teeth,
FIGURE 2.1 The 14 species of finch Darwin found on the Galapa-
gos Islands arose from a single ancestral species. Each species multichambered stomachs, protective coloring, and habit
had become adapted to a different ecological niche and a differ- of sleeping most of the day and night adapt them well to
ent food source. Four of the species are illustrated here. their tropical forest environment. Alternatively, consider

DARWIN AND NATURAL SELECTION 25

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FARMER'S

OWN BOOK: A TREATISE ON THE NUMEROUS DISEASES OF THE
HORSE ***
Transcriber’s note: Printing errors have been amended but the author’s idiosyncratic
style and spelling have not.

THE
FARMER’S OWN BOOK:

A TREATISE ON THE
Numerous Diseases of the Horse,
WITH AN

EXPLANATION OF THEIR SYMPTOMS,

AND THE
COURSE OF TREATMENT TO BE PURSUED;
ALSO A TREATISE ON THE DISEASE
OF

HORNED CATTLE.

PUBLISHED BY
J. D. KOOGLE,
Middletown, Maryland.
1858.

Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1857,

By J. D. Koogle,
In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Maryland.
 PREFACE.
The object of this work is to give a thorough explanation of the
numerous diseases to which the horse is subject, and point out in a
clear and distinct manner the symptoms by which the diseases may
be known, so that the Farmer and others having the care of horses
may be enabled to detect any disease in its first stages,—thereby
rendering it an easy case to cure; also, giving a regular course of
medicine to be pursued in the treatment of the different diseases, by
which almost any one, with a little study, can treat the most difficult
cases. The great objection to other works that have been issued is
that they do not point out the symptoms of the diseases in horses;
and their treatment is so badly arranged that it is very difficult for
the Farmer and persons generally to understand it. The advantages
this work possesses over others, is its plainness in pointing out the
difficulties attending the treatment of diseases in horses and the
manner in which they may be surmounted. And it is hoped that
those interested will give this book their careful attention, as the
author is satisfied that it will save them a vast amount of time and
trouble in times of need.
THE AUTHOR.
 DISEASES OF HORSES.
The diseases of the horse are very numerous, and many of them
so complicated as to defy detection, except by those who are
thoroughly acquainted with the nature of the animal, and his mode
of living. This is the reason that horses which have been under the
care of the farrier are often returned to the owner in a worse
condition than when they received them. It is to prevent this
practice as much as possible that has induced me to bring this work
before the public, in the hope of alleviating the condition of that
noble animal—the Horse.

THE POLL EVIL.

This disease may arise from accident, but is commonly the result
of blows or bruises carelessly inflicted by those having charge of the
horses. It is a tumor or swelling in the sinews, found between the
noll bone and the uppermost joint of the neck, immediately on the
nap of the neck.
 Nearly all farriers, tell you to sell your horse for anything he will
bring, or give him away; but I would advise you to keep your horse
and cure him, which can be done quickly and surely with the
following remedies:

Remedy No. 1.

First wash the sore well with strong warm soap suds, then drop 8
or 10 drops of muriatic acid in it twice a day, until it has the
appearance of a fresh wound, after which it should be washed clean
with soap suds from castile soap and then left to heal, which it will
quickly do if the acid has been used long enough in a proper
manner; but if it does not get well, wash as before, and apply the
acid until a cure is effected. It is a sure remedy, and will not fail if
applied properly until the disease is burnt out or killed.
In case you should drop any of the acid on the part that is not
affected, apply a little oil, which will neutralize the power of the acid
and prevent it from becoming sore.

Remedy No. 2.

When the disease first makes its appearance, take a quantity of

asmart and put it to soak, letting it remain all night. In the morning
take as much as you can hold in your hand and apply it to the
swollen part, holding it there some 20 or 30 minutes, pressing on it
as hard as you conveniently can, which must be repeated several
times. This remedy generally scatters the disease, but if it should fail
you will be obliged to use applications of a more astringent nature.

Remedy No. 3.

