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A Social and Economic History of The Theatre To 300 BC Volume 2 Theatre Beyond Athens Documents With Translation and Commentary Eric Csapo Download

This document is the second volume of 'A Social and Economic History of the Theatre to 300 BC', focusing on theatre culture beyond Athens, including Attica and other Greek regions. It presents and translates documentary and material evidence for theatre culture and aims to challenge the traditional Athenocentric view of ancient theatre history. The volume serves as a comprehensive reference for classicists and theatre historians interested in the broader historical contexts of ancient theatre.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
32 views80 pages

A Social and Economic History of The Theatre To 300 BC Volume 2 Theatre Beyond Athens Documents With Translation and Commentary Eric Csapo Download

This document is the second volume of 'A Social and Economic History of the Theatre to 300 BC', focusing on theatre culture beyond Athens, including Attica and other Greek regions. It presents and translates documentary and material evidence for theatre culture and aims to challenge the traditional Athenocentric view of ancient theatre history. The volume serves as a comprehensive reference for classicists and theatre historians interested in the broader historical contexts of ancient theatre.

Uploaded by

venzlallem
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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A Social and Economic History of the
Theatre to 300 BC
Volume II: Theatre beyond Athens

This is the second volume of A Social and Economic History of the Theatre to
300 BC and focuses exclusively on theatre culture in Attica (Rural Dionysia)
and the rest of the Greek world. It presents and discusses in detail all the doc-
umentary and material evidence for theatre culture and dramatic production

300 BC. The traditional assumption is laid to rest that theatre was an exclu-
-
formation for theatrical performances in twenty-three deme sites and over one
hundred and twenty independent Greek (and some non-Greek) cities. All texts
are translated and made accessible to non-specialists and specialists alike. The
volume will be a fundamental work of reference for all classicists and theatre
historians interested in ancient theatre and its wider historical contexts.

Eric Csapo is Professor of Classics and Peter Wilson is William Ritchie


Professor of Classics in the Department of Classics and Ancient History at
the University of Sydney. They are leading experts on the early history of the
A
Social and Economic History of the Theatre to 300 BC, which will substan-
tially alter our understanding of the ancient theatre from its origin to the Early
Theatre Beyond Athens -
Greek Theatre
in the Fourth Century BC (2014) and are authors of Actors and Icons of the
Ancient Theatre The Athenian Institution of the Khoregia
A Social and Economic History
of the Theatre to 300 BC
V OLUM E II

Theatre beyond Athens: Documents with


Translation and Commentary

ER I C C S A P O
University of Sydney

PET E R W I L S O N
University of Sydney
Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of

www.cambridge.org

© Eric Csapo and Peter Wilson 2020


This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

no reproduction of any part may take place without the written


permission of Cambridge University Press.

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Title: A social and economic history of the theatre to 300 BC.

bibliographical references and index. Contents: – v. 2. Theatre beyond Athens: documents with translation

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy


of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication

accurate or appropriate.
Contents

List of Illustrations page xi


Preface xv
Cross-References and Conventions xviii

Part III: Attica 1


A General 3
B Acharnae 37
C Aigilia

I Euonymon 112

L Halimous 133

Q Marathon 192

S Oa 202
T Paiania 204
U Phlya 207

W Rhamnus 234
X Sphettos 247

Part IV: Beyond Attica


A West Greece 277
Introduction 277
i. The Theatre in Syracuse 293
ii. Aristoxenos of Selinus and Early Sicilian Iamboi 304
vii
viii Contents

iv. Phormis or Phormos 333


v. Deinolochos 342
vi. Phrynichus in Sicily
vii. A Lead Tablet from (?) Gela with a Curse against
Choragoi in a Local Competition
viii. The Architekton of the Theatre in Syracuse

x. Carcinus and Sicily

xv. Agyrion
xvi. Leontini 390
xvii. Messana 391
393

xx. Theatre Realistic Scene Showing a Tragic Performance 401


xxi. Taras 403
412
xxiii. Berlin Frogs
xxiv. ‘Boston Goose Play’
xxv. Scene from Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae 419
xxvi. Telephus Parody in Acharnians 424
xxvii. Phrynis and Pyronides
431
Introduction 431

vi. Phlious 474

ix. Spartan Theatres 494

xi. Mantinea
xii. Megalopolis
xiii. Tegea
xiv. Orchomenos
xv. Phigaleia
Contents ix

Introduction

ii. City of Thebes


iii. ‘Comic’ Vase from Cabirion
iv. Orchomenus in Boeotia
v. Thespiae
vi. Delphi
vii. Leucas
viii. Opous
ix. Magnesia and Thessaly

xiii. Abdera
xiv. Maroneia
D. Aegean Islands
Introduction
i. Andros

iii. Chios
iv. Cos
v. Cythera
vi. Delos
vii. Euboea: Eretria
viii. Lemnos
ix. Lesbos
x. Naxos
xi. Rhodes
xii. Salamis
xiii. Samos 703
xiv. Siphnos 710
xv. Tenos 714
xvi. Thasos
E. Asia Minor (including Cyprus) 727
Introduction 727
i. Abydos 737
ii. Ilium
iii. Scepsis 744
iv. Aeolis (Region) and Cyme 749
v. Phocaea
vi. Erythrae
vii. Priene
x Contents

viii. Caria
ix. Halicarnassus

Introduction
i. Byzantium 779
ii. Olbia
iii. Cimmerian Bosporus
iv. Heraclea Pontica
G. Africa 791
Introduction 791
i. Cyrene 792

Bibliography
General Index
Museum Index 913
Index Locorum 920
Epigraphical Index 931

A plate section can be found between pages 492 and 493


Illustrations

III
A Introduction Map of Attica with deme theatres and Dionysia. Drawing:
A. Dusting. See also Colour Plate 1. page 2
B Introduction Plan of the Acharnae theatre. Drawing: A. Dusting after

Bi

Div
Ei

Hi Choregic monument found in Eleusis of Gnathis and Anaxandrides.

