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250
ESSENTIAL
JAPANESE
KANJI
CHARACTERS
Volume 2
REVISED EDITION
KANJI TEXT RESEARCH GROUP
UNIVERSITY OF TOKYO
TUTTLE PUBLISHING
Tokyo • Rutland,Vermont • Singapore
p2©pg_250KanjiV2 6/12/08 10:00 AM Page 2
Published by Tuttle Publishing, an imprint of Periplus Editions (HK) Ltd., with editorial offices at 364 Innovation Drive,
North Clarendon, Vermont 05759 U.S.A. and 61 Tai Seng Avenue #02-12, Singapore 534167.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or
mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written
permission from the publisher.
Distributed by
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Tuttle Publishing
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TUTTLE PUBLISHING ® is a registered trademark of Tuttle Publishing, a division of Periplus Editions (HK) Ltd.
TO THE LEARNER
Do you like learning kanji? Or do you wish that kanji would disappear from the face of the earth—or at
least from the Japanese language? Well, learning kanji can be fun, if you are motivated. And this kanji
book was created to motivate you, with practical learning methods that really work, and which will enable
you to enjoy studying kanji.
The first edition of 250 Essential Japanese Kanji Characters Volume 1 was published in 1993, and
Volume 2 was published in 1997. Since then, they’ve been used by countless learners to master kanji. In
these new second editions, we have revised the books to include all the 410 kanji required for the College
Board Advanced Placement Japanese Language and Culture Course Exam.
Each lesson helps you master a new group of kanji, and consists of several sections.
• Introductory Quiz introduces some familiar, everyday situations where the kanji is likely to be used.
• Vocabulary contains the readings and meanings of the kanji that you’ve encountered in the Quiz.
• New Character Grids teach you the kanji systematically, by introducing the meaning, the basic on-
kun readings, the etymologies or memory aids, and words, i.e. mostly the compound words consisting
of the kanji which you’ve already studied.
• Practice will help you improve your kanji reading and writing skills.
• Advanced Placement Exam Practice Question will test your competence in reading and writing
semi-authentic natural Japanese. These questions reflect the format of the College Board’s Japanese
Language and Culture examination.
We wish to express our gratitude to Koichi Maekawa, Michael Handford, Su Di and Sandra Korinchak.
The following books were useful in compiling some of the kanji grids: Reikai Gakushū Kanji Jiten
published by Shoggakkan, and Kanjigen published by Gakushū Kenkyūsha.
We sincerely hope that this book will help all learners—yes, even you who have been stymied by kanji
before!—begin to enjoy learning kanji.
Authors: 著者:
Kanji Text Research Group 漢字教材研究グループ Junko Ishida 石田 順子
Japanese Language Class 日本語教室 Kazuko Karasawa 唐澤 和子
Department of Civil Engineering 社会基盤学専攻 Tomoko Kigami 木上 伴子
The University of Tokyo 東京大学大学院工学系研究科 Akiyo Nishino 西野 章代
Illustrator: イラストレーター:
Hitomi Suzuki 鈴木 ひとみ
3
Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 6
Understanding Kanji ............................................................................................................. 7
Understanding Kana ............................................................................................................. 9
A Sample Kanji Grid ............................................................................................................ 12
1. Introductory Quiz — This section describes situations that you may encounter in daily life, and
is followed by a quiz. By referring first to the words in Vocabulary, you’ll learn the readings and the
meanings of the words that are introduced in the lesson. And by solving the quiz, you will understand
the situation that’s presented. Try the quiz again after the lesson, and you’ll find out how much you
have learned.
2. Vocabulary — This section contains the readings and meanings of the words used in the Introduc-
tory Quiz. Refer to it when studying the illustrations or taking the quiz. The numeral above each kanji
indicates the lesson where the kanji is introduced.
3. New Character Grids — This section introduces the kanji of the lesson using Kanji Charts
with their meanings, basic on-kun readings, stroke orders, etymologies or memory-aid hints, and
compounds with their English translations.
The compounds essentially consist of newly or previously introduced kanji. (Kanji that are not
included in the 500 taught in the two volumes of this series are marked with ×.) More important
compounds are shown in the upper part of the list. However, you are encouraged to study those in the
lower part of the list as well. When kana is optionally added to kanji (okurigana), the most common
usage is adopted and formal usages are shown in parentheses.
4. Practice — This section provides practice for reading and writing the kanji in the upper part of the
kanji charts. You should use the practice as a final check for the kanji learned in each lesson. Answers
to the practice problems are not provided in this book.
5. Advanced Placement Exam Practice Question — This section provides an exercise simi-
lar in format to the College Board’s Advanced Placement examination for Japanese Language and
Culture. You can try the exercise after each lesson, or after completing all the lessons.
→ → 木 = tree
→ → 日 = sun
2. Sign characters are composed of points and lines that express abstract ideas.
→ → 上 = above, on, up
The Japanese had no writing symbols until kanji were introduced from China in the fifth century. Soon
after this, kanji were simplified into phonetic symbols known as hiragana and katakana. Thus the
Japanese language came to be written in combinations of kanji and kana (see page 9).
This kanji-kana writing system is more effective than writing with kana only. As the written Japanese
language doesn’t leave spaces between words, kanji among kana make it easier for readers to distinguish
units of meaning and to understand the context. Readers can easily grasp the rough meaning of written
text by following kanji only.
Kanji can usually be read two ways. These readings are referred to as on-yomi and kun-yomi. On-yomi
is the Japanese reading taken from the original Chinese pronunciation. Kun-yomi is the pronunciation of
an original Japanese word applied to a kanji according to its meaning. Hiragana added after kun-yomi
readings are called okurigana. Okurigana primarily indicates the inflectional ending of a kanji, though
the last part of the stem is occasionally included in the okurigana.
Most kanji are composed of two or more elements, and parts of one kanji are often found in different
compounds in other kanji. Certain commonly shared parts are called radicals, or bushu in Japanese.
Radicals are used to classify kanji in dictionaries; thus each kanji is allocated only one radical. Each
radical also carries a core meaning. For example, the radical 言 means “word” or “speak.” Therefore the
kanji 語 (language), 話 (speak, story), 読 (read), 記 (note down), and 論 (discuss) all have something to
do with the meaning of 言. There are 214 radicals altogether. Some frequently seen radicals are listed
below.
1. 冫 ice 3. 女 woman 5. 广 slanting roof 7. 禾 grain 9. 門 gate
2. 彳 step 4. knife 6. 尸 corpse 8. 糸 thread 10. fire
Kanji strokes are written in a fixed direction and order. There are several fundamental rules for writing
the strokes.
4. The center stroke first, followed by the left and right strokes
1 1
小 山
2 3 2 3
(small) (mountain)
月 中
1 3 4
4 1
(moon) 3 (inside)
6. The horizontal stroke first, followed by the vertical stroke (usually followed by another horizontal
stroke)
土
2 1 2
十
1
(ten) 3 (soil)
八 六
2 2 1
1
3 4
(eight) (six)
As your knowledge of kanji increases, kanji dictionaries become more helpful. There are three ways
to refer to a kanji.
Additional Katakana
Created with small ァ ィ ゥ ェ ォ ュ
a i u e o yu
y イェ ye
w ウィ wi ウェ we ウォ wo
kw クァ kwa クィ kwi クェ kwe クォ kwo
gw グァ gwa グィ gwi グェ gwe グォ gwo
sh シェ she
j ジェ je
t ティ ti トゥ tu テュ tyu
d ディ di ドゥ du デュ dyu
ts ツァ tsa ツィ tsi ツェ tse ツォ tso
f ファ fa フィ fi フェ fe フォ fo フュ fyu
v ヴァ va ヴィ vi ヴ vu ヴェ ve ヴォ vo ヴュ vyu
10
Derivation of Kana
Hiragana and katakana are Japanese phonetic syllabaries developed from kanji in the eighth century.
Hiragana, which are cursive letters, derive from the shapes of entire kanji characters. Katakana, which are
combinations of straight lines, derive from various parts of kanji characters. In some cases both hiragana
and katakana are derived from the same kanji, such as ka, mo, te, yu, ra, and ri, shown below. Kana
derived from some of the kanji introduced in this textbook are also shown.
i 以 い mi 美 み
ka 加 か yu 由 ゆ
ka 加 カ yu 由 ユ
mo 毛 も ra 良 ら
mo 毛 モ ra 良 ラ
ta 多 タ ri 利 り
ri 利 リ
te 天 て
te 天 テ ru 流 ル
11
j m
163
i-u, koto, (goto), gen
言 い・う、こと、(ごと)、ゲン
speak, word k
l
言 combines something that comes 言う いう iu to say
out from the mouth and the mouth 一言 ひとこと hitokoto a word o
口. Thus 言 means to speak.