After the disease has fully shown itself, wash as directed in

Remedy No. 1; then take Arsenic and apply it until the foul flesh has
all disappeared, and let it heal. This is a certain remedy, and has
cured several cases within my own knowledge.

Remedy No. 4.

Take 1 quart of strong ley and boil it into a salve, then apply a
portion of the salve every 2 hours until the core comes out, and heal
with elder ointment. If this remedy does not effect a cure on the first
application, try it again, as it is a certain cure. Should the ley after
being boiled down leave a hard substance, it must be worked into a
salve.

Remedy No. 5.

First wash the ulcer well with warm soap suds; then take air-
slacked lime and put as much into the sore as will lay on, which
must be repeated 2 or 3 times a day, and the affected part cleaned
and swabbed out as often. This, though very simple, is an excellent
remedy, which I have never known to fail.

The foregoing remedies are very plain and simple, and cannot fail
if properly applied. In washing the ulcers, use none other than
castile soap, which is far superior to any other for cleansing and
healing wounds and eruptions of any kind, and can be had from any
of the drug stores at 25 cents per pound. It is also an excellent
article for domestic purposes, such as shaving, &c. and will be found
cheaper than any other fine or toilet soaps.

FLATULENT OR WIND COLIC.

This is an entirely different disease from the Spasmodic Colic. It
often originates with something that the horse has eaten and then
drinking large quantities of water, by which the food becomes
fermented and creates a gastric gas, which enlarges to a greater or
less extent, sometimes to twenty or thirty times the bulk of the food.
It generally takes place in the stomach, but at times in the small or
large intestines.

Symptoms.

The horse suddenly slacks his pace, perhaps lays or falls down as
if he were shot. In the stable he paws the floor with his fore feet,
lays down and rolls, starts up instantly and throws himself down
again with greater violence, looks wistfully at his flanks, and makes
many fruitless efforts to void his urine. Here the symptoms are
similar to other colics, but the true character of the disease soon
develops itself.—It is in one of the large intestines, and the belly
swells all round, but mostly on the right flanks and as the disease
progresses the pain becomes more intense, and the horse more
violent. The treatment is quite different from other colics.

Remedy No. 1.

Take 1 ounce of the chlorate of lime and ½ pint of warm water,

put it into a bottle and shake well, so as to dissolve, then give it as a
drench which will devour the gas, and cause the swelling to subside.
If in fifteen minutes after this has been given, the pain does not
seem to have been alleviated, take 4 ounces of spirits of Pimento,
and 1 ounce of Laudanum, mix it with ½ pint of warm water and
give it also as a drench. If you have no pimento and it is not
convenient to get it, take 2½ ounces of peppermint, and 1 ounce of
laudanum, and should you not have laudanum, take a larger
quantity of peppermint with ½ pint of warm water, and give it as a
drench. In this disease no time should be lost, as it very often runs
its course in from 1 to 2 hours. If the first should not give relief in 15
or 20 minutes, repeat it until it does. Rubbing the belly with a
smooth rail or pole will greatly facilitate the action of the medicine.
Should you not have any of the above remedies on hand or
convenient, use from 1 to 2 ounces of golden tincture as the case
may require.

Remedy No. 2.

In the first place take 2 ounces of the essence of peppermint,

mixed with ½ pint of warm water and give it to him as a drench,
then take a bat of common raw cotton and set fire to it, holding it
close to the nostrils of the horse, so that he can freely inhale the
smoke arising therefrom; continue this until you see that the horse is
relieved. The quantity of cotton used is from 4 to 5 bats, as the
necessity of the case may require.
This is a simple and safe remedy, and numbers who have tried it
say that they have never known it to fail. I saw a horse that had
suffered from the colic for nearly three hours, being puffed up
almost to bursting, and in half an hour after this operation had been
performed on him, he was completely cured.

SPASMODIC COLIC.
This is a disease to which horses generally are subject, and in
consequence of improper treatment, it often proves fatal. It is
produced by improper riding, feeding, watering, and may arise from
a want of proper action in the bowels, which occasions constriction
of the intestines and a confinement of the air.

Symptoms.