I Introduction Plan of the theatre at Euonymon. Drawing: A. Dusting. 112


I Introduction

J
Kii

M Introduction Site plan of Ikarion. Drawing: A. Dusting. 137


Miii
Miv

Mv Choregic dedication with a relief depicting theatrical masks. Reproduced

Mvi

Mvi

Mix Drawing of choregic dedication in Ikarion in the form of a semicircular

Mix Choregic dedication in Ikarion in the form of a semicircular exedra.

xi
xii List of Illustrations

Mxi Two-sided relief depicting deities and a chorus with a goat. Photo:

W Introduction
Y Introduction

Y Introduction Drawing of prohedria at Thorikos by Hans R. Goette.

Yi Ex-voto dedication of a choregos from Thorikos.


Photo: Peter Wilson. Reproduced courtesy of the Ephoria of East

Yii Deme decree from Thorikos on the Administration of the Choregia.

IV
A Introduction Theatre sites in West Greece. Drawing: A. Dusting. See also

Avii

Axiii Monogram inscription from the theatre in Catane. Drawing: B. McCall

Axiii

Axviii

Axix

Beni Culturali e dell’Identità Siciliana. 399


Axx

e dell’Identità Siciliana – Polo Regionale di Gela e Caltanissetta e per i siti


culturali – Museo Archeologico di Caltanissetta. See also Colour Plate 10. 401
Axxii
24.97.104. See also Colour Plate 11. 413
Axxiii
List of Illustrations xiii

Axxiv Apulian

Axxv

Colour Plate 13. 420


Axxvi Apulian relief guttus.
Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo – Museo
Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli. 424
Axxvii

B Introduction Theatre sites in Central Greece. Drawing: A. Dusting. See


also Colour Plate 3. 430
Biv 3 Inscription on seat block of Corinthian theatre. Drawing: B. McCall

Biv 5 Inscription on seat block of Corinthian theatre. Drawing: B. McCall

Biv 6 Inscription on seat block of Corinthian theatre. Drawing: B. McCall

Biv 7 Two inscriptions on seat blocks of Corinthian theatre. Drawing: B.

Biv 8 Inscription on seat block of Corinthian theatre. Drawing: B. McCall

Bxi
Bxii

Ciii

D Introduction Theatre sites in eastern Aegean and Asia Minor. Drawing: A.

Dvi
Dvii Overview of Eretria theatre and sanctuary from north-east. Photo:

Dxi
xiv List of Illustrations

Dxii Choreut grave relief. Piraeus Museum 4229 (ex Salamis Museum 74).

Dxvi

Dxvi

F Introduction Theatre sites in the Black Sea and eastern Mediterranean.


Preface

Theatre beyond Athens is the second volume of A Social and Economic History of the
Theatre to 300 BC
Athenian theatre festivals. Volume 3 deals with the people who participated in or patron-
ised theatre. Theatre beyond Athens
the evidence for theatre outside the city of Athens from the Late Archaic to the Early

Attica and Part IV examines theatre culture in the central and eastern Mediterranean and
Black Sea.
-

volume were a matter of general disinterest and neglect. The Rural Dionysia attracted some
-

of drama in the Dionysian ‘vegetation rites’ of the Attic countryside. If rural Attica was

purpose of this volume is to make that evidence known and explore its implications.
In this volume there is little connection with the great tradition of ancient theatre history
that leads from Wilhelm Becker’s Charicles -
rial Lehrbuch der griechischen Bühnenalterthümer
Arthur Pickard-Cambridge’s Dramatic Festivals of Athens
and promulgated the extreme Athenocentrism that marks theatre history up to the very
end of the twentieth century. The idea of writing Classical theatre history outside Athens
was a provocative idea up to and even long after Pat Easterling’s seminal study of 1994

groundbreaking 1999 essay ‘Spreading the Word through Performance’. The major land-
Why Athens? -
Theater Outside
Athens
the Greek West. Since 2014 the spread of theatre has become a major focus of scholar-
ly research: that year saw the publication of Vahtikhari’s Tragedy Performances Outside
Athens in the Late Fifth and Fourth Centuries

Greek Theatre in the Fourth Century BC.


