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A Social and Economic History of the
Theatre to 300 BC
Volume II: Theatre beyond Athens
This is the second volume of A Social and Economic History of the Theatre to
300 BC and focuses exclusively on theatre culture in Attica (Rural Dionysia)
and the rest of the Greek world. It presents and discusses in detail all the doc-
umentary and material evidence for theatre culture and dramatic production
300 BC. The traditional assumption is laid to rest that theatre was an exclu-
-
formation for theatrical performances in twenty-three deme sites and over one
hundred and twenty independent Greek (and some non-Greek) cities. All texts
are translated and made accessible to non-specialists and specialists alike. The
volume will be a fundamental work of reference for all classicists and theatre
historians interested in ancient theatre and its wider historical contexts.
ER I C C S A P O
University of Sydney
PET E R W I L S O N
University of Sydney
Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
www.cambridge.org
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
bibliographical references and index. Contents: – v. 2. Theatre beyond Athens: documents with translation
accurate or appropriate.
Contents
I Euonymon 112
L Halimous 133
Q Marathon 192
S Oa 202
T Paiania 204
U Phlya 207
W Rhamnus 234
X Sphettos 247
xv. Agyrion
xvi. Leontini 390
xvii. Messana 391
393
xi. Mantinea
xii. Megalopolis
xiii. Tegea
xiv. Orchomenos
xv. Phigaleia
Contents ix
Introduction
xiii. Abdera
xiv. Maroneia
D. Aegean Islands
Introduction
i. Andros
iii. Chios
iv. Cos
v. Cythera
vi. Delos
vii. Euboea: Eretria
viii. Lemnos
ix. Lesbos
x. Naxos
xi. Rhodes
xii. Salamis
xiii. Samos 703
xiv. Siphnos 710
xv. Tenos 714
xvi. Thasos
E. Asia Minor (including Cyprus) 727
Introduction 727
i. Abydos 737
ii. Ilium
iii. Scepsis 744
iv. Aeolis (Region) and Cyme 749
v. Phocaea
vi. Erythrae
vii. Priene
x Contents
viii. Caria
ix. Halicarnassus
Introduction
i. Byzantium 779
ii. Olbia
iii. Cimmerian Bosporus
iv. Heraclea Pontica
G. Africa 791
Introduction 791
i. Cyrene 792
Bibliography
General Index
Museum Index 913
Index Locorum 920
Epigraphical Index 931
III
A Introduction Map of Attica with deme theatres and Dionysia. Drawing:
A. Dusting. See also Colour Plate 1. page 2
B Introduction Plan of the Acharnae theatre. Drawing: A. Dusting after
Bi
Div
Ei
J
Kii
Mvi
Mvi
xi
xii List of Illustrations
Mxi Two-sided relief depicting deities and a chorus with a goat. Photo:
W Introduction
Y Introduction
IV
A Introduction Theatre sites in West Greece. Drawing: A. Dusting. See also
Avii
Axiii
Axviii
Axix
Axxiv Apulian
Axxv
Bxi
Bxii
Ciii
Dvi
Dvii Overview of Eretria theatre and sanctuary from north-east. Photo:
Dxi
xiv List of Illustrations
Dxii Choreut grave relief. Piraeus Museum 4229 (ex Salamis Museum 74).
Dxvi
Dxvi
Theatre beyond Athens is the second volume of A Social and Economic History of the
Theatre to 300 BC
Athenian theatre festivals. Volume 3 deals with the people who participated in or patron-
ised theatre. Theatre beyond Athens
the evidence for theatre outside the city of Athens from the Late Archaic to the Early
Attica and Part IV examines theatre culture in the central and eastern Mediterranean and
Black Sea.
-
volume were a matter of general disinterest and neglect. The Rural Dionysia attracted some
-
of drama in the Dionysian ‘vegetation rites’ of the Attic countryside. If rural Attica was
purpose of this volume is to make that evidence known and explore its implications.
In this volume there is little connection with the great tradition of ancient theatre history
that leads from Wilhelm Becker’s Charicles -
rial Lehrbuch der griechischen Bühnenalterthümer
Arthur Pickard-Cambridge’s Dramatic Festivals of Athens
and promulgated the extreme Athenocentrism that marks theatre history up to the very
end of the twentieth century. The idea of writing Classical theatre history outside Athens
was a provocative idea up to and even long after Pat Easterling’s seminal study of 1994
groundbreaking 1999 essay ‘Spreading the Word through Performance’. The major land-
Why Athens? -
Theater Outside
Athens
the Greek West. Since 2014 the spread of theatre has become a major focus of scholar-
ly research: that year saw the publication of Vahtikhari’s Tragedy Performances Outside
Athens in the Late Fifth and Fourth Centuries
architecture. This volume includes all regions that have produced certain or plausible ev-
popularly as ‘circular choruses’ and ‘dithyrambs’. In order to avoid adopting and perpetu-
-
tional performance of any sort. We attempt to give a full account of the character of theatre
to identify broader regional and transregional trends. Though we hope we do this well
is to lay a foundation for the institutional history of theatre in its own right. The lodestar
state the evidence fully enough to enable the reader to judge for himself the value of the
Dramatic Festivals of Athens). We
-
withal to disagree with our conclusions. We have therefore been more scrupulous even than
Pickard-Cambridge in presenting the evidence. While Pickard-Cambridge often included
(with relevant context) at the very beginning of each discussion. This is true not only of
-
tant artefacts or site plans. In the case of texts we have taken care to make use of the newest
and provided in a critical apparatus any alternative readings that might be of theatre-his-
Preface xvii
the evidence’s irrelevance. In this way we attempt to give as close an impression as possi-
ble of the nature and limitations of the evidence itself before embarking on a discussion of
its historical value.