The horse begins to shift his position, looks around at his flanks,
paws violently, strikes his belly with his feet, and crouches in a
peculiar manner, advancing his hind legs under him, he then
suddenly lies or rather falls down, and balances himself on his back
with his feet resting on his belly. The pain seems to have ceased for
a while, and he gets up and shakes himself; he begins to feed, but
in a short time the pain returns, and is more violent than before; he
heaves at the flanks, breaks out in a profused perspiration, and
throws himself more recklessly. The pulse is little affected in the
commencement, but as the disease progresses, it becomes full. Legs
and ears of a natural temperature. The affection of the strength
scarcely perceivable.

Remedy.

Relief may be obtained from motion in this disease. Take

1 ounce of turpentine,
1 ounce of laudanum,
½ pint of gin or good whiskey,
½ pint of warm water.

Mix and give it as a drench. Bleed, and if not relieved in half an

hour, repeat the dose, rubbing the belly with a stout brush or a
smooth rail. If not relieved in 15 or 20 minutes, repeat the dose and
continue it until relief is obtained. If the horse be walked about or
trotted moderately, it will relieve the spasms. A glyster with warm
soap suds should be injected, which may be done by burning the
peth out of elder, and filling a bladder with the suds, then tie the
bladder on the elder tight and force it into the fundament,
occasionally throwing the warm suds in until it operates; if a
reasonable portion of it remains, it will do no harm if it does not
operate, but will help to relieve the spasms. This should be done
immediately, as in most cases no time is to be lost. A glyster of
tobacco smoke may be thrown in as a last resort. Keep the horse in
a warm stable and give bran mash and plenty of warm or thin gruel
for two or three days.
The turpentine, laudanum, gin and warm water were never known
to fail if given at the proper time. Should you not have these
medicines at hand, give 2½ or 3 ounces of peppermint every 15 or
20 minutes until the horse is relieved; or if you have no peppermint,
give same quantity of golden tincture.
The gruel for feeding is made by putting any quantity of bran into
a bucket or tub, then pour boiling water over it, so as to scald it
thoroughly, and cover it with a cloth until it is cool enough for him to
eat.

INFLAMMATION OF THE BLADDER.

In this disease and inflammation of the kidneys, the symptoms are
nearly similar; therefore, in order to ascertain whether the disease is
inflammation of the bladder or inflammation of the kidneys, it is
necessary to introduce the hand into the rectum, where you will find
the bladder immediately under the hand, if it feels hard and full,
accompanied by more than natural heat and tenderness, it is a sure
case of inflammation of the bladder, but if the bladder is empty and
no increased heat is apparent, then it must be a case of
inflammation of the kidneys.
In treating these two diseases—though the symptoms are so
much alike—be very careful to observe that the course of treatment
recommended in each is entirely different, and should you give the
medicine prescribed for inflammation of the bladder for that of the
kidneys, it will greatly endanger the life of the horse.

Symptoms.

The early symptoms in this disease are generally those of fever,

but the seat of the disease soon becomes apparent. The horse
occasionally looks round at his flanks, stands with his hind legs wide
apart, is unwilling to lie down, straddles as he walks, evinces great
pain in turning, shrinks when his loins are pressed; the loins feel hot,
the urine is voided in small quantities, which is often highly colored
and sometimes bloody; he tries to urinate very often and strains
painfully, but the discharge is nearly or quite suppressed; the pulse
is quick, hard and full at first, but rapidly becomes small, indicating a
disease of the urinary organs, yet not distinguishing inflammation of
the bladder from inflammation of the kidneys.

Treatment—Remedy.

When you feel satisfied that it is a case of inflammation of the

bladder, blister the loins with the blister ointment and give 1 ounce
of turpentine with 1 ounce of laudanum.

INFLAMMATION OF THE KIDNEYS.

The symptoms of this disease are similar to those of inflammation
of the bladder, but are to be treated in quite a different manner.
Inflammation of the kidneys is brought on by over-riding, heavy
loads, improper feeding, and sometimes by being poled on the
haunches, or across the kidneys and loins.

Treatment—Remedy.