Without attempting to give an exhaustive scholarly background (for which see the intro-
duction to Greek Theatre in the Fourth Century BC
xv
xvi Preface

as we write this Edmund Stewart’s Greek Tragedy on the Move


Hans Peter Isler’s Antike Theaterbauten: Ein Handbuch and Anne Duncan’s Tyranny and
Theater in the Ancient World
Greek Theatre and Performance Culture around the Ancient Black Sea is in preparation.
Scholarship in this area is evolving so quickly that we found it a full-time occupation just
to keep up with developments related to our topic.
This volume differs from the above-mentioned in scope and comprehensiveness. With
-

architecture. This volume includes all regions that have produced certain or plausible ev-

popularly as ‘circular choruses’ and ‘dithyrambs’. In order to avoid adopting and perpetu-

-
tional performance of any sort. We attempt to give a full account of the character of theatre

to identify broader regional and transregional trends. Though we hope we do this well

is to lay a foundation for the institutional history of theatre in its own right. The lodestar

by an equally static vision of a Hellenistic theatre that is ubiquitously Greek. We hope to

theatre history is not really possible.

state the evidence fully enough to enable the reader to judge for himself the value of the
Dramatic Festivals of Athens). We
-
withal to disagree with our conclusions. We have therefore been more scrupulous even than
Pickard-Cambridge in presenting the evidence. While Pickard-Cambridge often included

(with relevant context) at the very beginning of each discussion. This is true not only of
-
tant artefacts or site plans. In the case of texts we have taken care to make use of the newest

and provided in a critical apparatus any alternative readings that might be of theatre-his-
Preface xvii

At times we have included evidence that we believe wrongly contributed to conclusions

the evidence’s irrelevance. In this way we attempt to give as close an impression as possi-
ble of the nature and limitations of the evidence itself before embarking on a discussion of
its historical value.
In the twelve years we have spent on this volume we have acquired an enormous in-

and the Epigraphical Museum in Athens. We thank Michael Sharp for his patient support
-
verting our typescript into a book.
Cross-References and Conventions

Cross-References
The internal cross-references are always given in boldface and follow the sequence: I Ai
1a -
-

sequence not all parts of the sequence appear in every reference. To avoid such lengthy

in the same Part and abbreviate more radically where the cross-reference is in the same
Segment or Subsegment.
The roman numeral in upper case refers to the major divisions of the work: they are the

Volume 1: I Dionysia II
Volume 2: III Attica IV Beyond Attica
Volume 3: V Performers VI Political Patrons

Part. The Sections are deme locations in Part III IV. The last
three elements of the cross-reference are used only as required. Thus III X refers to the
III Yi
Thorikos. Within Part III these documents will be referenced simply as X and Yi. Where
X may refer also to the commentary.
The Sections of Part IV are regional subdivisions.
A West Greece (Italy and Sicily)
B
C
D Aegean Islands
E Asia Minor (including Cyprus)
F Black Sea
G Africa
A reference to IV D is to the Section Introduction or the whole Section. The lower case

can sometimes be broken into several Segments). As above we have used further subdivi-
sion only where necessary. IV Div takes you immediately to the one document we have
IV Dxi

xviii
Cross-References and Conventions xix

1. As above the IV is omitted where the cross-reference is to the same Part. Within each
subsection (e.g. Dxi) the documents are internally referenced by the numeral. In this vol-
ume further subdivision by lower case letter almost never occurs. The system is easier in
practice than this detailed explanation makes it sound.
The abbreviations we use for Greek authors are those found in A Greek–English Lexicon

for the plays of Aristophanes that can be translated with an English monosyllable (Knights
Wasps Clouds Peace Birds Wealth) and the Laws and Republic (abbreviated Rep.)
of Plato. Der Kleine Pauly, Lexikon der
Antike . American Journal
of Archaeology
used in L’Année Philologique. Other abbreviations are given at the beginning of the
Bibliography at the back of this volume.

Conventions
All dates are BC except where indicated otherwise or where blatantly obvious. We have
only added BC for dates in the last decade of the ancient era (9–1 BC) in the belief that such
redundancy is helpful for signalling that the single digits stand for year-dates.
The names of ancient Greek persons and places well enough known to receive a heading
in the Oxford Classical Dictionary 3rd edn by S. Hornblower and A. Spawforth (Oxford

according to more standard modern conventions (κ χ υ = y). Thus ‘Socrates’ is

(not Tarentum).
-

this practice even in this volume. Thus ‘Theatre (of Dionysus)’ is the theatre building in

Dionysian pompe
PA RT I I I

AT T I C A
A General

Introduction
The festivals for Dionysus held by the Attic demes in the month of Posideon (late
December: Aiii Rii Y Introduction) are known generally to modern scholarship and
τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς Διονύσια (Ai Aiv Oi I
Ai 1a Rep AB δ

τὰ κατ’ ἀγρούς Ai) and it has been plausibly suggested

phrase is likely also to have depended to some extent on a distinction with the pre-exist-
ing name of ‘the Dionysia in the City’ τὰ Διονύσια τὰ ἐν ἄστει

(e.g. Bvii Diii Div Eii Hx Mx Rii Vv Wv SEG


for Dionysus’ τῶι Διο νύσωι τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐποίησεν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶ να in Mvi). The ‘rural’
sobriquet did however stick (Oi cf. Aiv
-
rectly from a deme. It cannot of itself sustain the view that the Dionysus of these festivals
was much more closely tied than the god from Eleutherae to the productive life cycle of

time – mid-winter – when it seems most absent ( 2

-
ly on the nostalgic image of the lost ways and pleasures of a settled country life enjoyed by

War in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (Ai Peace


prominence of the phallic icon

the successful conduct of the Dionysia in that deme with an abundance of crops ‘by means
of the Ikarian komos’ (Mx).
The Dionysus of the deme Dionysia is remarkably bare of any of the idiosyncrasy in
epithet or cult practice more generally characteristic of the demes and well attested by their

Av
particularised cults of Dionysus in the demes – for instance Dionysus Anthios in Aixone
(D R) and Phlya (U Melpomenos and in Acharnae (B) – but in no
case is there any attested connection to the deme’s Dionysia. There is a possibility that
the god of the Rhamnus Dionysia was Lenaios W Introduction
3
4 III A General