小言 こごと kogoto scolding
言い分 いいぶん iibun one’s say
発言 はつげん hatsugen remark p
方言 ほうげん hōgen dialect
予言 よげん yogen prediction
n
j The kanji and its serial number in this textbook.
k Meanings.
l Readings: kun-readings in hiragana, and on-readings in katakana.
Hiragana following a dot [・う in the sample above] are okurigana.
Readings in parentheses ( ) express euphonic change, i.e., modified readings. [For example, こと、
(ごと)]
m Stroke order.
n Etymology or memory-aid. (The authors have created new derivations for some kanji when the
etymology is unclear or confusing.)
o Important compound words, and their readings and meanings.
p Additional compound words, and their readings and meanings.
Note that:
• Kanji marked × are not included in the 500 kanji taught in Essential Japanese Kanji Characters.
• Kana in parentheses ( ) in kanji compounds is optional when writing. [For example, 終 (わ) る can be
written 終わる or 終る]. Two sets of ( ) appear for most nouns derived from compound verbs. The
kana in both ( ) or in the former ( ) only may be omitted, but the kana in the latter ( ) alone cannot
be omitted. [For example, 取 (り) 消 (し) can be written 取り消し、取消し、or 取消、but not 取
り消.]
* indicates exceptional readings.
• Small numbers placed above certain kanji in the Vocabulary sections refer to Lesson numbers in this
book.
• “々” is a kanji repetition mark, used like “少々”, shō shō.
12
L ooking for a place to live is one of the most important matters for newcomers to Japan. Three ways
are available to search for apartments or houses: using the Internet, looking over a real estate lease
information magazine, and visiting a real estate agent. The listings show various kinds of floor plans;
among these, the studio and the 1K (one room, plus kitchen) apartment are the most common. In this
lesson, you will learn some technical terms commonly used when searching for housing.
13
1 Introductory Quiz
Look at the illustrations below and refer to the words in Vocabulary. Then try the following quiz.
Which apartment will Ichiro and Kaori choose? Write the appropriate letters (A, B) in the parentheses.
1. さくらマンション ( ) 2. ふじアパート ( )
8 5 6
5
2 2
2 1
A B
Ichiro Kaori
14
2 Vocabulary
Study the readings and meanings of these words to help you understand the Introductory Quiz.
1. 広い ひろ い hiroi spacious
2. 交通 こう つう kōtsū transportation
3. 生活 せい かつ seikatsu living
4. 便利な べん り な benri na convenient
5. 〜帖/畳 〜 じょう ~jō counter for tatami mats
6. 家賃 や ちん yachin rent (house)
7. 管理費 かん り ひ kanrihi maintenance fee
8. 敷金 しき きん shikikin deposit
9. 礼金 れい きん reikin key money
9
10. 必ず かなら ず kanarazu surely
11. 身分証明書 み ぶん しょう めい しょ mibunshōmeisho identification card
12. 南向き みなみ む き minamimuki facing south
13. 日当たり ひ あ たり hiatari sunshine
14. 良好 りょう こう ryōkō good
8 8
15. 公園 こう えん kōen park
16. 私 わたくし/わたし watakushi/watashi I
15
17. 夜 よる yoru night
3 New Characters
Twelve characters are introduced in this lesson. Use the explanations to help you understand and remember
the characters. Study the compound words to increase your vocabulary.
広 交 活 利 家 賃 理 礼 身 向 好 私
1
hiro-i, (biro-i), kō
広 ひろ・い、(びろ・い)、コウ
broad, wide, spread
15
2
maji-waru, kō
交 まじ・わる、コウ
intersection, exchange
3
katsu, (ka’)
活 カツ、(カッ)
life, activity
4
ri
利 リ
advantage, interest
16
5
ie, ka, ya
家 いえ、カ、ヤ
house, family, person
6
chin
賃 チン
fare, wages
7
ri
理 リ
reason, logic, principle
The king, or ruler, 王 of the village 里 管理費 かんりひ kanrihi administrative fee
is reasonable. 管理 かんり kanri management
管理人 かんりにん kanrinin supervisor, superintendent
17
8
rei
礼 レイ
bow, thanks, etiquette
9
mi, shin
身 み、シン
body
10
mu-ku, kō
向 む・く、コウ
face toward
The air flows out through the window 南向き みなみむき minamimuki facing south
口 of a house toward one direction. 方向 ほうこう hōkō direction
18
11
su-ki, kō
好 す・き、コウ
fond
12
watakushi, (watashi), shi
私 わたくし、(わたし)、シ
I, private
4 Practice
Ⅰ. Write the readings of the following kanji in hiragana.
1. 交 通 2. 生 活 3. 家 賃 4. 礼 金
5. 身 分 証 明 書 6. 方 向 7. 良 好 8. 私 立
9. 広 く て 安 い ア パ ー ト を さ が し て い ま す 。
10. 交 番 は ど こ で す か 。
11. コ ン ビ ニ は 便 利 な の で 、 よ く 利 用 し ま す 。
12. こ の 家 は 南 向 き で 明 る い で す 。
かん
13. こ の ア パ ー ト は 管 理 が い い で す 。
14. 私 は 子 ど も が 大 好 き で す 。
19
い
spacious transportation living train fare
5. り にん 6. れい 7. べん り 8. いえ
かん
管 お な
supervisor thanks convenient house
きな
status direction fond private
#1 #2
20
W hen you come to study in Japan for a while, a homestay is a good way to get to know the daily
customs of Japanese life, as well as everyday life and special events in that particular area of the
country. You may talk with the neighbors, the family’s relatives and their friends, and better understand
how the Japanese relate to each other. Taking a trip with your host family is another great opportunity
to learn. And, as a homestay provides you with the basic essentials like furniture, you won’t have to buy
those for yourself. If you would like to set up a homestay, you can consult with the university or company
you’re affiliated with. In this lesson, you will learn terminology related to homestays and host parents.
21
1 Introductory Quiz
Look at the illustrations below and refer to the words in Vocabulary. Then try the following quiz.
You received this letter from your friend who lives with a Japanese host family.
私は、ホームステイをしています。ホストファミリーの家は、駅から遠いですが、
みどりが多くていい所にあります。
お父さんは、会社で働いています。とても親切な人で、いろいろなことを相談できます。す
こし太っています。お母さんは、家にいて、とてもやさしい人です。外国人登録をする時もいっ
しょについて来てくれました。
ホストファミリーの家にはかわいい犬がいます。私もひまな時、犬といっしょに近所をさ
んぽします。
時々、近所の人も集まってきて、いろいろな話をします。私も短い話なら日本語でできるよ
うになりました。皆さん、とても親切です。
お会いできるのをたのしみにしています。
トム リー
Which are the correct contents of the letter? Write ○ (correct) or × (wrong) in the spaces provided.
1. ( ) 2. ( )
22
3. ( ) 4. ( )
5. ( ) 6. ( )
2 Vocabulary
Study the readings and meanings of these words to help you understand the Introductory Quiz.
23
3 New Characters
Fourteen characters are introduced in this lesson. Use the explanations to help you understand and
remember the characters. Study the compound words to increase your vocabulary.
遠 父 母 働 親 相 太 登 録 犬 近 集 短 皆
13
tō-i, en
遠 とお・い、エン
far
14
chichi, fu
父 ちち、フ
father
As mature men in the family were お父さん *おとうさん otō san father (polite)
traditionally responsible for wood 父 ちち chichi father
cutting, a hand 乂 with an ax signifies
父母会 ふぼかい fubo kai parents’ association
father.
義父 ぎふ gifu father-in-law
父上 ちちうえ chichiue father (polite)
父方 ちちかた chichikata paternal
24
15
haha, bo
母 はは、ボ
mother
A human figure with pronounced お母さん *おかあさん okā san mother (polite)
breasts suggests nursing; thus this 母 はは haha mother
kanji means mother.
父母 ふぼ fubo father and mother; parents
16
hatara-ku, dō
働 はたら・く、ドウ
work
17
oya, shin
親 おや、シン
parent
25
18
ai, sō, shō
相 あい、ソウ、ショウ
mutual, aspect, minister
相 combines eyes 目 and a tree 木, 相談する そうだんする sōdan suru to consult with
suggesting the idea of looking 相手 あいて aite partner
carefully from behind a tree. Thus it
means aspect.