Place a mustard plaster made with vinegar across the loins and
bleed. After this give an active purge, and when it begins to abate
give of white helebore from ½ to ¾ of a drachm, and 1½ drachms
of tartar emetic, with ½ a pint of warm water, this should be
repeated 2 or 3 times a day, according to the nature of the disease.
For drink, give him warm water or gruel as much as he will drink,
and keep the back and loins warm and comfortable.

INFLAMMATION OF THE LUNGS.

This disease is generally brought on by sudden cold, hard driving,
high feeding, &c.
 Symptoms.

The first appearance of this disease is generally marked by fits of

shivering, accompanied with a coldness throughout the entire body,
which, however, gradually wears off, and he becomes warm, except
the ears and feet; but it sometimes commences slowly, with a hard,
dry cough, which appears to give the horse great pain; he appears
dull, and refuses to eat his food; the pulse is obscure and oppressed
—he heaves at the flanks, the nostrils are extended, the eye-lids and
linings of the nose are inflamed with a disagreeable running at the
nose, experiences great difficulty in breathing, seems very stiff, is
unwilling to lie down or move, and often stands until completely
exhausted.

Treatment—Remedy.

Bleed until the pulse becomes round and full, and then the heart
will be able to accomplish its object; next hand rub the legs, well,
wrap them up with flannel bandages as high as the knees, put a
blanket on the horse to keep him warm, but let the stable have a
sufficient opening to admit the fresh air, not so much as to make it
cold or chilly. In warm weather the horse cannot have too much
fresh air. The following prescription will be found very beneficial:

1 drachm powdered foxglove,

1½ “ tartar emetic,
3 “ nitre,
4 “ tincture of aloes,
½ pint of warm water.

Mix well, give it as a drench and clyster with soap and warm
water; when the focus has become softened a little, leave off using
the tincture of aloes, but continue to administer the remaining
portion of the above prescription, and blister the sides and brisket
with the blister ointment every 6 hours. If the ointment should act
well on the first application, there is no further need for it, but
should it not act properly continue the blistering until it does, or until
the parts become very sore, and in two or three days after dress
with lard.
In the latter stages of the disease it will be found very difficult to
get the blister to act properly on account of the exhaustion of the
natural powers of the animal, but it must be continued, and the
sinking energies aroused, or the horse is lost. The blister is often
prevented from acting by the gig being up.
In this disease the treatment should be prompt and decisive, as
not a moment of time is to be lost. The first object should be to
subdue the inflammation, and if the mouth continues hot, the
extremities cold, and the nose red, the horse must be bled again
and again in rapid succession, the good that we can do must be
done immediately or not at all.
The first step to be taken in this disease is to bleed profusely—let
the lancet used be a large, broad shouldered one, in order that the
blood may be extracted as quick as possible and the disease
destroyed without impairing the strength of the animal. (If the blood
be allowed to flow slowly in a small stream, the strength of the
animal will be sapped, while the disease remains untouched.) Let the
blood flow until the pulse falters and the horse begins to tremble; no
harm will be done however if he should fall by bleeding in this
disease. As soon as possible after the bleeding, give the medicine
prescribed; then hand rub and bandage, and cover with warm
blankets; feed him on bran mash and let him run to grass for a
month.

INFLAMMATION OF THE BOWELS.

This disease arises from various causes, and is frequently brought
on by long standing costiveness, neglected gripes, or hard riding,
over heating and immediately drinking of cold water.
 Symptoms.

In many cases of this disease fits of shivering or restlessness are

the first indications of its approach; the mouth becomes hot, the
nose red, the horse begins to evince the most intense pain by
pawing, striking at his belly with his feet, looking wildly at his flanks,
groaning and rolling. The pulse is quick but small, the ears and feet
cold, the belly tender to the touch and sometimes hot, the breathing
is quickened, the bowels costive, and the horse rapidly becoming
fearfully weak. He paws and stamps as in the colic, but the pulse is
much quicker than in that disease, and the pain becomes constant
without any intermissions, as occur in colic.

Treatment—Remedy.