Wiv

him with Dionysus Eleuthereus (god of the City Dionysia: I Aiii 4) and some suggestive
of the opposite. A tradition of uncertain date relating to Ikarion pointedly places the visit
of Dionysus to Icarius earlier in time than the introduction of the image of Dionysus from
Eleutherae to Athens by Pegasos (M Introduction I Aiv 2). That implies an effort to claim

certainly need not represent a response to a pre-existing assimilation between the god of

polis priesthood of Dionysus in Piraeus was held along with that of Dionysus Eleuthereus
in the Athenian cult: Viii
the same Dionysus Eleuthereus as resided in the Athenian Sanctuary: I Aiii 1). There are
also signs that an aetiological account was developed in the fourth century which derived
not only the knowledge of viticulture and viniculture but the worship of Dionysus with
drama from the missionary journey of Icarius around Attica (Aiii M Introduction Y
Introduction I Aiv 21 I Avii 3).

relatively recent introduction of his cult. It seems likely that demes which did not have a

Dionysus may have taken place include Eleusis (H (X) and possibly Halimous
(L
Araphenides Dionysus may have been woven into the mythical and physical topography
of the place long associated with Artemis (Kii G). We might envisage a similar
development in Ikarion
Apollo Pythios itself was immediately adjacent to the temple of
Apollo rather than that of Dionysus (M Introduction Mi).
Every deme that held a Dionysia will probably have had a priest who administered the
to Dionysus in the context of the
local festival (Hvii). Priestesses of Dionysus are as well attested in the demes as their male
counterparts (SEG Δ SEG
FGrH

in Sphettos (X) and Piraeus (Viii V Introduction


the priest of Dionysus in Piraeus was an appointee of the polis and not required to be a de-
mesman. At Sphettos the close connection between the priest of Dionysus and the theatre is
in prohedric seating was evidently the norm.
The issue of the festival’s nomenclature is highly relevant to its treatment in modern
times. The view long prevalent that everything about the theatre of the Attic Dionysia
was irredeemably mediocre (e.g. Y Introduction) can ultimately be traced back to a few
remarks of Demosthenes (and his nephew Demochares) cast in the face of his political

Oenomaus’ (Oiii
and Sokrates as a player of third parts’ (Ov Oiv) ‘col-

Ov). Demosthenes
grossly exaggerates the ‘rural’ character of the Dionysia at which Aeschines competed.
The extent of his misrepresentation is clearest from the fact that the one festival he men-
. This was held not only within the City walls but quite
possibly in the Theatre of Dionysus
from anywhere in this urban deme (O). Demosthenes’ casual and polemical insinuation of
boorish rusticity has nonetheless stuck. The fact that we possess only one Classical text of

(Ai

the long-term history of the theatre.

then available within the context of his comprehensive study of deme life. The corpus has

number of contributions to a more thorough and sympathetic analysis of the material have

on the epigraphic evidence for the cult of Dionysus in Attica) and monographs devoted to

A better grasp of the


evidence and an attitude to it free of prejudice have led to a more nuanced understanding of

the formation of a canon and the growth of a theatre industry.


If it were not for the haphazard discovery of inscriptions and theatre architecture across

Acharnians passage
(Ai Aiv Aii I Ai 1a
Aiii Av
Dionysia in Piraeus
the city of Athens: V). The fact that deme theatres have been discovered by sheer accident
as recently as 1993 (Halimous L) and 2007 (Acharnae B -
ence of a dramatic festival in a deme can depend on the evidence of a single fragmentary
inscription (e.g. C P T J S X
present evidence are with certainty or strong likelihood attested as having held theatrical
performances is virtually certain to be much lower than the total that actually did so. In

places where drama is attested but not a Dionysia we can be fairly sure that the context
demes in any other festival context than for Dionysus.

analysed in separate sections below (B–Y


the literary tradition (A

the deme. Neither Salamis nor Oropus was ever incorporated into the Attic deme system.
IV Dxii and

IV Ci.

notably small bouleutic quota of 2. We argue (Ai) that the inclusion of this as a deme
and
Erchia all had cults of Dionysus but none at present has provided explicit evidence for
in the northern Mesogaia

SEG
The case of neighbouring Gargettos (bouleutic quota 4) is more suggestive. We know

place where public documents were erected (SEG ἐν τῶι τοῦ Διονύσου
τεμένει Γαργηττοῖ

basis to deduce the existence of a theatrical Dionysia in Gargettos -


thing more.
The case of prosperous Erchia
-
tled ‘the greater demarchy’ (SEG ‘to Dionysus’ (Δ
Α
meat is ‘to be handed over to the women and to be consumed on the spot’. (The priestess

There is also a young kid for Dionysus on 2 Anthesterion: Γ

normally to have been the day on which the Pandia


III A Introduction 7

post-Dionysia assembly was held in the city: I Aix 1). While this is good evidence for some
form of recognition of Dionysus’ City festival at the deme level (and something similar
may have happened in Marathon: Q
Ε
22–7). The latter could conceivably be ‘part of the local celebration for the Rural Dionysia’

one would have to ask why on this theory the calendar ignores the principal deity. Given

-
pear in it because they were provided separately by choregoi. The string of hypotheses is
however long and fragile.