In the twelve years we have spent on this volume we have acquired an enormous in-
and the Epigraphical Museum in Athens. We thank Michael Sharp for his patient support
-
verting our typescript into a book.
Cross-References and Conventions
Cross-References
The internal cross-references are always given in boldface and follow the sequence: I Ai
1a -
-
sequence not all parts of the sequence appear in every reference. To avoid such lengthy
in the same Part and abbreviate more radically where the cross-reference is in the same
Segment or Subsegment.
The roman numeral in upper case refers to the major divisions of the work: they are the
Volume 1: I Dionysia II
Volume 2: III Attica IV Beyond Attica
Volume 3: V Performers VI Political Patrons
Part. The Sections are deme locations in Part III IV. The last
three elements of the cross-reference are used only as required. Thus III X refers to the
III Yi
Thorikos. Within Part III these documents will be referenced simply as X and Yi. Where
X may refer also to the commentary.
The Sections of Part IV are regional subdivisions.
A West Greece (Italy and Sicily)
B
C
D Aegean Islands
E Asia Minor (including Cyprus)
F Black Sea
G Africa
A reference to IV D is to the Section Introduction or the whole Section. The lower case
can sometimes be broken into several Segments). As above we have used further subdivi-
sion only where necessary. IV Div takes you immediately to the one document we have
IV Dxi
xviii
Cross-References and Conventions xix
1. As above the IV is omitted where the cross-reference is to the same Part. Within each
subsection (e.g. Dxi) the documents are internally referenced by the numeral. In this vol-
ume further subdivision by lower case letter almost never occurs. The system is easier in
practice than this detailed explanation makes it sound.
The abbreviations we use for Greek authors are those found in A Greek–English Lexicon
for the plays of Aristophanes that can be translated with an English monosyllable (Knights
Wasps Clouds Peace Birds Wealth) and the Laws and Republic (abbreviated Rep.)
of Plato. Der Kleine Pauly, Lexikon der
Antike . American Journal
of Archaeology
used in L’Année Philologique. Other abbreviations are given at the beginning of the
Bibliography at the back of this volume.
Conventions
All dates are BC except where indicated otherwise or where blatantly obvious. We have
only added BC for dates in the last decade of the ancient era (9–1 BC) in the belief that such
redundancy is helpful for signalling that the single digits stand for year-dates.
The names of ancient Greek persons and places well enough known to receive a heading
in the Oxford Classical Dictionary 3rd edn by S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (Oxford
(not Tarentum).
-
this practice even in this volume. Thus ‘Theatre (of Dionysus)’ is the theatre building in
Dionysian pompe
PA RT I I I
AT T I C A
A General
Introduction
The festivals for Dionysus held by the Attic demes in the month of Posideon (late
December: Aiii Rii Y Introduction) are known generally to modern scholarship and
τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς Διονύσια (Ai Aiv Oi I
Ai 1a Rep AB δ
phrase is likely also to have depended to some extent on a distinction with the pre-exist-
ing name of ‘the Dionysia in the City’ τὰ Διονύσια τὰ ἐν ἄστει
-
ly on the nostalgic image of the lost ways and pleasures of a settled country life enjoyed by
the successful conduct of the Dionysia in that deme with an abundance of crops ‘by means
of the Ikarian komos’ (Mx).
The Dionysus of the deme Dionysia is remarkably bare of any of the idiosyncrasy in
epithet or cult practice more generally characteristic of the demes and well attested by their
Av
particularised cults of Dionysus in the demes – for instance Dionysus Anthios in Aixone
(D R) and Phlya (U Melpomenos and in Acharnae (B) – but in no
case is there any attested connection to the deme’s Dionysia. There is a possibility that
the god of the Rhamnus Dionysia was Lenaios W Introduction
3
4 III A General
Wiv
him with Dionysus Eleuthereus (god of the City Dionysia: I Aiii 4) and some suggestive
of the opposite. A tradition of uncertain date relating to Ikarion pointedly places the visit
of Dionysus to Icarius earlier in time than the introduction of the image of Dionysus from
Eleutherae to Athens by Pegasos (M Introduction I Aiv 2). That implies an effort to claim
certainly need not represent a response to a pre-existing assimilation between the god of
polis priesthood of Dionysus in Piraeus was held along with that of Dionysus Eleuthereus
in the Athenian cult: Viii
the same Dionysus Eleuthereus as resided in the Athenian Sanctuary: I Aiii 1). There are
also signs that an aetiological account was developed in the fourth century which derived
not only the knowledge of viticulture and viniculture but the worship of Dionysus with
drama from the missionary journey of Icarius around Attica (Aiii M Introduction Y
Introduction I Aiv 21 I Avii 3).
relatively recent introduction of his cult. It seems likely that demes which did not have a
Dionysus may have taken place include Eleusis (H (X) and possibly Halimous
(L
Araphenides Dionysus may have been woven into the mythical and physical topography
of the place long associated with Artemis (Kii G). We might envisage a similar
development in Ikarion
Apollo Pythios itself was immediately adjacent to the temple of
Apollo rather than that of Dionysus (M Introduction Mi).