Commence by bleeding profusely, taking at least 7 or 8 quarts of

blood, or as much as the horse can bear, which must be done
immediately, or a fatal termination may be looked for. If the horse
does not seem to have been relieved or the pulse become round and
full, the bleeding must be repeated as the only means of subduing
the inflammation, which is the immediate cause of the weakness. If
the inflammation is subdued by the extraction of the blood the
weakness will soon disappear. After the bleeding, make a strong
decoction of aloes and opium or laudanum, say 1 ounce of
laudanum with the same quantity of the tincture of aloes, and give it
to the horse; this must be quickly followed by back-raking and an
injection of soap and warm water or thin gruel, in which epsom salts
or aloes may be dissolved in moderate quantities; repeat this until
the bowels are completely cleaned out. He should be given as much
warm water or thin gruel as he will drink, and half the quantity of
tincture of aloes and laudanum should be administered every two or
three hours until the bowels are freely opened. Blister the sides and
belly with common blistering ointment and bandage the legs up to
the knees with flannel, cover him with blankets as directed in
inflammation of the lungs, and give him a comfortable stable, but
not too hot, with plenty of fresh air. No corn or hay should be
allowed in this disease—bran mash will answer very well for feed,
but green meat is preferable if it can be had. Turn him out for two or
three hours in the middle of the day if not too cold; give the legs
good hand-rubbing every day; continue to clyster with thin gruel for
two or three days.

BOTS OR GRUBS.
The Bots or Grubs are small worms of a red or brownish color,
found in the stomach, and it is considered almost impossible for
them to do any harm, but a horse that has the bots, grubs or
worms, loses flesh, becomes hide bound and dull.

Symptoms.

In this disease a yellowish matter is often found under the horse’s

tail; he has pain, stamps and rolls, switches his tail between his legs,
turns up his upper lip, and frequently looks round to his flanks, and
often tries to rub his fundament against the wall, or any other place
that he can.

Treatment—Remedy No. 1.

First give an active purge, and if that is not sufficient to expel

them, take 2 drachms of tartar emetic, with a small quantity of tin or
pewter filings, or a little ground glass, make into balls or pills, and
give one every morning for two weeks; if it is necessary, the balls
can be made with a little tar, which will also improve the condition of
the horse.

Remedy No. 2.
 Take 1 pint of common honey and give it as a drench; in two
hours after give an active purge:—1 pint of molasses added to 1 pint
of soft soap and a handful of salt will answer very well. Repeat the
dose if it does not operate in four or five hours.

MEMBRANES OF THE NOSE.

Showing the Symptoms that mark the Different
Stages of the Disease.
1st.—The pale pink hue, when the horse is in perfect health.
2d.—An increased tinge of red, and the gradual uniform painting
of the membrane, indicating some excitement of the general system.
3d.—The streaked appearance when inflammation is threatening
or commencing.
4th.—The intense florid red, of inflammation being acute.
5th.—The starting of the vessels from their gossamer coat, and
their seeming to run bare over the membranes, when inflammation
has attained its highest point.
6th.—The pale ground, with patches of vivid red, showing the half
subdued but still existing fever.
7th.—The uniform color, but of a deeper red than natural,
indicating the return of a healthy state of the circulation.
8th.—A paleness approaching to white, with a slight radiation of
crimson, showing that there is still considerable irritability, and that
mischief may be in the wind.
9th.—The pale, livid color, warning you that the disease is
assuming a typhoid character.
10th.—The deep livid, announcing that the typhus is establishing,
and that the vital current is stagnating.
 11th.—The brown or dirty painting, intermingling with and
subduing the lividness, denoting that the game is up.
12th.—These appearances will be guides to our opinions and
treatment, which can never be too highly appreciated.

THE EYES.
From the eye of the horse we form an idea of his age. There is, at
the back of the eye a considerable quantity of fatty substance, on
which it may revolve easily, without friction. In aged horses much of
this disappears, the eye becomes sunken, and the pit above it
deepens: The eye is a very important organ of the horse, and should
be large, clear, shining, lively, dark colored, round and full, so that
you may look deep into them; when moving but a small portion of
the white should show, and the purchaser who notices this should
pause ere he completes his bargain for a horse that shows too much
of the whites of his eyes.