Festival Earliest Theatre Drama Drama


First attested Building First Attested Likely Start
Acharnae Dionysia by early comedy and possibly
4th c. (I) tragedy (I) 4th c.
Aigilia Dionysia by early By early 4th c. (I)
4th c. (I) 4th c.
Aixone Dionysia by ca. Remains noted in 19th c. comedy by ca. 320 mid 4th c.
330 (I) (I)
Anagyrous Dionysia by ca. tragedy by ca. 440

Athmonon Amarysia or
Dionysia by ca.

Eleusis th
tragedy and comedy th
c.
half 4th c. (I) th
c. (I)

second theatre under


control of Athenians by

Euonymon Dedication to an agon by late 4th c. th


c.
Dionysus in theatre unpublished (A)
by ca. 330 (I)
Halai Dionysia tentative- comedy and tragedy th
c.
Aixonides ly deduced from remains in 20 c. (A)
th
by ca. 430 (I)
choregic dedica-
th
c. (I)
Halai Sanctuary of comedy by ca. 340
Araphenides Dionysus by ca. (Ic) 4th c.

likely
Halimous Partially excavated (A) 4th c.
Ikarion Dionysia by ca. 4th th
c.
-
erly excavated
Possibly seen in 17th c. ? 4th c.
Dionysia by ca. comedy and tragedy
4th c.
Lamptrai Dionysia by ca. mid 4th c.

Marathon Dionysia by ca.


4th c.
Myrrhinous Dionysia by ca. 4th c.
320 (I)
Oa Dionysia tentative- ? 4th c.
ly deduced from
possible choregic
dedication late 4th
c. (I)
Paiania Dionysia tentative-
ly deduced from 4th c.
choregic dedication

Phlya Dionysia by ca. ? early 4th c.


400 (L)
Piraeus Dionysia by ca. th
c.
and 19 c. with
th th

limited exploration (A) half 4th c. (L)


Rhamnus Dionysia by ca. By mid 4th c. (A) comedy by ca. 300 4th c.
(I)
Sphettos Dionysia deduced
from existence of (Ic) 4th c.

Thorikos Dionysia by ca. tragedy and comedy


by ca. 420

A = Architecture I = Inscription Ic = Iconography L = Literary text S = Stratigraphy

in Ikarion
Avi M Introduction).
III A Introduction 9

The theory appears to have been forged by local Attic historians and publicists such as
Phanodemus or Philochorus in accord with a broader Lycurgan policy of cultural and eco-
-
tre was becoming less and less exclusively VI
I). It is clear that the choice of Ikarion as the ‘birthplace’ of drama was determined in large
part by the existence of a genuinely old tradition of dramatic performance and Dionysiac

to Pisistratid promotion (M Introduction). But the earliest evidence for drama in Ikarion
Miii). This happens to coincide with the most recent stratigraphic
(Y Introduction
for drama begins some four decades later.

and Anagyrous at points on or near the western coast and easily accessible to the city and
one another by road. The pattern is at least suggestive of a progressive development by

The existence of a ‘circuit’


Plato (Aiii 2). It is noteworthy (always acknowledging the modest evidentiary base and the
imprecision of the dates given to many relevant inscriptions) that several other demes are
-
ble economic hardship for Athens. It is clear too that more demes added or elaborated the-

practical aspects involved in timetabling these many Dionysia in the month of Posideon
are considered in Aiii.
The demes known to have celebrated a Dionysia with drama are well above the average

costly as a theatrical Dionysia. In general it is probably safe to assume that a theatrical


Dionysia -

half of all demes (and is another argument against Cholleidai is the only
deme with a bouleutic quota of 3 or less (it was 3) known to have celebrated the festival
(N

Dionysus.
10 III A General

The size of some deme theatres – with capacities very much larger than for audiences

slaves: Ai Aiv I V Y) – has prompted the further suggestion that they sought to attract
audiences from beyond their membership.
Aiii 1).
Plato’s choice of words indicates that revenue from the sale of seats at deme Dionysia is
anticipated (on seat-sales: Bvi V Introduction Vvi

-
of
deme Dionysia no doubt enabled performers to move from one to another during the busy

to do so.
Under these circumstances it is a reasonable hypothesis that smaller demes adjacent
to large ones with established theatrical Dionysia would attend – and perhaps participate
more fully in – that of the latter (M Introduction for possible involvement as performers

tiny Plotheia -
(L) most clearly disrupts

pride and tradition. Halimous had its own theatre in close proximity to that of its much
larger neighbour Euonymon (I
(D J) and Anagyrous (E) follow in
sequence on the same southerly road. The concentration of Dionysia in the Mesogaia is
also noteworthy (X). Some have argued that demes possessed of substantial theatres may

item of evidence to this effect as faulty (R) and the other as at best unproven (Q
does not strike the idea down in principle. The city may have sought to maximise the re-

as pasturage when the festival was not on (IG II2


era). Demes that had invested in high-quality cultural infrastructure may have done the
same. This high degree of involvement on the part of non-members will have given these
Dionysia a somewhat different character from most other local festivals.
Another and not necessarily incompatible explanation for the apparent pattern of spread
of demes with large theatres considers local political needs. Some deme theatres were
demonstrably multi-functional places. Rhamnus (W
theatre also served as an agora and place of dedication to multiple deities. The same was