Every deme that held a Dionysia will probably have had a priest who administered the
to Dionysus in the context of the
local festival (Hvii). Priestesses of Dionysus are as well attested in the demes as their male
counterparts (SEG Δ SEG
FGrH
Oenomaus’ (Oiii
and Sokrates as a player of third parts’ (Ov Oiv) ‘col-
Ov). Demosthenes
grossly exaggerates the ‘rural’ character of the Dionysia at which Aeschines competed.
The extent of his misrepresentation is clearest from the fact that the one festival he men-
. This was held not only within the City walls but quite
possibly in the Theatre of Dionysus
from anywhere in this urban deme (O). Demosthenes’ casual and polemical insinuation of
boorish rusticity has nonetheless stuck. The fact that we possess only one Classical text of
(Ai
then available within the context of his comprehensive study of deme life. The corpus has
number of contributions to a more thorough and sympathetic analysis of the material have
on the epigraphic evidence for the cult of Dionysus in Attica) and monographs devoted to
Acharnians passage
(Ai Aiv Aii I Ai 1a
Aiii Av
Dionysia in Piraeus
the city of Athens: V). The fact that deme theatres have been discovered by sheer accident
as recently as 1993 (Halimous L) and 2007 (Acharnae B -
ence of a dramatic festival in a deme can depend on the evidence of a single fragmentary
inscription (e.g. C P T J S X
present evidence are with certainty or strong likelihood attested as having held theatrical
performances is virtually certain to be much lower than the total that actually did so. In
places where drama is attested but not a Dionysia we can be fairly sure that the context
demes in any other festival context than for Dionysus.
the deme. Neither Salamis nor Oropus was ever incorporated into the Attic deme system.
IV Dxii and
IV Ci.
notably small bouleutic quota of 2. We argue (Ai) that the inclusion of this as a deme
and
Erchia all had cults of Dionysus but none at present has provided explicit evidence for
in the northern Mesogaia
SEG
The case of neighbouring Gargettos (bouleutic quota 4) is more suggestive. We know
place where public documents were erected (SEG ἐν τῶι τοῦ Διονύσου
τεμένει Γαργηττοῖ
post-Dionysia assembly was held in the city: I Aix 1). While this is good evidence for some
form of recognition of Dionysus’ City festival at the deme level (and something similar
may have happened in Marathon: Q
Ε
22–7). The latter could conceivably be ‘part of the local celebration for the Rural Dionysia’
one would have to ask why on this theory the calendar ignores the principal deity. Given
-
pear in it because they were provided separately by choregoi. The string of hypotheses is
however long and fragile.
Athmonon Amarysia or
Dionysia by ca.
Eleusis th
tragedy and comedy th
c.
half 4th c. (I) th
c. (I)
likely
Halimous Partially excavated (A) 4th c.
Ikarion Dionysia by ca. 4th th
c.
-
erly excavated
Possibly seen in 17th c. ? 4th c.
Dionysia by ca. comedy and tragedy
4th c.
Lamptrai Dionysia by ca. mid 4th c.
in Ikarion
Avi M Introduction).
III A Introduction 9
The theory appears to have been forged by local Attic historians and publicists such as
Phanodemus or Philochorus in accord with a broader Lycurgan policy of cultural and eco-
-
tre was becoming less and less exclusively VI
I). It is clear that the choice of Ikarion as the ‘birthplace’ of drama was determined in large
part by the existence of a genuinely old tradition of dramatic performance and Dionysiac
to Pisistratid promotion (M Introduction). But the earliest evidence for drama in Ikarion
Miii). This happens to coincide with the most recent stratigraphic
(Y Introduction
for drama begins some four decades later.
and Anagyrous at points on or near the western coast and easily accessible to the city and
one another by road. The pattern is at least suggestive of a progressive development by
practical aspects involved in timetabling these many Dionysia in the month of Posideon
are considered in Aiii.
The demes known to have celebrated a Dionysia with drama are well above the average
half of all demes (and is another argument against Cholleidai is the only
deme with a bouleutic quota of 3 or less (it was 3) known to have celebrated the festival
(N
Dionysus.
10 III A General
The size of some deme theatres – with capacities very much larger than for audiences
slaves: Ai Aiv I V Y) – has prompted the further suggestion that they sought to attract
audiences from beyond their membership.
Aiii 1).
Plato’s choice of words indicates that revenue from the sale of seats at deme Dionysia is
anticipated (on seat-sales: Bvi V Introduction Vvi
-
of
deme Dionysia no doubt enabled performers to move from one to another during the busy
to do so.
Under these circumstances it is a reasonable hypothesis that smaller demes adjacent
to large ones with established theatrical Dionysia would attend – and perhaps participate
more fully in – that of the latter (M Introduction for possible involvement as performers
tiny Plotheia -
(L) most clearly disrupts
pride and tradition. Halimous had its own theatre in close proximity to that of its much
larger neighbour Euonymon (I
(D J) and Anagyrous (E) follow in
sequence on the same southerly road. The concentration of Dionysia in the Mesogaia is
also noteworthy (X). Some have argued that demes possessed of substantial theatres may
item of evidence to this effect as faulty (R) and the other as at best unproven (Q
does not strike the idea down in principle. The city may have sought to maximise the re-
-
Y Introduction). Meetings
of the deme assembly are more likely to have taken place in the theatre than in the agora
for their assembly meetings. The fact that these theatres were far larger than required to
III A Introduction 11
accommodate the entire population of demesmen has prompted the theory that they also
served the needs of political units larger than the deme itself: the Cleisthenic tribes (Ober
for their
the trittys (Paga 2010). The case for both of these propositions is entirely hypothetical and
there is no positive evidence for Paga’s further suggestion that Dionysia themselves may
2017b).