THE EARS.
Those who are acquainted with the nature of the horse pay much
attention to the size and motion of the ear. Ears rather small than
large, placed not too far apart, erect and quick in motion, indicate
both breeding and spirit. If a horse is frequently in the habit of
carrying one ear forward and the other backward, and especially
when on a journey, he generally possesses both spirit and
continuance; and if attentive to what is taking place about him, he
cannot be much fatigued or likely soon to become so.

STAGGERS.
A number of opinions have been advanced in relation to the origin
and seat of this disease. Some think that it is confined entirely to the
head, while others say that the lungs are also affected; that it
originates in the stomach, from which it is removed by the action of
the lymphatic vessels, and being thrown into the circulation is
diffused throughout the entire system, and carried by the arteries
into the lungs, through which all the blood in a horse’s body passes
many times during an hour, where it undergoes a change, thus
depositing a portion of the poisonous matter that had been received
into the stomach in the lungs. It is common to horses of all ages and
conditions, and is a very rare case where it does not prove fatal.

Symptoms.

The symptoms in this disease are feebleness, drowsiness, loss of

appetite, a constant hanging of the head, with inflamed eyes, nearly
closed; he kicks, rears and plunges, seemingly unconscious of what
he is doing; it is dangerous for any one to approach him in this
state; the ears and forehead hot, accompanied by a burning fever.

Treatment—Remedy.

The first step to be taken in this disease is to relieve the

overloaded organs of the brain, which should be done by opening
the neck or jugular vein with a large lancet, that the blood may flow
freely. No definite quantity of blood need be taken, but let it run until
the horse begins to falter and blow; or, perhaps, with more
assurance of success, until he falls. Immediately after inject freely
with warm water, and give as a drench ½ ounce of aloes, ½ ounce
of ginger, and ½ pint of warm water; feed on bran mash and green
meal.

RABIES OR MADNESS.
If a horse be bitten by a dog or horse that is affected with rabies
or madness, the wound should be well burned out with caustic,
(nitrate of silver,) and on the third day after remove the scab and
repeat the operation. The caustic should reach every part of the
wound.
The following remedy has often been administered, and found
effectual in nine cases out of every ten. Take

2 ounces of fresh leaves of tree-box,

2 “ “ of rue,
½ “ sage,

Chop these very fine and boil in a pint of water down to half a
pint; strain carefully, and press out the liquor, put back the
ingredients into a pint of milk, and boil again to half a pint; strain as
before, mix both liquors, which forms three doses for a human
subject. Double this quantity for a horse or cow. Two-thirds of the
quantity is sufficient for a large dog, half for a middling sized, and
one-third for a small dog. Three doses are sufficient each
subsequent morning fasting, giving the quantity directed, being that
which forms these three doses.

INJURY OF THE EYE.

The eye itself of the horse is rarely injured by blows and bruises
carelessly inflicted by passionate persons, but the substance that
surrounds it may be seriously wounded, and considerable
inflammation ensue—this may be abated by the application of
poultices, bleeding and physicing. Sometimes the eye-lids become
inflamed from the same cause—fomentations of warm water will be
serviceable in this case. The horse occasionally has a scaly eruption
on the edges of the eye-lids, attended with much itching, in the
effort to allay which the eye is often blemished by being rubbed
against some hard substance—the nitriated ointment of quicksilver,
mixed with an equal quantity of lard may be slightly rubbed on the
edges of the lids, with good effect. Warts are sometimes attached to
the edges of the lids, and are a source of great irritation—they
should be removed with a pair of sharp scissors, and their roots
touched with lunar caustic. In common inflammation of the eye, free
bleeding, cooling applications, physic and mash diet will usually allay
the evil; the tincture of opium is a good lotion.