-
Y Introduction). Meetings
of the deme assembly are more likely to have taken place in the theatre than in the agora

for their assembly meetings. The fact that these theatres were far larger than required to
III A Introduction 11

accommodate the entire population of demesmen has prompted the theory that they also
served the needs of political units larger than the deme itself: the Cleisthenic tribes (Ober
for their

the trittys (Paga 2010). The case for both of these propositions is entirely hypothetical and
there is no positive evidence for Paga’s further suggestion that Dionysia themselves may

2017b).
Some of the funds needed to run a costly Dionysia with theatrical performances were

their theatre (Y Introduction -


atregoers. It also probably indicates an assumption that such investment in infrastructure

VH

now known from some twelve demes (B–E H J, K M T V, W Y


VF
fourteen if the newly published inscription from Oa is properly so restored (S). These show
signs of remarkable ingenuity and inventiveness: such as the manner in which in Thorikos
the right to serve as choregos was ‘sold’ to the highest bidders (Yii). There are signs that
deme choregoi tended to be men who chose to devote their abilities and resources to the
deme and did not go on to do the same at the urban level. As a group they occupied the
economic tier immediately below the level that triggered liturgical obligations in the city.
That will still have seen them as possessors of substantial ‘three-talant households’: the
expression κεκτημένος τὸν τριτάλαντον οἶκον ‘possessed of a three-talant household’ is

liturgies in that deme (and probably others) around the middle of the fourth century. These
were in other words hardly men of humble means. But more important is their preference

. In
-

one should also not underestimate the greater opportunities for shaming that existed in the
smaller community of the deme. If an average deme had only some half-dozen families of
-

local liturgical obligation could be laid will have been small indeed. Little wonder then that
the liturgical funding of deme theatre sometimes gives the impression of being bankrolled
12 III A General

identify – and devise a special name for – ‘men who have not been a choregos before’
(ἀχορέγετοι Miii
(I Bi 5) was initially designed at the local level: the earliest direct reference to the practice
Miii). Its most salient feature is the way it transfers to the
rich themselves the delicate business of distinguishing between the current levels of wealth
That problem will have been
all the more acute in a small community.

undertaken by singletons (Bii Ei Eii Hiv Hix J Miv Mv Mviii T Wii Wiii Yi in-
cluding the exceptional Hii Biii A Biii B Hi Miii Mvi
groups of three men (Bv C Mvii Mix Yiv). While a high degree of collaboration among

more than half of known choregiai being the work of singletons. The word synchoregia is
never used in connection with deme Dionysia in the sources and should be avoided (we
only at the City Dionysia of
I D).
There are good reasons to believe that one of the ‘triple’ choregiai attested from Thorikos
(Yiv
at the Dionysia (Y Introduction Yii Yiv). This is something rather different from the usu-
al understanding of synchoregia – namely a plurality of choregoi preparing a single com-
petitive performance – for in Thorikos a plurality of choregoi join to prepare a plurality of

Thorikos in Yi). In seven cases a family relation between multiple choregoi is certain or
highly likely (Biii A Biii B C Mvii Mix Yiv
some see a joint choregia here) of Eii assumes it as normative that his father should also
serve as choregos. In two of these cases a father works with two of his sons (C Mvii).
Collaboration between members of the same family cannot be explained by economic ne-
(DFA2

household. The two choregoi honoured in Halai Araphenides by Ki are probably the com-

At Aixone there were it seems ordinarily two choregoi each year (D Introduction). We
cannot tell whether they worked as singletons or as a pair to fund the comedies favoured by

does not prove it. Probably it was in general up to an individual who accepted a choregia to
decide whether to enlist further partners from or beyond his family to assist and to share the
glory. Thus there are likely to be cases where there is a discrepancy between the number of
men contributing to choregiai and the number of choregoi formally appointed by the deme.
In Ikarion two choregoi seems to have been a long-term norm. But this is a deme that has
left examples of dedications by choregic singletons (Miv Mv Mviii Miii Mvi)
and triples (Mvii Mix). At least one deme – Thorikos – appears to have kept and inscribed
III A Introduction 13

in its theatre a public record of its past choregoi (Yiii). This creation of an ‘honour roll’ will
doubtless have been designed in part pour encourager les autres
known attempt to do the same in the city of Athens by nearly a century.

other signs of the considerable ingenuity applied to ensuring that theatrical festivals
were adequately funded. In Ikarion substantial deme funds may have been deployed as
interest-bearing loans to provide choregoi with the necessary liquidity to serve (Mii). The
Eleusinians
leverage the great symbolic resources of their locale and attract funds and know-how to
their theatre from outsiders (Hii
100 drachmas imposed on demarchs who fail to summon an honorand and his descendants
to their seat of honour (Hvii
Dionysia by the Ikarieis (Miii). In Acharnae the theatre was leased out to fund an annual
Bvi). A leasing arrangement was also important in
Piraeus -
thorities involved private enterprise to make sure that the material infrastructure of their
Vvi).
The fundamental architecture of a deme Dionysia consisted of parade (pompe
(Ai Av Bvii 2 Di H Introduction Hvii Mxi V Introduction Viii X Y Introduction)
and agon (Bvii 2

in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (Ai


reason to regard the simple and drama-free ‘ancestral festival of the Dionysia of old’ (ἡ
πάτριος τῶν Διονυσίων ἑορτὴ τὸ παλαιὸν) evoked with intense nostalgia by Plutarch
(Mor Ai
(I Aiv was evidently a (or the) key feature of the festival (‘pompam maximi
Ai) and it is
independently attested for the Piraeus (I Avi 1 V Introduction Viv) and Acharnae (Bvii
2 Biv). Note also the suggestive evidence for Ikarion (Miii Mx) and Brauron
(G). A phallos image (or images) was carried and accompanied by the phallikon
of the phallos Ai Miii). The parade was under the direction
of the demarch (H Introduction on IE Ai Viv
in its phallic chorus (Aii). There is abundant evidence showing that responsibility for run-

in Athens was in overall charge of the City Dionysia (I Bi). A man named Nikon from