人相 にんそう ninsō physiognomy, looks
手相 てそう tesō lines of the palm
相場 そうば sōba market price
外相 がいしょう gaishō minister of foreign
affairs
相次いで あいついで aitsuide one after another
19
futo-i, futo-ru, tai, ta
太 ふと・い、ふと・る、タイ、タ
fat, thick, big
20
nobo-ru, tō, to
登 のぼ・る、トウ、ト
climb
26
21
roku
録 ロク
record
indicates the green rust of corroded 登録する とうろくする tōroku suru to register
metal (copper) 金. Both the form and 外国人登録 がいこくじん gaikokujin alien registration
the meaning have been modified to とうろく tōroku
mean engrave. Combined with metal
金, the kanji means to engrave metal 記録する きろくする kiroku suru to record
to keep a record.
新記録 しんきろく shinkiroku new record
議事録 ぎじろく gijiroku proceedings
住所録 じゅうしょろく jūshoroku address book
語録 ごろく goroku sayings
22
inu, ken
犬 いぬ、ケン
dog
23
chika-i, (jika-i), kin
近 ちか・い、(ぢか・い)、キン
near
27
24
atsu-maru, atsu-meru, shū
集 あつ・まる、あつ・める、シュウ
gather, meet
25
mijika-i, tan
短 みじか・い、タン
short
26
mina, kai
皆 みな、カイ
all
Two people 比 represent many people. 皆さん みなさん mina san everybody
Combined with “to get together” 白, 皆様 みなさま mina sama everybody (polite), Ladies and
皆 means all. Gentlemen
28
4 Practice
Ⅰ. Write the readings of the following kanji in hiragana.
1. 近 道 2. 皆 様
3. 登 る 4. 太 平 洋
5. 外 国 人 登 録 6. こ の 犬 は 、 太 っ て い ま す 。
7. 集 会 所 で 集 ま り ま し ょ う 。 8. お 母 さ ん は 、 と て も 親 切 で す 。
9. お 父 さ ん と 相 談 し ま す 。
く る い
dog to work parent to climb near
6. みじか 7. とお 8. ちち 9. はは 10. あつ
い い まる
short far father mother to get together
29
しんぱい そうだん
かなどと、日本人のお母さんは心配 をするからです。お父さんに、何でも相談 するといいです。よろ
こんでいろいろ話してくれるでしょう。
しゅうかん
1生活 習 慣 : a way of life
れ いぎ
2礼 儀: etiquette
しょく せん き
3 食 洗 機: dishwasher
4よろこばれる: to be pleased
5もてなす: to offer one’s hospitality
1. According to the suggestions, what is the best way to 2. According to the suggestions, what is the best way
learn the Japanese lifestyle, way of thinking, and so you should help the family?
on with your host family? A. holding a party
A. watching the TV together B. preparing their dinner
B. playing together at the park C. washing clothes
C. going out together for various activities or events D. washing the dishes of the family
D. studying Japanese together
3. According to the suggestions, why is the homestay a 4. According to the suggestions, why is it good for you
good approach to staying in Japan? to help the family to prepare the meal?
A. Because they serve meals for you. A. Because that way you can eat a delicious meal.
B. Because you are able to understand Japanese B. Because you know how to make Japanese
people’s customs. dishes.
C. Because you are able to understand Japanese C. Because the family are happy to have your help.
history. D. Because you can enjoy time with the family.
D. Because it is enjoyable to have fun with the host
family.
30
T he lifestyle of Japanese families is very different from family to family. Some people embrace
Japanese style in most aspects of their lives, but many prefer western style. The average number of
children per family used to be between three and five, about 60 years ago. The average now is less than
two children per family; if someone has three children, Japanese view that as many.
About half of all wives stay at home and focus on their families. After their children have grown up,
they start to enjoy themselves with hobbies or friends. Some do volunteer work, and others begin to work
on a part-time basis. Nowadays many women work at companies or other firms (compared with several
decades ago). A few wives continue to work on a full-time basis, while they bring up children. In this
lesson you will learn kanji related to the family.
31
1 Introductory Quiz
Look at the illustrations below and refer to the words in Vocabulary. Then try the following quiz.
お父さんは、自分の会社を持っています。 お母さんは、病院で働いています。
社長です。 お医者さんです。
お姉さんは、主婦です。ボランティア活動を お姉さんのご主人は、大学で英語を教えてい
しています。 ます。アメリカへ行った経験もあります。
お兄さんは、去年大学を出て、お母さんと 弟さんは、今アメリカの大学の学生です。アメリ
同じ病院で仕事をしています。 カ文学を勉強しています。ワシントン州にいます。
32
妹さんは、高校生です。数学が好きです。スポーツはテニスをしています。
Based on the explanations above, answer true (Å) or false (×) for each statement by filling in the ( )
provided.
2 Vocabulary
Study the readings and meanings of these words to help you understand the Introductory Quiz.
1. 家族 か ぞく kazoku family
2. 自分 じ ぶん jibun oneself
20
3. 会社 かい しゃ kaisha company
9. 主婦 しゅ ふ shufu housewife
1
10. 活動 かつ どう katsudō activity
33
3 New Characters
Sixteen characters are introduced in this lesson. Use the explanations to help you understand and remember
the characters. Study the compound words to increase your vocabulary.
族 持 姉 主 婦 経 兄 去 同 仕 弟 今 州 妹 校 数
27
zoku
族 ゾク
family, tribe
34
28
mo-tsu, ji
持 も・つ、ジ
have, possess, hold
29
ane, shi
姉 あね、シ
elder sister
姉 combines a woman 女 and a お姉さん *おねえさん onē san elder sister (polite)
market 市. It is the elder sister who 姉 あね ane elder sister
goes to market.
30
omo, nushi, shu, su
主 おも、ぬし、シュ、ス
main, master, lord
35
31
fu
婦 フ
woman, wife
32
he-ru, kei, kyō
経 へ・る、ケイ、キョウ
longitude, passage of time
33
ani, kyō, kei
兄 あに、キョウ、ケイ
elder brother
36
34
sa-ru, kyo, ko
去 さ・る、キョ、コ
leave
35
ona-ji, dō
同 おな・じ、ドウ
same
36
tsuka-eru, shi
仕 つか・える、シ
serve
37
37
otōto, dai, de, tei
弟 おとうと、ダイ、デ、テイ
younger brother; disciple
弟 is a pictograph of a climbing vine 弟さん おとうとさん otōto san younger brother (polite)
with the lowest part emphasized with 弟 おとうと otōto younger brother
“ノ”, suggesting a younger brother.
義兄弟 ぎきょうだい gikyōdai brothers- and sisters-in-law
弟子 でし deshi pupil
子弟 してい shitei children
門弟 もんてい montei follower
高弟 こうてい kōtei leading disciple
38
ima, kon, (ko), kin
今 いま、コン、(コ) 、キン
now
39
su, shū
州 す、シュウ
state, a sandbar
38
40
imōto, mai
妹 いもうと、マイ
younger sister
妹 combines a woman 女 and yet to 妹さん いもうとさん imōto san younger sister (polite)
grow 未, suggesting a younger sister
妹 いもうと imōto younger sister
who is yet to grow.
41
kō
校 コウ
school, proof
School houses in ancient China were 小学校 しょうがっこう shōgakkō elementary school
built with crossed 交 logs 木, like a 中学校 ちゅうがっこう chūgakkō junior high school
log cabin.
高校生 こうこうせい kōkōsei high school student
42
kazu, kazo-eru, sū, (zū)
数 かず、かぞ・える、スウ、(ズウ)
number, count
39
4 Practice
Ⅰ. Write the readings of the following kanji in hiragana.
1. 気 持 2. 主 語 3. 去 年 4. 仕 事
5. 九 州 6. 数 学 7. 主 婦 8. 経 験
9. わ た し の 家 族 は 、 イ リ ノ イ 州 に 住 ん で い ま す 。
10. お 姉 さ ん は 、 今 ボ ラ ン テ ィ ア を し て い ま す 。
11. お 兄 さ ん は 、 お 父 さ ん と 同 じ 仕 事 を し て い ま す 。
12. 弟 は 、 去 年 中 学 生 に な り ま し た 。
13. 妹 は 、 ア メ リ カ に 行 っ た 経 験 が あ り ま す 。
つ
family to hold elder sister elder brother younger sister
6. しゅ じん 7. いま 8. けい 9. きょ
けん
験 年
husband now experience last year
40
つま かんが すこ ふ まも
家事・育児を夫と妻がいっしょにやろうという 考 えも少しずつ8増えてきた。「女は家を守り、男は
むかし か
外で働き、家族を9やしなう」という、 昔 からの考えは、変わってきている。
こう む いん
1公 務 員: government officer, civil servant
ぶんや
2 分野 : field of …
かつやく
3 活躍 する: be active
しゅうしょく
4就 職 する: to get a job
いくじ
5 育児 : raising a child
せい ど
6産休制度: maternity / paternity leave
ともばたら
7共 働 き: working couple
ふ
8増える: to increase
9やしなう: to support (one’s family)
1. According to this article, what field do women work 2. According to this article, how many wives work
in? outside the home, including wives who work on a
A. universities part-time basis?
B. various fields A. a few
C. convenience stores B. half
D. companies C. many
D. all
3. According to this article, how do companies support 4. According to this article, when have husbands and
women who work? wives begun to share housework?