Some of the funds needed to run a costly Dionysia with theatrical performances were
VH
liturgies in that deme (and probably others) around the middle of the fourth century. These
were in other words hardly men of humble means. But more important is their preference
. In
-
one should also not underestimate the greater opportunities for shaming that existed in the
smaller community of the deme. If an average deme had only some half-dozen families of
-
local liturgical obligation could be laid will have been small indeed. Little wonder then that
the liturgical funding of deme theatre sometimes gives the impression of being bankrolled
12 III A General
identify – and devise a special name for – ‘men who have not been a choregos before’
(ἀχορέγετοι Miii
(I Bi 5) was initially designed at the local level: the earliest direct reference to the practice
Miii). Its most salient feature is the way it transfers to the
rich themselves the delicate business of distinguishing between the current levels of wealth
That problem will have been
all the more acute in a small community.
undertaken by singletons (Bii Ei Eii Hiv Hix J Miv Mv Mviii T Wii Wiii Yi in-
cluding the exceptional Hii Biii A Biii B Hi Miii Mvi
groups of three men (Bv C Mvii Mix Yiv). While a high degree of collaboration among
more than half of known choregiai being the work of singletons. The word synchoregia is
never used in connection with deme Dionysia in the sources and should be avoided (we
only at the City Dionysia of
I D).
There are good reasons to believe that one of the ‘triple’ choregiai attested from Thorikos
(Yiv
at the Dionysia (Y Introduction Yii Yiv). This is something rather different from the usu-
al understanding of synchoregia – namely a plurality of choregoi preparing a single com-
petitive performance – for in Thorikos a plurality of choregoi join to prepare a plurality of
Thorikos in Yi). In seven cases a family relation between multiple choregoi is certain or
highly likely (Biii A Biii B C Mvii Mix Yiv
some see a joint choregia here) of Eii assumes it as normative that his father should also
serve as choregos. In two of these cases a father works with two of his sons (C Mvii).
Collaboration between members of the same family cannot be explained by economic ne-
(DFA2
household. The two choregoi honoured in Halai Araphenides by Ki are probably the com-
At Aixone there were it seems ordinarily two choregoi each year (D Introduction). We
cannot tell whether they worked as singletons or as a pair to fund the comedies favoured by
does not prove it. Probably it was in general up to an individual who accepted a choregia to
decide whether to enlist further partners from or beyond his family to assist and to share the
glory. Thus there are likely to be cases where there is a discrepancy between the number of
men contributing to choregiai and the number of choregoi formally appointed by the deme.
In Ikarion two choregoi seems to have been a long-term norm. But this is a deme that has
left examples of dedications by choregic singletons (Miv Mv Mviii Miii Mvi)
and triples (Mvii Mix). At least one deme – Thorikos – appears to have kept and inscribed
III A Introduction 13
in its theatre a public record of its past choregoi (Yiii). This creation of an ‘honour roll’ will
doubtless have been designed in part pour encourager les autres
known attempt to do the same in the city of Athens by nearly a century.
other signs of the considerable ingenuity applied to ensuring that theatrical festivals
were adequately funded. In Ikarion substantial deme funds may have been deployed as
interest-bearing loans to provide choregoi with the necessary liquidity to serve (Mii). The
Eleusinians
leverage the great symbolic resources of their locale and attract funds and know-how to
their theatre from outsiders (Hii
100 drachmas imposed on demarchs who fail to summon an honorand and his descendants
to their seat of honour (Hvii
Dionysia by the Ikarieis (Miii). In Acharnae the theatre was leased out to fund an annual
Bvi). A leasing arrangement was also important in
Piraeus -
thorities involved private enterprise to make sure that the material infrastructure of their
Vvi).
The fundamental architecture of a deme Dionysia consisted of parade (pompe
(Ai Av Bvii 2 Di H Introduction Hvii Mxi V Introduction Viii X Y Introduction)
and agon (Bvii 2
in Athens was in overall charge of the City Dionysia (I Bi). A man named Nikon from
Acharnae (Bvii
Di Diii Div).
It is impossible to describe in any detail the programme of performances at a single deme
most festivals really did have serious programmes of drama. The presence of choregic sys-
tems implies a degree of (desired) predictability and regularity of funding. It is also clear
that there was no single or dominant model. Demes evidently did not try to reproduce the
full suite of events at the City Dionysia (with the possible exception of exceptional Piraeus:
and comedy (J Mv
of men and boys that featured prominently in the
city (Bii Biii Hii Vii): the only certain cases for the latter are Acharnae and Piraeus
the large population size of both demes is very likely to be part of the picture. It is also
between Dionysiac choruses named komoi (Biv). Given the great preponderance of tragedy
have been dramatic. We know of some seven demes that staged both tragedy and comedy
(E H K O V Y B
Thorikos
regularity. On the other hand a number of demes show signs of having specialised in either
tragedy (Ikarion) or comedy – so it seems in Aixone -
tested and its special prominence is suggested by the fact that honours are to be proclaimed
‘during the Dionysia at the comedies held at Aixone’ (Diii).