Mvi). This sounds like a summary description of the complex task


that faced all demarchs. Other duties for which explicit evidence exists are the appointment
of choregoi (Miii V Introduction process (Miii -
lection of choreuts (Miii (in one instance at the demarch’s own
expense: Hvii Ki
management of relevant funds (Mii Mx
theatre (Bvi). In this last instance the demarch is aided by a treasurer
14 III A General

Acharnae (Bvii

Di Diii Div).
It is impossible to describe in any detail the programme of performances at a single deme

most festivals really did have serious programmes of drama. The presence of choregic sys-
tems implies a degree of (desired) predictability and regularity of funding. It is also clear
that there was no single or dominant model. Demes evidently did not try to reproduce the
full suite of events at the City Dionysia (with the possible exception of exceptional Piraeus:

and comedy (J Mv
of men and boys that featured prominently in the
city (Bii Biii Hii Vii): the only certain cases for the latter are Acharnae and Piraeus
the large population size of both demes is very likely to be part of the picture. It is also

between Dionysiac choruses named komoi (Biv). Given the great preponderance of tragedy

have been dramatic. We know of some seven demes that staged both tragedy and comedy
(E H K O V Y B
Thorikos
regularity. On the other hand a number of demes show signs of having specialised in either
tragedy (Ikarion) or comedy – so it seems in Aixone -
tested and its special prominence is suggested by the fact that honours are to be proclaimed
‘during the Dionysia at the comedies held at Aixone’ (Diii).
The Dionysia in Piraeus -

tiny minority in a town with a population estimated as equal to that of the city of Athens.
The Piraeus Dionysia may in effect have been a kind of metic Dionysia for the town of
Piraeus. By the second century at least it reproduced the unusual double processional struc-
ture of the City Dionysia (I Aiii–iv eisagoge or ‘Introduction’ of the god

City Dionysia. In around 330 Lycurgus added to a programme that already featured trag-
edy and comedy a contest in the ‘circular’ chorus
contestants. Taken together the evidence suggests an effort to mimic the full programme of
the City Dionysia (V Introduction).
We hear of a contest (agon)
declare themselves victors (Bii Bv Bvii 2 C Eii H Introduction Hi Hix J Miv
Mvii Mviii Mix Mx T Vi Vii Vv). The city’s competitive format was thus apparently
M Introduction
Mx Ki) and Aixone (D Introduction
two choregoi in the race. What if any material prizes were awarded is unclear and was
doubtless open to variation at the wishes of each deme. The fact that some victorious
choregoi dedicated ‘infrastructure’ items like altars (C) suggests that victors sometimes
took on the extra burden – and honour – of commissioning permanent objects to celebrate
their victory and assist the cult of the god in their deme. The tripods dedicated in the fourth
century on a choregic monument for comedy from Eleusis (Hiv Hix W Introduction)
and on another for tragedy in Ikarion (Mviii Mvii
but are ‘quoting’ the symbols of Dionysiac success long established by the award and
dedication of tripods at the City Dionysia (note also the ex-voto choregic dedication from
Thorikos: Yi). A distinctive feature of choregic monuments from the demes is the manner
in which they describe themselves as ‘dedications’ (ἀναθήματα) to Dionysus with a con-
sistency and explicitness equal to that with which the monuments from the city avoid the

alongside the primary contests that have been largely or entirely lost to our vision. One that
is sometimes thought to have been especially characteristic of deme Dionysia is a game

known in later times as askoliasmos. A fragment of Eubulus suggests that some such ac-

to deme Dionysia and we believe that the association between askoliasmos


and the origins of drama (found only in Vergil’s Georgics
Classical or early Hellenistic theory that sought out limited evidence that could scarcely
support it (Avi).
In Myrrhinous (R Miii
(I Aix). Other demes probably did
likewise. Like its urban equivalent this assembly doubtless dealt with the management of
the festival by the demarch and with any alleged wrongdoing committed by those attend-
ing it. It was probably here that the various decrees we have honouring choregoi and other
supporters of the local festival were proposed and moved. But a post-Dionysia assembly is

agenda of the meeting in Myrrhinous certainly treated more than ‘business concerning the
Dionysia’ (Rii
meetings of that deme’s assembly. Demarchs were responsible for making distributions of
theoric money
assembly (I C
in many ways have been an ideal occasion for distributing theoric money for the City

The entrenched idea that deme theatre was second-rate can be countered at a number of
levels. One is to point to the demonstrated ingenuity and inventiveness in the administration

is to consider the quality of the attested performers. Much of the relevant evidence was
and Aristophanes produced their
work in person in the deme of Eleusis (Hi Ai and B Introduction
Euripides down in Anagyrous either very early in or towards the end of his career (Ei
well as in the Piraeus Vi
III A General

Yiv). Despite the slurs of

Aristodemos Oenomaus at
– also performed
around the middle
of the century and was remembered long after for his legendary powers of mimesis (Oi).