A. Companies take care of the women’s children. A. since a long time ago
B. Government provides the proper system for B. since 30 years ago
them. C. very recently
C. The women’s parents take care of their children. D. from now on
D. Companies give them various working options.
41
N arita International Airport is one of the busiest airports in the world. Although you can get by at the
airport using only English, it is a convenient place to learn kanji. There are many services available
to help you get through the airport smoothly, and if you know kanji it is easier to take advantage of
these services. For example, knowing kanji can help you to plan the route and means of transportation
to reach the airport. You can also take advantage of a service that will deliver your baggage directly to
the airport, so you don’t have to carry it yourself. And check the signs, so that you don’t forget to declare
your valuables at the customs desk! In this lesson, you will learn terms for these and other facilities at
the airport.
42
1 Introductory Quiz
Look at the illustrations below and refer to the words in Vocabulary. Then try the following quiz.
I. You are leaving Japan for your home country. You have just arrived at Narita International Airport
Terminal 2. There are various facilities at the airport, as shown. Fill in the spaces for each statement
with the correct letters (a–f ).
a. b.
c. d.
e. f.
1. いろいろなものを、安く買うことができます。 ( )
2. 日本のお金をほかの国のお金にかえます。 ( )
3. くうこうで、分からないことがあったら、ここで聞きましょう。 ( )
4. ここで、日本を出るために、てつづきをします。 ( )
5. シャトルにのるまで、ここでまちます。 ( )
6. まっすぐ行くと、だい2りょきゃくターミナルがあります。 ( )
43
II. You are returning to Japan. To enter Japan, follow the course below.
Welcome to Japan
IMMIGRATION
d (みどりのランプ)
Duty-Free (green light)
b c
Customs e
Baggage Claim (あかいランプ)
Duty (red light)
1
f
Arrival Lobby (1st fl.)
成田空港では、たくさんの飛行機が飛び立ったり、着いたりします。
1. 入国審査の後、( ) で、自分のにもつを受け取ります。
2. ぜいきんをはらうとき、( ) へ行きます。
3. ともだちが、( ) で待っています。
4. にもつを受け取ってから、( ) へ行きます。
5. ぜいきんをはらわないとき、( ) へ行きます。
6. このことば ( ) を見ると、日本人は*ほっとします。 (*feel relieved)
44
2 Vocabulary
Study the readings and meanings of these words to help you understand the Introductory Quiz.
1. 空港 くう こう kūkō airport
2. 成田国際空港 なり た こく さい Narita kokusai Narita International Airport
くう こう kūkō
3. 第2旅客ターミナル だい に りょ きゃく Dai ni ryokyaku Airport Terminal 2
ターミナル tāminaru
4. ご案内 ご あん ない goannai information
5. 免税売店 めん ぜい ばい てん menzei baiten duty-free shop
(免税店 めん ぜい てん menzeiten commonly used orally)
6. 両替 りょう がえ ryōgae currency exchange
7. 出国手続 しゅっ こく shukkoku passport control/procedure
て つづき tetsuzuki for departure
8. 本館 ほん かん honkan main building
9. 待合所 まち あい しょ/じょ machiaisho/jo waiting place
10. 入国審査 にゅう こく しん さ nyūkoku shinsa Immigration
11. お帰りなさい お かえ りなさい Okaerinasai Welcome back to Japan
12. 荷物 に もつ nimotsu baggage
13. 手荷物受取所 て に もつ うけ tenimotsu uketorisho/jo baggage claim area
とり しょ/じょ
14. 税金 ぜい きん zeikin tax
15. 税関 ぜい かん zeikan customs
16. 免税 めん ぜい menzei duty-free
10
17. 課税 か ぜい kazei duty
18. 到着ロビー とう ちゃく ロビー tōchaku robī arrival lobby
19. 飛行機 ひ こう き hikōki airplane
20. 飛ぶ とぶ tobu to fly
3 New Characters
Fifteen characters are introduced in this lesson. Use the explanations to help you understand and remember
the characters. Study the compound words to increase your vocabulary.
港 第 旅 客 免 税 両 続 待 合 帰 荷 関 飛 機
45
43
minato, kō
港 みなと、コウ
harbor, port
44
dai
第 ダイ
counter for numbers
45
tabi, ryo
旅 たび、リョ
trip, travel
46
46
kyaku, kaku
客 キャク、カク
guest, customer
47
manuka-reru, men
免 まぬか・れる、メン
escape, exempt
48
zei
税 ゼイ
tax
47
49
ryō
両 リョウ
both
50
tsuzu-ku, tsuzu-keru, zoku
続 つづ・く、つづ・ける、ゾク
continue
続く つづく tsuzuku to continue
Thread 糸 and sell 売 combined, 続
means that one must continue to sell 手続き てつづき tetsuzuki procedures
thread (to stay in business). 出国手続 しゅっこく shukkoku passport control/procedure
てつづき tetsuzuki for departure
51
ma-tsu, tai
待 ま・つ、タイ
wait
48
ਗ ȜĆȠĂȜĆɩȳĂȜĆɩȵɥĂ
ʌɾĂʄʛ
fit, put together
!is a pictograph of a lid, and is a ਗȠ! ȜȠ! au! to fit
hole. Thus ਗ means to put together ሇȱਗȠ! ɉɄȱȜȠ hanashiau to discuss
or fit.
ਗो!! ȮȠȫȞ! gōkei! total
53
kae-ru, (gae-ru), kae-su, ki
࡚ ȥȢĆɥĂ)ȦȢĆɥ* ĂȥȢĆȳĂʅ
return
54
ni, ka
ݷ ɅĂʃ
load, luggage, cargo
49
Receipts. Expenditure.
1899 £1,968,770 £1,639,800
1904 2,809,851 2,797,031
While direct taxes, e.g. the poll-tax and land tax or (in
Cambodia) the tax on products, are the main sources of revenue
for the local budgets, those for the general budget are the
indirect taxes: (1) customs (£619,616 in 1904); (2) “régies” and
other indirect taxes (£1,733,836 in 1904), these including the
excise on alcohol, the monopoly of the purchase and sale of salt,
and the monopoly of the purchase, manufacture and sale of
opium.
Country. Tonnage.
Entered. Cleared.
Cochin-China 1,117,054 1,007,510
Tongking 242,119 348,947
Annam 28,065 26,406
Cambodia 2,520 2,012
Total 1,389,758 1,384,875
Over half the tonnage was French (698,178 tons entered); the
United Kingdom came second (284,277 tons); Germany, third
(205,615 tons).
Commerce.—The value of the trade of French Indo-China
increased from £6,796,000 in 1896 to £16,933,000 in 1905, its
average annual value for the years 1896-1905 being
£12,213,000.
After the recall of M. de Lanessan in 1894 (see above), and before his
successor, M. Rousseau, was able to acquaint himself fully with the condition of
the country, military expeditions began again and the deficit soon reappeared.
Tranquillity, however, being restored, attention was given to public works. On
the 12th of October 1895 M. Rousseau left to ask parliament to vote a loan of
100,000,000 francs. On the vols., of February 1896 a law was passed
authorizing a loan of 80,000,000 francs, and on the 14th of March 1896 an
office for the financial control of the government-general of Indo-China was
established. In the interval a French company had obtained from China a
concession to prolong the railway from Langson to Lungchow on a tributary of
the Canton river. M. Rousseau, who died on the 10th of December 1896, was
replaced by M. Dourner, previously minister of finance, under whose
government was realized, as has been before stated, the union of Indo-China.
On the 20th of December 1898 M. Doumer obtained from parliament
authorization to contract a loan of 200,000,000 francs, the proceeds of which
were appropriated to the construction of railway lines.
2 This does not apply to the budget of Cochin-China, which is voted by the colonial
council and approved by the governor-general alone.
3 This does not include the expenditure on account of the 3% loan of £8,000,000,
which is inscribed in a special account. The debt of the government-general of Indo-
China is composed as follows:—
Nominal Capital
Nominal Capital. in circulation on
Jan. 1, 1907.