The Dionysia in Piraeus -
tiny minority in a town with a population estimated as equal to that of the city of Athens.
The Piraeus Dionysia may in effect have been a kind of metic Dionysia for the town of
Piraeus. By the second century at least it reproduced the unusual double processional struc-
ture of the City Dionysia (I Aiii–iv eisagoge or ‘Introduction’ of the god
City Dionysia. In around 330 Lycurgus added to a programme that already featured trag-
edy and comedy a contest in the ‘circular’ chorus
contestants. Taken together the evidence suggests an effort to mimic the full programme of
the City Dionysia (V Introduction).
We hear of a contest (agon)
declare themselves victors (Bii Bv Bvii 2 C Eii H Introduction Hi Hix J Miv
Mvii Mviii Mix Mx T Vi Vii Vv). The city’s competitive format was thus apparently
M Introduction
Mx Ki) and Aixone (D Introduction
two choregoi in the race. What if any material prizes were awarded is unclear and was
doubtless open to variation at the wishes of each deme. The fact that some victorious
choregoi dedicated ‘infrastructure’ items like altars (C) suggests that victors sometimes
took on the extra burden – and honour – of commissioning permanent objects to celebrate
their victory and assist the cult of the god in their deme. The tripods dedicated in the fourth
century on a choregic monument for comedy from Eleusis (Hiv Hix W Introduction)
and on another for tragedy in Ikarion (Mviii Mvii
but are ‘quoting’ the symbols of Dionysiac success long established by the award and
dedication of tripods at the City Dionysia (note also the ex-voto choregic dedication from
Thorikos: Yi). A distinctive feature of choregic monuments from the demes is the manner
in which they describe themselves as ‘dedications’ (ἀναθήματα) to Dionysus with a con-
sistency and explicitness equal to that with which the monuments from the city avoid the
alongside the primary contests that have been largely or entirely lost to our vision. One that
is sometimes thought to have been especially characteristic of deme Dionysia is a game
known in later times as askoliasmos. A fragment of Eubulus suggests that some such ac-
agenda of the meeting in Myrrhinous certainly treated more than ‘business concerning the
Dionysia’ (Rii
meetings of that deme’s assembly. Demarchs were responsible for making distributions of
theoric money
assembly (I C
in many ways have been an ideal occasion for distributing theoric money for the City
The entrenched idea that deme theatre was second-rate can be countered at a number of
levels. One is to point to the demonstrated ingenuity and inventiveness in the administration
is to consider the quality of the attested performers. Much of the relevant evidence was
and Aristophanes produced their
work in person in the deme of Eleusis (Hi Ai and B Introduction
Euripides down in Anagyrous either very early in or towards the end of his career (Ei
well as in the Piraeus Vi
III A General
Aristodemos Oenomaus at
– also performed
around the middle
of the century and was remembered long after for his legendary powers of mimesis (Oi).
two of the greats of the generation of comic pioneers prior to Aristophanes – Ecphantides
and Cratinus -
Telepheia (J
of a scale and ambition that is likely to have been much more common than our patchy
evidence reveals.
-
ductions in the demes. Plato (Aiii) refers to the Dionysia in general terms using chorocen-
tric language and we can identify an apparent effort on the part of a number of demes to
ensure that their tragic choruses
the city (contra Miii) may suggest that around 440
Mxi might indicate that that was still a norm a century later. A dedication from Anagyrous
Ei) and a choregic relief from Sphettos
(V F X) suggest that this norm also prevailed in those demes. The
plausible hypothesis that the choruses of deme performances were recruited locally
(Ei
Miii from Ikarion points in the same direction). Performance at deme Dionysia is thus very
a network through which choregoi for city festivals could inform themselves of the best
reasonable to suppose that what we see is the tip of an iceberg. There are grounds for
-
atively stable market to feed the nascent theatrical professions. They were probably also
important to the early formation of a dramatic canon. And they are very likely to have been
of a vigorous culture of theatrical production at deme Dionysia is the best way to explain
argue that works cannot have received their premiere performances there. Probably the
most compelling case is the Oenomaus
Oii–iv). Demosthenes
tells us that Aeschines performed as Creon in Sophocles’ Antigone
Kresphontes of Euripides (O). We do not know at
the City Dionysia or Lenaea. This would be especially intelligible for poets early in their
-
would
draw on a network of gossip from the demes to seek out promising new talent. Given the
.
-
not entirely. It persists in three demes with powerful identities and appears to stage a reap-
pearance in a fourth – Acharnae – in the Roman period (SEG B Introduction). In
Piraeus
Vv
(V Introduction). Eleusis has left evidence for the activity of its fes-
tival in the third and second centuries. In the last quarter of the third century a Hierophant
is honoured ‘at the traditional Διονυσίων
τῶι πατρίωι ἀγῶνι Ἐλευσῖνι ἐν τῶι θεάτρωι IE
some two centuries old (further evidence in V Introduction
Eleusinian demarch was honoured for the efforts he devoted to what was evidently still
and …
choregia to agonothesia
VI
fourth century. The change in the city is traditionally thought to be the result of the reforms
of Demetrius of Phaleron
307 (VI K
was
entirely abolished or abandoned in the demes is open to serious doubt. We have unambig-
uous evidence that in Aixone choregoi Dii) and quite possibly
continued to be so in 312 (Diii and Div Iii). In 314 the festival in Acharnae
III Ai 19
impact of Demetrius (Bvii 2). It is even possible that the city appointed a general overseer
(epimeletes) of all Athenian Dionysia whose presence may have threatened the independ-
in
out of deme Dionysia from the picture is better explained by the overall conditions of life in
of the countryside. These factors put enormous strain on the human and material capacities
-
es of the demes – will have been highly sensitive to them. The numerous sling projectiles
found in the Euonymon theatre are a stark testament to the role that war played in its aban-
donment by the mid third century (I Introduction -
pered. Many of them offered better opportunities for performers at festivals outside Attica.