LAMPASS.
The lampass is a swelling of the gums on the inner side of the
upper jaw, to which young horses are mostly subject, and
sometimes suffer considerably before it is discovered.
In some cases the swelling will subside without further medical
treatment than administering a few alteratives, and feeding on bran
mashes, but should this fail it will have to be cured by cutting across
the bars with a lancet or pen-knife. If, however, it returns in three or
four months after this operation, which it sometimes does, take a
sharp, flat piece of iron, a little crooked at one end, heat it and burn
out the disease a little below the level of the teeth, being very
careful not to let the iron rest or bear against the teeth. After this
operation give the horse a little meal, mixed with a small quantity of
salt, and feed on mashes.

THE PROCESS OF TEETHING.

At 1½ years of age the mark in the central nippers will be much
shorter and fainter; that in the other pairs will have undergone an
evident change, and all the nippers become flat.
At 2 years this will be more manifest, and about this period a fifth
will appear. Now, likewise, another process is commencing: the first
teeth are adapted to the size and wants of the young animal, and
are sufficiently large to fill the colt’s jaws.
At 3 years old the horse should have the central permanent
nippers growing, the other two pairs wasting away; six grinders in
each jaw above and below, the first and fifth level with the others,
and the sixth protruding; the sharp edge of the incisors, which will
be very evident when compared to the neighboring teeth.
At 4 years the central nippers will be fully developed, with the
edge somewhat worn off, and the mark in them shorter, wider and
fainter; the next pair will have made their appearance with the mark
deep, and extending entirely across them. The corner nippers will be
larger than the inside ones, yet smaller than they were and flat, with
the mark nearly effaced. The sixth grinder will have become level
with the others, and the tushes beginning to make their appearance.
At 5 years the horse’s mouth is almost perfect. The corner nippers
are quite up with the long, deep mark, irregular on the inside, and
the other nippers bearing evident tokens of increasing wearing. The
tush is much grown, the grooves have almost or quite disappeared,
and the outer surface is regularly convex.
At 6 years the mark on the central nippers is worn out, though
there is still a difference in the color of the centre of the teeth. The
cement filling the hole, made by the dipping in of enamel, will
present a browner hue than the other part of the teeth.
At 7 years the mark in the manner which we have described it,
has worn out in the four central nippers, and is fast disappearing in
the corner teeth; the tush also is beginning to alter—it is rounding at
the point, the edges, and without, and beginning to get round
inside.
At 8 years old the tush is rounded in every way, the mark has
disappeared from all the bottom nippers, and it may almost be said
to be out of the mouth. There is nothing remaining in the bottom
nippers afterward that can clearly show the age of the horse.

CHEST FOUNDER.
I believe this disease to be nothing more than the rheumatism,
produced by suffering the horse to remain too long tied up and
exposed to the cold, or riding him against a very bleak wind.
 Symptoms.

The horse has considerable stiffness in moving, evidently not

arising from the feet; there is a tenderness about the muscles of the
breast and occasional swelling; it is sometimes accompanied with a
considerable degree of fever.

Treatment—Remedy.

Bleeding, physic, and a rowel in the chest, warm stabling and

warm clothing, with occasional doses of antimonial powder, will soon
subdue the complaint.