2½ % Loan of 1896 (Annam-Tongking) £3,678,000 £3,342,800
3½ % Loan of £8,000,000 issued from 1899 to 1905 8,748,260 8,640,060
Total £12,426,260 £11,982,860
4 The transit trade between Hong Kong and Yun-nan via Tongking is of
considerable importance (see Tongking).
The main branches so far identified fall easily into two groups of four. These
groups are distinguished from one another by the treatment of certain original
guttural sounds, k(c), g, kh, gh, which one group shows as consonants, while
the other converts them into sibilants. The variation is well shown in the word
for “hundred”: Gr. ἑ-κατόν, Lat. centum, Old Irish cēt; Sanskrit śatam, Zend
satēm, Lithuanian sziḿtas, Old Bulgarian (Old ecclesiastical Slavonic) sŭto. In
the first three the consonant is a hard guttural (the Romans said kentum, not
sentum), in the others it is a sibilant (the Lithuanian sz is the English sh).
The first group (generally known as the centum-group) is the Western and
entirely European group, the second (generally known as the satem-group)
with one exception lies to the east of the centum-group and much its largest
part is situated in Asia. To the centum-group belong (1) Greek; (2) the Italic
languages, including Latin, Oscan, Umbrian and various minor dialects of
ancient Italy; (3) Celtic, including (a) the Q-Celtic languages, Irish, Manx and
Scotch Gaelic, (b) the P-Celtic, including the language of ancient Gaul, Welsh,
Cornish and Breton: the differentiation, which exists also in the Italic
languages, turning upon the treatment of original kw sounds, which all the
Italic languages save Latin and the little-known Faliscan and the (b) group of
the Celtic languages change to p. With these go (4) the Germanic or Teutonic
languages, including (a) Gothic, (b) the Scandinavian languages, Swedish,
Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic—differentiated in historical times out of a single
language, Old Norse,—(c) West Germanic, Including English and Frisian, Low
Frankish (from which spring modern Dutch and Flemish), Low and High
German.
Besides the languages mentioned there are many others now extinct or of
which little is known—e.g. Venetic, found in clearly written inscriptions with a
distinctive alphabet in north-eastern Italy; Messapian, in the heel of Italy, which
is supposed to have been connected with the ancient Illyrian; and possibly also
the unknown tongue which has been found recently on several inscriptions in
Crete and seems to have been the language of the pre-Hellenic population, the
finds apparently confirming the statement of Herodotus (vii. 170) that the
earlier population survived in later times only at Praesos and Polichne. Names
of deities worshipped by the Aryan branch are reported to have been
discovered in the German excavations at Boghaz-Keui (anc. Pteria, q.v.) in
Cappadocia; names of kings appear in widely separated areas elsewhere in
Asia,1 and a language not hitherto known has recently been found in
excavations in Turkestan and christened by its first investigators Tocharish.2 So
far as yet ascertained, Tocharish seems to be a mongrel dialect produced by an
intermixture of peoples speaking respectively an I.E. language and a language
of an entirely different origin. The stems of the words are clearly in many cases
I.E., but the terminations are no less clearly alien to this family of languages. It
is remarkable that some of its words, like ku, “dog,” have a hard k, while the
other languages of this stock in Asia, so far as at present known, belong to the
satem-group, and have in such words replaced the k by a sibilant.
Till the latter part of the 18th century it was the universal practice to refer all
languages ultimately to a Hebrew origin, because Hebrew, being the language
of the Bible, was assumed, with reference to the early chapters of Genesis, to
be the original language. Even on these premises the argument was unsound,
for the same authority also recorded a confusion of tongues at Babel, so that it
was unreasonable to expect that languages thus violently metamorphosed
could be referred so easily at a later period to the same original. The first
person to indicate very briefly the existence of the Indo-European family,
though he gave it no distinctive name, was Sir William Jones in his address to
the Bengal Oriental Society in 1786. Being a skilled linguist, he recognized that
Sanskrit must be of the same origin as Greek, Latin, Teutonic (Germanic) and
possibly Celtic (Asiatic Researches, i. p. 422; Works of Sir W. Jones, i. p. 26,
London, 1799). Unfortunately Sir William Jones’s views as to the relationship of
the languages were not adopted for many years by later investigators. He had
said quite definitely, “No philologer could examine them all three (Sanskrit,
Greek and Latin) without believing them to have sprung from some common
source, which perhaps no longer exists.” Friedrich Schlegel, who learnt Sanskrit
from Alexander Hamilton in Paris nearly twenty years later, started the view
that Sanskrit, instead of being the sister, was the mother of the other
languages, a mistake which, though long since refuted in all philological works,
has been most persistent.
Curiously enough the history of the names given to the family is obscure. The
earliest known occurrence of the word “Indo-European” is in an article in the
Quarterly Review for 18133 by Dr Thomas Young. The term has been in use in
English and in French almost continuously since that date. But a glance at Dr
Young’s article will show that he included under Indo-European many
languages like Basque, Etruscan and Arabian (his term for Semitic), which
certainly do not belong to this family of languages at all; and if the term is
taken to mean, as it would seem to imply, all the languages spoken in India and
Europe, it is undoubtedly a misnomer. There are many languages in India, as
those of the Dravidians in Southern India and those of Northern Assam, which
do not belong to this family. On the other hand there are many languages
belonging to the family which exist outside both India and Europe—Zend, Old
Persian, Armenian, Phrygian, to say nothing of languages recently discovered.
The term most commonly used in Germany is “Indo-Germanic.” This was
employed by Klaproth as early as 1823. It is said not to have been invented by
him, but by whom and when it was invented is not quite ascertained.4 It is an
attempt to name the family by its most easterly and most westerly links. At the
time when it was invented it had not yet been settled whether Celtic was or
was not a member of this family. But in any case the term would not have been
wrong, for members of the Germanic stock have been settled for above a
thousand years in Iceland, the most westerly land of Europe, and for the last
four centuries have increasingly dominated the continent of America. As has
been pointed out by Professor Buck of Chicago (Classical Review, xviii. p. 400),
owing to the German method of pronouncing eu as oi, the word “Indo-
Germanic” is easier for a German to pronounce than “Indo-European.” Attempts
to discover a more accurate and less ponderous term, such as “Indo-Celtic” or
“Celtindic,” have not met with popular favour. Aryan (q.v.) is conveniently brief,
but is wanted as the proper term for the most easterly branch of the family.
What is wanted is a term which does not confuse ethnological and linguistic
ideas. Not all speakers of any given language are necessarily of the same stock.
In ancient Rome Latin must have been spoken by many slaves or sons of slaves
who had no Latin blood in their bodies, though a slave if manumitted by his
master might be the father or grandfather of a Roman citizen with full rights.
Plautus and Terence were both aliens, the one an Umbrian, the other an
African. The speakers of modern English are even a more multifarious body. A
possible name for the family, implying only the speaking of a language of the
stock without any reference to racial or national characteristics, could be
obtained from the name for man, so widely though perhaps not altogether
universally diffused throughout the family—Sanskrit vīras, Lithuanian wyras,
Lat. vir, Irish fer, Gothic waír, &c. If the speakers of these languages were
called collectively Wiros, no confusion with ethnological theories need arise.
The first to point out that the term Indo-European (or Indo-Germanic)
was not used uniformly in one sense was Professor Kretschmer in his
Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen, 1896),
pp. 9 ff. It is in fact used in three senses. (1) Indo-European is treated as
preceding and different from all its descendants, a single uniform speech
without dialects. But, strictly, no such language can exist, for even
individual members of the same family differ from one another in
pronunciation, vocabulary, sentence formation, etc. Thus it appears
impossible to ascertain what the Indo-European term for the numeral 1
was, since different languages show at least four words for this, three of
them presenting the same root with different suffixes: (a) Sanskrit eka (=
*οι-qṷo-); (b) Zend aeva, Old Persian aiva, Greek οι-(ϝ)ο-ς (= *οι-ṷo-); (c)
Greek οἰνή, “ace,” Latin unus (older oenus), Old Irish oen, Gothic ains,
Lithuanian vénas (where the initial v has no more etymological signification
than the w which now begins the pronunciation of the English one), Old
Bulgarian inŭ; (d) Greek εἷς, ἔν (= *sem-s). But the Indo-European
community must have had a word for the numeral since the various
languages agree in forms for the numerals 2 to 10, and the original Indo-
European people seem to have been able to count at least as far as 100.