which would require ‘seventh’). The reference in l. 270 to ‘Lamachuses’ is to the general
Lamachus
ἐγὼ
δὲ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἄξω τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς εἰσιὼν Διονύσια (ll. 201–2) –
εἰσιὼν
exit into the stage building at that point to denote departure to his home deme. Dikaiopolis
Dikaiopolis Chorus
-
240
Dikaiopolis
(kanephoros). May Xanthias keep the phallos
Daughter
Dikaiopolis
and make the sac-
may I with good fortune conduct the Rural
270
and
DFA2
are moderated by the dramatic need for a rapid sketch of the festival that can be readily
assimilated by the audience. Comic inversion applies in the idea of a festival held exclu-
the whole community. The resulting generic sketch indicates both the complete familiarity
of the festival to the audience of the comedy and the likelihood that the scene captures its
effect of making the sketch much more modest and ‘homely’ than the reality.
as rudi-
mentary and unsophisticated affairs. The tendency (A Introduction) is exacerbated by the
habit of comparing this passage with one of Plutarch that describes how ‘in olden days’
‘the traditional festival of the Dionysia was a homely and merry parade’ ἡ πάτριος τῶν
Διονυσίων ἑορτὴ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐπέμπετο δημοτικῶς καὶ ἱλαρῶς (I Avii 2h for the full pas-
scholars that located the origins of tragedy within a rustic setting in Archaic Attica. Any
connection to actual practice at deme festivals in the historical period is highly attenuated
effect of Plutarch’s distorting and moralising nostalgia is to strip away any sign of the-
χρυσωμάτων
περιφερομένων καὶ ἱματίων πολυτελῶν καὶ ζευγῶν ἐλαυνομένων καὶ προσωπείων).
The centrality of the parade (pompe) to deme Dionysia emerges very clearly (Deubner
A Introduction). Dikaiopolis has his daughter process as Basket Bearer at
22 III A General
-
tures something of the way in which the members of a small number of wealthy families
Bearer
Dikaiopolis has been thought to represent ‘a body of revellers’ (DFA2
Av Bvii
2 Di H Introduction Hvii Mxi V Introduction Viii Vv X; Y Introduction). Parke
-
A more likely solution is that the cake is a preliminary offering only (note the verb
ἀπαρξώμεθα
thysia) is
-
Bvii 2
parade and the contests’ τῶν Διονυσίων καλῶ ς καὶ φ ιλοτίμως ἐπιμ ε μ έ λ ηνται τῆς τε
θυσίας τ ῶι Διονύσωι καὶ τῆς πομπῆς καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνο ς.
Dikaiopolis’ parade has a powerfully phallic character from the prominence given the
phallos-pole
was very probably a prominent feature of the parades of actual deme
Dionysia. There are hints of it in Halimous (L
festival there (Miii l. 33: φαλλ ικὸν ἄιδεν). The fragmentary remains of this decree may
also conceal a reference to the involvement of a chorus in its performance and we have
aired the possibility (M Introduction) that the small neighbouring deme of Plotheia may
have sent a phallic chorus to the Dionysia of its larger and more illustrious neighbour. The
fact that Dikaiopolis sings his song solo will be a consequence of the eccentric quality of
of the exarchos
III Ai 23
(ἐκποδών
parallels in the Dionysiac parade of Euripides’ Bacchae
aischrologia was characteristic of the type of phallic song to which Aristotle ascribed the
origins of comedy (Po DFA2
but it is hard to judge how much if any of its contents might have featured in a phallikon
sung at an actual deme festival. The emphasis on the pleasures of illicit sex and peace in
home in the local Dionysiac realm. The situation is similar in a passage of Aristophanes’
Peace
Opora) and Holiday (Theoria
-
sages of Euripidean verse’ ταύτης δ᾽ ὀπώρας ὑποδοχῆς Διονυσίων αὐλῶν τραγῳδῶν
Σοφοκλέους μελῶν κιχλῶν ἐπυλλίων Εὐριπίδου. While the reference to Dionysia here
treatment of guests at local festivals. As Trygaeus goes on to enumerate the further ‘scents
-
sibly viewed as a festival that promotes vegetative fertility at a time when it seems most
absent (A Introduction). This dynamic is made to serve the needs of the plot in both come-
cholos
χωλοὺς ποιεῖς ‘you create lame people’ – to the lame characters of Euripidean
to have begun his career as an actor (PCG T 2). The source for this fragment (play
unknown) is a Suda entry (δ 421: Δήμαρχοι ‘Demarchs’). It describes the demarchs of
Athens as successors to naukraroi Constitution
of Athens
property of debtors (οἷς ἐξῆν ἐνεχυράζειν
Ar. PCG
Pherecrates:’ (καὶ Φερεκράτης
deme by deme. These men used to arrange the festival of the Panathenaea’ (οἱ κατὰ
δῆμον ἄρχοντες. οὗτοι δὲ διεκόσμουν τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων). The last should
be a reference to the procession of the Panathenaea rather than the festival as a whole
(Sch. Ar. Clouds
-
march in connection with a chorus. A number of things are however more or less likely. The
demarch in question is said to have participated in a choral performance. A metaphorical
III Aii
use of the word ‘chorus’ here seems unlikely – such as the ‘chorus’ of sophists at Pl. Prt.