INFLAMMATION.
Inflammation consists of an increased flow of the blood to and
through the parts. The proper mode of abating which is to lessen
the quantity of blood—if we take away the fuel, the fire will go out—
all other means are comparatively unimportant contrasted with
bleeding. Blood is generally extracted from the jugular vein, so that
the general quantity may be lessened, but if it can be taken from the
neighborhood of the diseased part, it will be productive of tenfold
benefit: one quart of blood extracted from the foot in acute founder,
will do more good than five quarts taken from the general
circulation; an ounce of blood obtained by scarifying the swollen
vessels of the inflamed eye, will give as much relief to that organ as
a copious bleeding from the jugular. This is a principle in the animal’s
nature which should never be lost sight of; hence the necessity for
bleeding early and largely in inflammation of the lungs, or of the
bowels, or of the brain, or of any important organ. Many horses are
lost for want of, or insufficiency in bleeding, but we never knew of
one being materially injured by the most copious extraction of blood.
It is very difficult to decide when a cold or hot application is to be
used, and no general rule can be laid down, except that in cases of
inflammation in the early stages, cold will be preferable, but when
the inflammation is deeper seated or fully established, warm
fomentations will be found most serviceable. Stimulating applications
are frequently used in local inflammation. When the disease is
deeply seated, a stimulating application to the skin will cause some
irritation and inflammation there, and lessen or remove the malady;
hence the use of rowels and blisters in inflammation of the chest. If
we excite it in one, we shall abate it in the other,—and also, by the
discharge which we establish from the one, we shall lessen the
determination of the other. Stimulating and blistering applications
should never be applied to a part that is already inflamed. A fire will
not go out by heaping more fuel upon it; hence the mischief which is
often done by rubbing those abominable oils on a recent sprain, hot
and tender. Many a horse has been ruined by this absurd treatment,
when the heat and tenderness have disappeared by the use of cold
lotions or fomentations. When the leg or sprained part remains
enlarged long or matter threatens to be deposited, it may be right to
excite inflammation of the skin by a blister, in order to rouse the
deeper seated absorbants to action and enable them to take up this
deposit; but, except to hasten the natural process and effects of
inflammation, a blister or stimulating application should never be
applied to a part already inflamed.

INFLAMMATION OF THE LARYNX.

He who is desirous of ascertaining whether there is any disease in
the larynx of a horse, should apply his ear to the lower part of the
windpipe. If he finds that the air passes in and out without
interruption, there is no disease of any consequence, either in the
windpipe or the chest, for it would be immediately detected by the
loudness or the interruption of the murmur. Then let him gradually
proceed up the neck with his ear still upon the windpipe; perhaps he
soon begins to recognize a little gurgling sound. He can have no
surer proof that there is the seat of the disease.
 Treatment—Remedy.

The treatment here is very plain: Blood must be copiously

extracted from the jugular vein, which must be done quickly, letting
it run until the pulse begins to flutter, then administer the fever
medicine:

1 drachm digitalis,
1½ “ emetic tartar,
3 “ nitre,
½ ounce aloes,

Which must be repeated twice or thrice in the day. Aloes may be

safely given at this stage of the disease, because the chest is not yet
implicated. To this must be added immediately a blister, and a sharp
one.

EPIDEMICS.
In epidemics all offensive matter should be immediately and
carefully cleared away, and no small portion of the chloride of lime
used in washing the stables, troughs, &c., and particularly his ulcers,
&c.

CHRONIC COUGH.
If a harsh hollow cough is accompanied by a staring coat; it
proceeds from irritability of the air passages, which will be
discovered by the horse coughing after drinking, or when he first
goes out of the stable in the morning, or by occasionally snorting out
thick mucus from the nose, medicine may be given with advantage
to diminish the irritation; generally small doses of digitalis, emetic
tartar and nitre administered at night. Take
 Digitalis ½ drachm,
Emetic tartar 1 drachm,
Nitre 1 drachm.

This should be mixed into a ball with tar and given every night
regularly for a considerable length of time. A blister extending from
the root of one ear to that of the other, taking in the whole of the
channel and reaching six or eight inches down the windpipe has
been tried with good effect. Feeding has much influence on this
complaint: too much dry meat, and especially chaff increases it;
carrots afford decided relief.

THICK OR BROKEN WIND.

There is no remedy for the cure of this but it may be improved.
The horse should have full proportions of solid food, but very little
hay, and no chaff; he should not be worked immediately after a
heavy meal; water should be given in moderate quantities, but the
horse should not be suffered to drink as much as he likes until the
day’s work is over; green meat will always be serviceable, and
carrots are particularly useful.

PHYSICING.
A horse should be carefully prepared for the action of physic. Two
or three bran mashes given on that or the preceding day, which
should be continued until the dung becomes softened, as a less
quantity of physic will then suffice. On the day which the physic is
given, the horse should have walking exercise, or may be gently
trotted for a quarter of an hour twice in the day; but after the physic
begins to work, he should not be moved from his stall. A little hay
may be put in the rack, and as much mash given as the horse will
eat, and as much water as he will drink with the coldness off. Aloes
is the best purgative, for there is no other that is at once so sure
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