On the other hand, if the Indo-European language must have had dialects,
the line of differentiation between it and its descendants becomes
obliterated. (2) But even when a word is found very widely diffused over
the area of the Indo-European languages, it is not justifiable to conclude
that therefore the word must have belonged to the original language. The
dispersion of the Indo-European people over the areas they now inhabit,
or inhabited in the earliest times known to history, must have been
gradual, and commerce or communication between different branches
must have always existed to some extent; the word might thus have been
transmitted from one community to another. When a word is found in two
branches which are geographically remote from one another and is not
found in the intermediate area, the probability that the word is original is
somewhat stronger. But even in this case the originality of the word is by
no means certain, for (a) the intervening branch or branches which do not
possess the word may merely have dropped it and replaced it by another;
(b) the geographical position which the branches occupy in historical times
may not be their original position; the branches which do not possess the
word may have forced themselves into the area they now occupy after
they had dropped the word; (c) if the linguistic communities which possess
the word have a seaboard and the intervening communities have not, the
possibility of its transmission in connexion with early sea-borne commerce
must be considered. At the dawn of European history the Phoenicians and
the Etruscans are great seafarers; at a later time the Varangians of the
North penetrated to the Mediterranean and as far as Constantinople; in
modern times sea-borne commerce brought to Europe words from the
Caribbean Indians like potato and tobacco, and gave English a new word
for man-eating savages—cannibal. Thus with Kretschmer we must
distinguish between what is common Indo-European and what is original
Indo-European in language. (3) A word may exist in several of the
languages, and may have existed in them for a very long time, and yet not
be Indo-European. Hehn (Das Salz, ed. 2, 1901) rejects salt as an Indo-
European word because it is not found in the Aryan group, though in this
case he is probably wrong, (a) because, as has been shown by Professor
Johannes Schmidt, its irregular declension (sal-d, genitive sal-nes)
possesses characteristics of the oldest Indo-European words; (b) because
the great plains of Iran are characterized by their great saltness, so that
the Aryan branch did not pass through a country where salt was unknown,
although, according to Herodotus (i. 133), the Persian did not use salt to
season his food. Since Kretschmer wrote, this argument has been used
very extensively by Professor A. Meillet of Paris in his Dialectes indo-
européens (Paris, 1908). In this treatise he brings forward arguments from
a great variety of facts to show that in the original Indo-European
language there were dialects, the Aryan, Armenian, Balto-Slavonic and
Albanian, as we have seen, forming an oriental group with novel
characteristics developed in common, although in various other
characteristics they do not agree. Similarly Italic, Celtic and Germanic form
a Western group, while Greek agrees now with the one group now with
the other, at some points being more intimately connected with Italic than
with any other branch, at others inclining more towards the Aryan. This
grouping, however, is by no means exclusive, members of either group
having characteristics in common with individuals of the other group which
they do not share with the other languages of their own group (Meillet, p.
131 ff.).
From all this it is clear that in many cases it must be extremely uncertain
what is original Indo-European and what is not. Some general
characteristics can, however, be predicated from what is handed down to
us in the earliest forms of all or nearly all the existing languages. (1) The
noun had certainly a large number of distinct cases in the singular:
nominative, accusative, genitive, ablative, locative, instrumental, dative.5
In the plural, however, there was less variety, the forms for dative and
ablative being from the earliest times identical. In the dual, the oblique
cases cannot be restored with certainty, so little agreement is there
between the languages. In the locative-singular the ending -i seems to
have been of the nature of a post-position, because in various languages
(notably in Sanskrit) forms appear without any suffix. In the locative plural
also the difference between the -su of Sanskrit and early Lithuanian
(Slavonic -chu) on the one hand, and of -σι in Greek on the other, seems
to be best explained by supposing that the -u and -i are postpositions, a
conclusion which is strengthened by the Greek rule that -σ- between
vowels disappears. In the instrumental singular and plural it is noticeable
that there are two suffixes—one, represented in Germanic and Balto-
Slavonic only, beginning with the sound -m, the other, surviving in most of
the other languages for the plural, going back to an Indo-European form
beginning with -bh. Professor Hirt of Leipzig has argued (Idg.
Forschungen, v. pp. 251 ff.) that -bh- originally belonged to the
instrumental plural (cf. the Lat. filiabus, omnibus, &c.), and the forms with
-m- to the dative and ablative. But this is merely a conjecture, which has
no linguistic facts in its favour, for the -bi of the Latin dative tibi, which has
parallel forms in many other languages, belongs to the pronouns, which
show in their declension many differences from the declension of the noun
(cf. also Brugmann, Grundriss (ed. 2), ii. 2, p. 120). (2) The adjective
agrees with its noun in gender, number and case, thus introducing a
superfluous element of agreement which is not found, e.g. in most of the
agglutinative languages. Thus in phrases like the Greek ἡ καλὴ κόρη or
the Latin illa pulchra puella the feminine gender is expressed three times,
with no advantage, so far as can be detected, over the modern English,
that fair maid, where it is not obviously expressed at all. In this respect
and also in the employment of the same case endings for the plural as well
as the singular, in the plural after a syllable expressing plurality, the
agglutinative languages have a distinct superiority over the Indo-European
languages in their earliest forms. Some languages, like English and Modern
Persian, have practically got rid of inflexion altogether and the present
difficulty with it; others, like modern German, as the result of phonetic and
analogical changes have even intensified the difficulty. (3) In the personal
pronouns, especially those of the first and second persons, there is widely
spread agreement, but more in the singular than in the plural. Forms
corresponding to the English I and thou, the Latin ego and tu, are
practically universal. On the other hand the demonstrative pronouns vary
very considerably. (4) The system of numerals (subject to slight
discrepancies, as that regarding 1 mentioned above) is the same, at least
up to 100. (5) In the verb there were at first two voices, the active and the
middle, and three moods, the indicative, the subjunctive and the optative.
It has been suggested by Professors Oertel and Morris in Harvard Studies,
xvi. (p. 101, n. 3) that the similarity which exists between the earliest
Greek and the earliest Aryan in the moods is the result of a longer
common life between those two branches. But of this there is no proof,
and the great difference in the treatment of the sounds by these two
branches (see below) militates very strongly against the supposition. The
tense forms indicated originally not relations in time but different kinds of
action. The distinctive forms are the present, the perfect, and the aorist.
The present indicated that an action was in progress or continuous, the
aorist on the other hand regarded the action as a whole and, as it were,
summed it up. The aorist has sometimes been said to express
instantaneous action, and so it does. But this is not the essence of the
aorist; the aorist may be used also of a long continued action when it is
regarded as a whole. Greek shows this very clearly. In Athenian official
inscriptions it was usual to fix the date of the record by stating at the
commencement who was the chief magistrate (archon) of the year. This
was expressed by the imperfect (ἠρχε). But when reference was made to
a past archonship, that was expressed by the aorist (ἦρξε). The same
characteristic is evident also in prohibitions; thus, in Plato’s Apology of
Socrates, μὴ θορυβήσητε is “Do not begin to make a disturbance,” μὴ
θορυβεῖτε is “Do not keep on making a disturbance.” These points are
most easily illustrated from Greek, because Greek, better than the other
languages, has kept the distinctive usages of both moods and tenses. The
perfect as distinguished from the other forms expresses either repetition of
the action, emphasis, or the state which results from the action expressed
by the verb. Different languages regard this last in different ways.
Sometimes the state resulting from the action is so characteristic that the
perfect is almost an independent verb. Thus in Greek κτάομαι is “I
acquire,” but κέκτημαι (the perfect) is “I possess,” the result of the action
of acquiring. On the other hand the perfect may mean that the action has
come to an end. This is specially common in Latin, as in Cicero’s famous
announcement of the execution of the Catilinarian conspirators,—Vixerunt
(“They have lived” = “They are no more”). But it is by no means confined
to Latin. The pluperfect, the past of the perfect, is a late development and
can hardly be reckoned Indo-European. In Greek the forms clearly arise
from adding aorist endings to a perfect stem. The forms of Latin are not
yet completely explained—but it is certain that the specially Latin meaning
expressing something that was past at a time already past (relative time)
is a late growth. When Homeric Greek wishes to express this meaning it
uses most frequently the aorist, but also the imperfect as well as the
pluperfect, the notion of relative time being derived from the context. In
the earliest Latin the pluperfect is not uncommonly used with the value of
the aorist perfect. As regards the future it is difficult to say how far it was
an original form. Some languages, like Germanic, preserve no original form
for the future. When the present is found not to be distinctive enough,
periphrastic forms come in. In other languages, like Latin and Greek, there
is constant confusion between subjunctive and future forms. It is
impossible to distinguish by their form between δείξω (future) and δείξω
(subjunctive), between regam (future) and regam (subjunctive). A special
future with a suffix -sḭo- (syo) is found only with certainty in the Aryan
group and the Baltic languages. The future perfect is, strictly speaking,
only a future made from a perfect stem; in the Latin sense it is certainly a
late development, and even in early Latin, videro has occasionally no
different meaning from videbo. The imperative, which was originally an
exclamatory form to the verb, of the same kind as the vocative was to the
noun, and which consisted simply of the verb stem without further
suffixes, developed, partly on the analogy of the present and partly with
the help of adverbs, a complete paradigm. The infinitives of all the
languages are noun cases, generally stereotyped in form and no longer in
touch with a noun system, though this, e.g. in early Sanskrit, is not always
true. The participles differ only from other adjectives in governing the
same case as their verb; and this is not an early distinction, for in the
earliest Sanskrit all verbal nouns may govern the same case as their verb.