Euthd.
member of a (presumably local) chorus. Given the great preponderance of evidence for
we can tell. But while the Middle ὑπολύομαι can be used in the sense of ‘take off one’s
(PCG Cheiron οὐχ ὑπολύσεις σαυτόν; ‘Won’t you take off your
Whitehead’s second suggestion is that Pherecrates’ demarch was said to have ‘undone’
not his footwear but the dance itself (presumably involving something like the Homeric
Il
ὑπέλυσε μένος καὶ φαίδιμα γυῖα
police force in religious contexts. If the verb ὑπέλυσε is not corrupt (and no compelling
emendation has been offered) one would naturally take the chorus to be its object in this
way. But this further idea of a killjoy demarch shutting down a rowdy chorus is under-
-
choreia whose
very entry to the chorus ‘undid it’. But a perhaps preferable variant on this line of thinking
would be that the demarch had joined the chorus to get at someone in it who had a debt
connection between the quotation of the line by the Suda and the preceding information
-
tude to demarchs would also tally with that of the debt-ridden Strepsiades of Ar. Clouds
(δάκνει μὲ δήμαρχός τις ἐκ τῶν στρωμάτων ‘a demarch is biting me from the bedclothes’).
The Law of Euegoros th
I Avi 1) forbade anyone ‘either to dis-
Another line of interpretation is prompted by comparison with Ai and Miii. In the pri-
vate deme Dionysia organised by Dikaiopolis in the Acharnians
both plays the role of exarchos of that festival’s phallic chorus and also performs the func-
tions commonly discharged by the demarch in relation to the running of the festival as a
ες τὸν χορὸ̣ ν
by the demarch in organising the Dionysia (Miii). In a section to do with the phallic pa-
Aiii: The Date of Deme Dionysia and the Question of an Attic Theatrical Circuit.
1. Plato, Republic 475d.
philosophos
the ideas of those who love spectacles (philotheamones) and those who love to hear
new things (philekooi
-
ful appearances from those who are able to apprehend true beauty. Text: Slings.
καὶ ὁ Γλαύκων ἔφη· πολλοὶ ἄρα καὶ ἄτοποι ἔσονταί σοι τοιοῦτοι. οἵ τε γὰρ
φιλοθεάμονες πάντες ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τῷ καταμανθάνειν χαίροντες τοιοῦτοι
εἶναι, οἵ τε φιλήκοοι ἀτοπώτατοί τινές εἰσιν ὥς γ᾽ ἐν φιλοσόφοις τιθέναι·
οἳ πρὸς μὲν λόγους καὶ τοιαύτην διατριβὴν ἑκόντες οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοιεν ἐλθεῖν,
ὥσπερ δὲ ἀπομεμισθωκότες τὰ ὦτα ἐπακοῦσαι πάντων χορῶν περιθέουσι
τοῖς Διονυσίοις οὔτε τῶν κατὰ πόλεις οὔτε τῶν κατὰ κώμας ἀπολειπόμενοι.
Glaukon replied: ‘Then according to you they (sc. the philosophoi) will be a
philotheamones
and those who love to hear new things (philekooi) are a very strange lot to be
ranked among lovers of wisdom (philosophoi). They never willingly attend
which an expert in hoplite warfare who had won recognition in Sparta would naturally
use that reputation to earn money elsewhere with the practice of tragic poets in relation
to Athens. Text: Burnet.
… καὶ ὅτι παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἄν τις τιμηθεὶς εἰς ταῦτα καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων πλεῖστ᾽
ἂν ἐργάζοιτο χρήματα, ὥσπερ γε καὶ τραγῳδίας ποιητὴς παρ’ ἡμῖν τιμηθείς.
τοιγάρτοι ὃς ἂν οἴηται τραγῳδίαν καλῶς ποιεῖν, οὐκ ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ τὴν
Ἀττικὴν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐπιδεικνύμενος περιέρχεται, ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς
δεῦρο φέρεται καὶ τοῖσδ’ ἐπιδείκνυσιν εἰκότως.