The system here sketched in the barest outline tended steadily to fall
into decay. The case system was not extensive enough to express even the
commonest relations. Thus there was no means of distinguishing by the
cases between starting from outside and starting from inside, ideas which,
e.g. Finnish regards as requiring separate cases; without a preposition it
was impossible to distinguish between on and in, though to the person
concerned there is much difference, for example between being on a river
and in a river. There are other difficulties of the same kind. These had to
be got over by the use of adverbs. But no sooner had the adverbs become
well established for the purpose of defining these local relations than the
meaning was felt to exist more in the adverb than in the case ending. For
this syntactical reason, as well as for mechanical reasons arising from
accent (q.v.), the case system in some languages fell more and more into
desuetude. In Sanskrit it has been kept entire, in Balto-Slavonic the only
loss has been the disappearance of the original genitive and its
replacement by the ablative. In Latin the locative has been confused with
the genitive and the ablative, and the instrumental with the ablative. The
loss of the locative as an independent case had not long preceded
historical times, because it survives in Oscan, the kindred dialect of the
neighbouring Campania. Greek has confused ablative with genitive, except
for one small relic recently discovered on an inscription at Delphi; in the
consonant stems it has replaced the dative by the locative form and
confused in it dative, locative and instrumental meanings. In some other
members of the family, e.g. Germanic, the confusion has gone still farther.
The fate of the verb is similar, though the two paradigms do not
necessarily decay at the same rate. Thus Latin has modified its verb
system much more than its noun system, and Greek, while reducing
seriously its noun forms, shows a very elaborate verb system, which has
no parallel except in the Aryan group. From the syntactical point of view,
however, the Greek system is much superior to the Aryan, which has
converted its perfect into a past tense in classical Sanskrit, and to a large
extent lost grip of the moods. The decay in Aryan may be largely
attributed to the power, which this group developed beyond any other, of
making compounds which in practice took the place of subordinate
sentences to a large extent. The causes for the modifications which the
Latin verb system has undergone are more obscure, but they are shared
not only by its immediate neighbours the other Italic dialects, but also to a
great degree by the more remote Celtic dialects.
The origin and spread of the Indo-European languages has long been, and
remains, a vexed question. No sooner had Bopp laid the foundation of
Comparative Philology in his great work, the first edition of which appeared in
1833-1835, than this question began to be seriously considered. The earlier
writers agreed in regarding Asia as the original home of the speakers of these
languages. For this belief there were various grounds,—statements in the
Biblical record, the greater originality (according to Schlegel) of Sanskrit, the
absurd belief that the migrations of mankind always proceeded towards the
west. The view propounded by an English philologist, Dr R. G. Latham, that the
original home was in Europe, was scouted by one of the most eminent writers
on the subject—Victor Hehn—as lunacy possible only to one who lived in a
country of cranks. Latham’s view was first put forward in 1851, and in half a
century opinion had almost universally come over to his side. Max Müller indeed
to the last held to the view that the home was “somewhere in Asia,” and
Professor Johannes Schmidt of Berlin, in a paper read before the Oriental
Congress at Stockholm in 1889, argued for a close contact between early Indo-
European and Assyrian civilization, from the borrowing of one or two words and
the existence of duodecimal elements in the Indo-European numeral system
side by side with the prevalent decimal system—the dozen, the gross, the long
hundred (120), &c. At 60 the systems crossed, and 60 was a very characteristic
element in Assyrian numeration, whence come our minutes and seconds and
many other units.6
The problem may be attacked from the opposite direction. How long
would it have taken for the Indo-European stock to spread from its original
home to its modern areas of occupation? Some recent writers say that it is
unnecessary to carry the stock back farther than 2500 b.c.—a period when
the civilizations of Egypt and Mesopotamia were already ancient. Wherever
the original home was situated, this date is probably fixed too low. The
discussion, moreover, is in danger not only of moving in one vicious circle
but in two. (a) The term “Indo-European stock” necessarily implies race,
but why might not the language have been from the earliest times at
which we can trace it the language of a mixed race? (b) It is usual to
assume that the Indo-European stock was tall and blond, in fact much as
the classical writers describe the early Germans. But the truth of this
hypothesis is much more difficult to demonstrate. In most countries known
to the ancients where blond hair prevailed, at the present day dark or
brown hair is much more in evidence. Moreover the colour of fair hair
often varies from childhood to middle life, and the flaxen hair of youth is
very frequently replaced by a much darker shade in the adult. It has been
often pointed out that many of Homer’s heroes are xanthoi, and it is
frequently argued that ξανθός means blond. This, however, is anything
but certain, even when Vacher de Lapouge has collected all the passages
in ancient writers which bear upon the subject. When Diodorus (v. 32)
wishes to describe the children of the Galatae, by whom apparently he
means the Germans, he says that their hair as children is generally white,
but as they grow up it is assimilated to the colour of their fathers. The
ethnological argument as to long-headed and short-headed races
(dolichocephalic and brachycephalic) seems untrustworthy, because in
countries described as dolichocephalic short skulls abound and vice versa.
Moreover this classification, to which much more attention has been
devoted than its inventor Retzius ever intended, is in itself unsatisfactory.
The relation between the length and breadth of the head without
consideration of the total size is clearly an unsatisfactory criterion. It is
true that to the mathematician ¾ or 6⁄8 or 9⁄12 are of identical value, but, if
it be also generally true that mental and physical energy are dependent on
the size and weight of the brain, then the mere mathematical relation
between length and breadth is of less importance than the size of the
quantities. Anthropologists appear now to recognize this themselves.
The argument from physical geography seems more important. But here
also no certain answer can be obtained till more is known of the
conditions, in early times, of the eastern part of the area. According to
Ratzel7 the Caspian was once very much larger than it is now, and to the
north of it there extended a great area of swamp, which made it practically
impossible for the Indo-European race to have crossed north of the
Caspian from either continent to the other. At an early period the Caspian
and Black Sea were connected, and the Sea of Marmora and the
Dardanelles were represented by a river which entered the Aegean at a
point near the island of Andros. While the northern Aegean was still land
divided only by a river, it is clear that migration from south-eastern Europe
to Asia Minor, or reversely, might have taken place with ease. Even in
much later times the Dardanelles have formed no serious barrier to
migration in either direction. At the dawn of history, Thracian tribes
crossed it and founded, it seems, the Phrygian and Armenian stock in Asia
Minor; the Gauls at a later time followed the same road, as did Alexander
the Great a generation earlier. At the end of the middle ages, Asia sent by
way of the Dardanelles the invading Turks into Europe. The Greeks, a
nation of seafarers, on the other hand reached Asia directly across the
Aegean, using the islands, as it were, as stepping-stones.
Though much more attention has been devoted to the subject by recent
writers than was earlier the practice, it is doubtful whether migration by
sea has even now been assigned its full importance. The most mysterious
people of antiquity, the Pelasgians, do not seem to be in all cases the
same stock, as their name appears merely to mean “the people of the
sea,” Πελασγοἰ representing an earlier πελαγς-κοι, where πελαγς is the
weak form of the stem of πέλαγος, “sea,” and -κοι the ending so frequent
in the names of peoples. A parallel to the sound changes may be seen in
μίσγω, for *μίγ-σκω, by the side of μίγ-νυμι. As time goes on, evidence
seems more and more to tend to confirm the truth of the great migrations
by sea, recorded by Herodotus, of Lydians to Etruria, of Eteocretans both
to east and west. An argument in favour of the original Indo-Europeans
being seated in north-western Germany has been developed by G.