Possibly καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις or καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις Taplin
… and that anybody who has achieved honour among them (sc. the Spartans)
tragedy does who has achieved honour among us. And so anyone who regards
around Attica (‘and’ with Taplin’s emendation) through the other cities putting
V Introduction
calendar of Thorikos
-
er in Posideon. But the need to book performers and ensure a large audience speaks against
this festival in the same month. The polis certainly appears to have taken cognisance of
Even when full account is taken of the negative bias in Demochares’ talk of Aeschines
and in Demosthenes’
derogatory accounts of this ‘rustic Oenomaus’ (O
III A General
other hand both the general sentiment and particular expression are not easily compatible
one might expect full cities rather than (even large) demes as the realistic potential rival
centres of patronage for aspiring tragic poets – indeed as much is implied by the economic
aspect of the argument here. And one possible interpretation of the expression (rendered
here with clumsy literalness) ‘travel around “outside” in a circuit around Attica through the
other cities’ ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ... περιέρχεται could
suggest a passage not just ‘outside’ the city centre of Athens but beyond the whole territory
of Attica (note also the repetition of κύκλῳ δὲ περιιόντας in the continued discussion at
περί with the accusative
can refer both to movement round about
ᾤκουν δὲ καὶ Φοίνικες περὶ πᾶσαν
μὲν τὴν Σικελίαν). The evidence of the historical context best suits a text that referred to
a theatrical circuit including cities proper beyond Attica but also the Attic demes. That is
καὶ before κατὰ: ‘travel around
abroad in a circuit around Attica and through the other cities’. We thus understand this
expression as speaking from a city perspective: the poet goes about putting on shows in a
is that it registers destinations in Attica and cities outside it as of equal standing from the
point of view of theatrical performance.
That solution also makes 2 more compatible with 1
the notion of a ‘circuit’ (in the verb περιθέουσι ‘run around’) of Dionysia so arranged as
to make it possible for the enthusiastic philotheamon to miss none (if he hurries). And the
combination – and contrast – of ‘cities’ πόλεις and ‘villages’ κώμας may mirror that im-
plicit in the reading of 2 suggested by Taplin. In that case the ‘circuit’ envisaged will not
chose this time of year for their (single) theatrical Dionysia (that includes even a number
Aiv a verb of circumambulation is
used with explicit – and exclusive – reference to the Rural Dionysia (Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρὸν
ἄγωσι περιιόντες).
Other important aspects of 1 have drawn less attention. Plato will not be attempting to
avoid anachronism by having Socrates stress the centrality of choruses (πάντων χορῶν) to
-
other item of evidence for the continued chorocentric view of drama in the fourth century.
III Aiv 29
Both passages are also important evidence for the economic dimension of theatre as it
spread through and beyond Attica. The roaming spectators of 1 are said to ‘rent out’ their
ἀπομισθοῦν τὰ
ὦτα ἀπομισθοῦν θέαν ‘to rent
out a seat for the spectacle’ (V A
describe what theatre managers did. And contracts of hire were also used by administrators
μισθόω ‘hire’ was used (I Bi 11). Plato’s language sub-
to commercial forces. Like a troupe of performers wandering from one paying community
It is clear that in 2 Plato has added the reference to teachers of military science making
money in other cities after being recognised by the Spartans not because they in fact did so
but because he is looking forward to the comparison with tragic poets. This amounts to a
-
matur of excellence in Athens.
The staggered timetable of deme Dionysia can thus be explained by a range of very
practical administrative and economic factors. It will have been essential in order to ensure
that performers in high demand and short supply could appear at more than one festival.
have required very careful timetabling. And it is clear that many demes not only opened
derived from their presence – both as fees for seats and as local consumers – to support
-
the passage of the Dionysiac troupe along the wintry roads of Attica may have been my-
thologised as retracing the footsteps and the mission of Icarius or of Dionysus himself (A
Introduction I Avii 2).
Aiv: Slaves at the Deme Dionysia: Plutarch, That One Cannot Live Pleasantly Following
Epicurus (Moralia) 1098b–c. Composed 1st c. AD. The dialogue is a Platonist attack on
the Epicurean view of pleasure as the highest good. This passage gives an example of
the lower bodily pleasures to be abhorred. Text: based on Pohlenz and Westman.
καὶ γὰρ οἱ θεράποντες ὅταν Κρόνια δειπνῶσιν ἢ Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρὸν ἄγωσι
περιιόντες, οὐκ ἂν αὐτῶν τὸν ὀλολυγμὸν ὑπομείναις καὶ τὸν θόρυβον, ὑπὸ
χαρμονῆς καὶ ἀπειροκαλίας τοιαῦτα ποιούντων καὶ φθεγγομένων·
the Rural Dionysia on a passage of Aristophanes’ Acharnians (Ai) is unfounded. There are
no verbal echoes and none of the details provided by Aristophanes are included that might
have enlivened the account and strengthened its argument (notably the special role of phal-
-
least busy period of the agricultural year. Plutarch stresses their direct participation in the
festival (indeed taken literally ἄγωσι implies a degree of agency in conducting the event)
and the slaves of Dikaiopolis participate in two key elements of his deme Dionysia: parade
(pompe) (Ar. Ach
Plutarch’s Platonism may go deeper in this passage. The statement that slaves at a rural
Dionysia experience pleasure and show ἀπειροκαλία ‘vulgarity’ or literally ‘inexperience
of tragedy as a kind of public speech whose proper addressees include slaves (Pl. Grg.
Av: Theoinia and Deme Dionysia: Harpocration, Lexicon of the Ten Orators s.v.
Θεοίνια (‘Theoinia’) (= Lycurg. fr. 7.3 Conomis). Harpocration of Alexandria’s (1st
or 2nd c. AD) Lexicon of the Ten Orators
of earlier sources. Harpocration or a prior source doubtless had access to the complete
speech of the mid fourth-century Athenian politician Lycurgus (VI I) delivered for one
of the two gene
the rites of Eleusis. Dinarchus appears to have spoken for the other side (Harp. s.v.
Ἐξούλης Ἱεροφάντης). Text: Conomis.
genos
TrGF
Collected Writings (FGrH
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