Kossinna (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1902, pp. 161-222) from the forms
and ornamentation of ancient pottery. It has certainly not been generally
received with favour, and as Kossinna himself affirms that the classification
of prehistoric pottery is still an undeveloped science, his theory is clearly at
present unequal to the weight of such a superstructure as he would build
upon it. As the allied sciences are not prepared with an answer, it is
necessary to fall back upon the Indo-European languages themselves. The
attempt has often been made to ascertain both the position of the original
home and the stage of civilization which the original community had
reached from a consideration of the vocabulary for plants and animals
common to the various languages of the Indo-European family. But the
experience of recent centuries warns us to be wary in the application of
this argument. If we cut off all past history and regard the language of the
present day as we have perforce to regard our earliest records, two of the
words most widely disseminated amongst the Indo-European people of
Europe are tobacco and potato. Without historical records it would be
impossible for us to discover that these words in their earliest European
form had been borrowed from the Caribbean Indians. Most languages tend
to adopt with an imported product the name given to it by its producers,
though frequently misunderstanding arises, as in the case of the two
words mentioned, the potato being properly the yam, and tobacco being
properly the pipe, while petum or petun (cp. petunia) was the plant.8
The first treatise in which an attempt was made to work out the
primitive Indo-European civilisation in detail was Adolphe Pictet’s Les
Origines indo-européennes ou les Aryas primitifs (1859-1863). The idyllic
conditions in which, according to Pictet, early Indo-European man
subsisted were accepted and extended by many enthusiastic successors.
The father, the protector of the family (pater from pā, protect), and the
mother (mater from mā, to produce) were surrounded by their children
(Skt. putra), whose name implied that they kept everything clean and
neat. The daughter was the milkmaid (Skt. duhitā from duh, milk), while
the brother (Skt. bhrātār), derived from the root of ferre, “bear,” was the
natural protector of his sister, whose name, with some hesitation, is
decided to mean “she who dwells with her brother,” the notion of brother
and sister marriage being, however, summarily rejected (ii. p. 365). The
uncle and aunt are a second father and mother to the family, and for this
reason nepos, Skt. napāt, is both nephew and grandson. The life of such
families was pastoral but not nomad; there was a farmstead where the
women were busied with housewifery and butter-making, while the men
drove their flocks afield. The ox, the horse, the sheep, the goat and the
pig were domesticated as well as the dog and the farmyard fowls, but it
was in oxen that their chief wealth consisted. Hence a cow was offered to
an honoured guest, cows were the object of armed raids upon their
neighbours, and when a member of the family died, a cow was killed to
accompany him in the next world. Even the phenomena of nature to their
naive imaginations could be represented by cows: the clouds of heaven
were cows whose milk nourished the earth, the stars were a herd with the
sun as the bull amongst them, the earth was a cow yielding her increase.
Before the original community, which extended over a wide area with
Bactria for its centre, had broken up, agriculture had begun, and barley, if
not other cereals, and various leguminous plants were cultivated. Oxen
drew the plough and the wagon. Industry also had developed with the
introduction of agriculture; the carpenter with a variety of tools appears to
construct farm implements, buildings and furniture, and the smith is no
less busy. Implements had begun with stone, but by this time were made
of bronze if not of iron, for the metals gold, silver, copper, tin were
certainly known. Spinning and weaving had also begun; pottery was well
developed. The flocks and herds and agriculture supplied food with plenty
of variety; fermented liquors, mead, probably wine and perhaps beer, were
used, not always in moderation. A great variety of military weapons had
been invented, but geographical reasons prevented navigation from
developing in Bactria. Towns existed and fortified places. The people were
organized in clans, the clans in tribes. At the head of all, though not in the
most primitive epoch, was the king, who reigned not by hereditary right,
but by election. Though money had not yet been invented, exchange and
barter flourished; there were borrowers and lenders, and property passed
from father to son. Though we have no definite information as to their
laws, justice was administered; murder, theft and fraud were punished
with death, imprisonment or fine (Résumé général at end of vol. ii.).
Further investigation, however, did not confirm this ideally happy form of
primitive civilization. Many of Pictet’s etymologies were erroneous, many of
his deductions based on very uncertain evidence. No recent writer adopts
Pictet’s views of the Indo-European family. But his list of domesticated
animals is approximately correct, if domestication is used loosely simply of
animals that might be kept by the Indo-European man about his
homestead. Even at the present day domestication means different things
in the case of different animals. A pig is not domesticated as a dog is; in
areas like the Hebrides or western Ireland, where cattle and human beings
share the two ends of the same building, domestication means something
very different from the treatment of large herds on a farm extending to
many hundreds of acres. In other respects the height of the civilization
was vastly exaggerated. That the Indo-European people were agricultural
as well as pastoral seems highly probable. But as Heraclides says of the
Athamanes (Fragmenta hist. Graec. ii. 219), the women were the
agriculturists, while the men were shepherds. Agriculture begins on a very
small scale with the dibbling by means of a pointed stick of a few seeds of
some plant which the women recognize as useful either for food or
medicine, and is possible only when the people have ceased to be
absolutely nomad and have fixed settlements for continuous periods of
some length. The pastoral habit is broken down in men only by starvation,
if the pasture-lands become too cramped through an excessive increase of
population or are seized by a conqueror. As has been well said, “of all the
ordinary means of gaining a livelihood—with the exception perhaps of
mining—agriculture is the most laborious, and is never voluntarily adopted
by men who have not been accustomed to it from their childhood”
(Mackenzie Wallace, Russia, new ed. i. p. 266, in relating the conversion of
the Bashkir Tatars to agriculture). Even the plough, in the primitive form of
a tree stump with two branches, one forming the handle, the other the
pole, was developed, and to this period may belong the representations in
rock carvings in Sweden and the Alps of a pair of oxen in the plough (S.
Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, i. 205; Dechelette, Manuel
d’archéologie, ii. pp. 492 ff.). The Indo-European civilization in its
beginnings apparently belongs to the chalcolithic period (sometimes
described by the barbarous term of Italian origin eneolithic) when copper,
if not bronze had come in, but the use of stone for many purposes had not
yet gone out. While primitive Indo-European man apparently knew, as has
been said, the horse, ox, sheep, goat, pig and dog, it is to be observed
that in their wild state at least these animals do not all affect the same
kind of area. The horse is an animal of the open plain; the foal always
accompanies the mother, for at first its neck is too short to allow it to
graze, and the mare, unlike the cow, has no large udder in which to carry
a great supply of milk. The cow, on the other hand, hides her calf in a
brake when she goes to graze, and is more a woodland animal. The pig’s
natural habitat is the forest where beech mast, acorns, or chestnuts are
plentiful. The goat is a climber and affects the heights, while the sheep
also prefers short grass to the richer pastures suited to kine. To collect and
tame all those animals implies control of an extensive and varied area.
What of the trees known to primitive Indo-European man? On this the
greater part of the arguments regarding the original home have turned.
The name for the beech extends through a considerable number of Indo-
European languages, and it has generally been assumed that the beech
must have been known from the first and therefore must have been a tree
which flourished in the original home. Now the habitat of the beech is to
the west of a line drawn from Königsberg to the Crimea. The argument
assumes that its distribution was always the same. But nothing is more
certain than that in different ages different trees succeed one another on
the same soil. In the peat mosses of north-east Scotland are found the
trunks of vast oaks which have no parallel among the trees which grow in
the same district now, where the oak has a hard struggle to live at all, and
where experience teaches the planter that coniferous trees will be more
successful. On the coast of Denmark in the same way the conifer has
replaced the beech since the days of the “kitchen middens,” from which so
much information as to the primitive inhabitants of that area has been
obtained. But with regard to the names of trees there are two serious
pitfalls which it is difficult to avoid. (a) It is common to give a tree the
name of another which in habit it resembles. In England the oriental plane
does not grow freely north of the Trent; accordingly, farther north the
sycamore, which has a leaf that a casual observer might think similar, has
usurped the name of the plane. (b) In the case of the beech (Lat. fagus),
the corresponding Greek word φηγός does not mean beech but oak, or
possibly, if one may judge from the magnificent trees of north-west
Greece, the chestnut. It has been suggested that the word is connected
with the verb φαγεῖν to eat, so that it was originally the tree with edible
fruit and could thus be specialized in different senses in different areas. If,
however, Bartholomae’s connexion of the Kurd būz, “elm” (Idg.
Forschungen, ix. 271) be correct, there can be no relation between φαγεῖν
and φηγός, but the latter comes from a root *bhāuḡ, in which the g would
become z among the satem languages. The birch is a more widely spread
tree than the beech, growing as luxuriantly in the Himalayas as in western
Europe, but notwithstanding, the Latin fraxinus, which is almost certainly
of the same origin, means not birch but ash, while the word akin to ash
(Gr. ὀξύη) appears in Latin without the k suffix as os- in Latin ornus,
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