two of the greats of the generation of comic pioneers prior to Aristophanes – Ecphantides
and Cratinus -
Telepheia (J
of a scale and ambition that is likely to have been much more common than our patchy
evidence reveals.
-
ductions in the demes. Plato (Aiii) refers to the Dionysia in general terms using chorocen-
tric language and we can identify an apparent effort on the part of a number of demes to
ensure that their tragic choruses
the city (contra Miii) may suggest that around 440

Mxi might indicate that that was still a norm a century later. A dedication from Anagyrous
Ei) and a choregic relief from Sphettos
(V F X) suggest that this norm also prevailed in those demes. The
plausible hypothesis that the choruses of deme performances were recruited locally
(Ei
Miii from Ikarion points in the same direction). Performance at deme Dionysia is thus very

a network through which choregoi for city festivals could inform themselves of the best

constitutional responsibility for maintaining a record of the property of demesmen (Arist.


Ath will also have been repositories of local knowledge especially valua-
ble to city authorities when appointing choregoi for city festivals.

reasonable to suppose that what we see is the tip of an iceberg. There are grounds for

-
atively stable market to feed the nascent theatrical professions. They were probably also
important to the early formation of a dramatic canon. And they are very likely to have been

of a vigorous culture of theatrical production at deme Dionysia is the best way to explain

instituted at the Lenaea II A


the only Athenian venue to accommodate the careers of a generation (or more) of early po-
III A Introduction 17

played an important role in this early period.


Acknowledging the extent and seriousness of deme theatre also helps explain a phe-

the works of Aeschylus and Euripides


Aristophanes -

for reperformance at city festivals were constrained (I Avi). Plato’s ‘spectacle-lovers’


( philotheamones Aiii 1
overlap conceptually with those audience members upon whose knowledge of past trag-
edy the comic poets depended. Deme Dionysia are thus an inherently likely site for
extensive reperformance of tragedy (and comedy). There are some grounds for sup-
posing that Hi J and Oii–iv

argue that works cannot have received their premiere performances there. Probably the
most compelling case is the Oenomaus

Oii–iv). Demosthenes
tells us that Aeschines performed as Creon in Sophocles’ Antigone
Kresphontes of Euripides (O). We do not know at

prima facie likely that Demosthenes


Athens or Attica with which his audience would have been at least potentially familiar
and one may doubt whether the ‘old tragedy’
I Avi
as the Sophoclean Creon. Nor can it help explain the assumed familiarity on the part of
Aristophanes’ audience with works by Aeschylus. We tend to credit the evidence that the
Athenians made special provision for the reperformance of Aeschylean plays after his
death (I Avi
-
el of familiarity. This would certainly be established by a custom of reperformance at the

be right to suggest that Dikaiopolis’ disappointed expectation to see a performance by


Aeschylus at the start of the Acharnians (ll. 9–11) serves to characterise him as old-fash-
ioned and wistfully disconnected from more recent cultural developments in urban life.
He may also be right to treat the passage as suggestive of a tradition of reperformance
-

227) goes too far beyond the evidence.


The prestige derived from producing work at the City Dionysia of course far outshone
anything available at the deme level. The very challenge of securing one of the three tragic
choruses for the festival was enormous. These considerations encourage another hypothesis
III A General

– the testing out of new work

the City Dionysia or Lenaea. This would be especially intelligible for poets early in their
-
would
draw on a network of gossip from the demes to seek out promising new talent. Given the

.
-

plots through the Proagon of the City Dionysia (I Aii).

not entirely. It persists in three demes with powerful identities and appears to stage a reap-
pearance in a fourth – Acharnae – in the Roman period (SEG B Introduction). In
Piraeus
Vv
(V Introduction). Eleusis has left evidence for the activity of its fes-
tival in the third and second centuries. In the last quarter of the third century a Hierophant
is honoured ‘at the traditional Διονυσίων
τῶι πατρίωι ἀγῶνι Ἐλευσῖνι ἐν τῶι θεάτρωι IE
some two centuries old (further evidence in V Introduction
Eleusinian demarch was honoured for the efforts he devoted to what was evidently still

and …

τοῖς Δι ονυσί οις ἔθυσεν τῶι Διονύσωι καὶ τὴν πομπὴν


ἔπεμψεν καὶ τ στον ἔθηκεν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐν τῶι θεάτρωι
ὃν συ ντελοῦσιν Ἐλευσίνιοι σπου δῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας οὐθὲν ἐλλείπων IE
gained new prominence in the third

Dionysia Wv). And it is quite likely


that the performances of comedy at it were still being supported by choregoi (Wiii).

choregia to agonothesia
VI
fourth century. The change in the city is traditionally thought to be the result of the reforms
of Demetrius of Phaleron
307 (VI K

was
entirely abolished or abandoned in the demes is open to serious doubt. We have unambig-
uous evidence that in Aixone choregoi Dii) and quite possibly
continued to be so in 312 (Diii and Div Iii). In 314 the festival in Acharnae
III Ai 19

impact of Demetrius (Bvii 2). It is even possible that the city appointed a general overseer
(epimeletes) of all Athenian Dionysia whose presence may have threatened the independ-
in

scale of choregic monuments -

out of deme Dionysia from the picture is better explained by the overall conditions of life in

of the countryside. These factors put enormous strain on the human and material capacities
-
es of the demes – will have been highly sensitive to them. The numerous sling projectiles
found in the Euonymon theatre are a stark testament to the role that war played in its aban-
donment by the mid third century (I Introduction -
pered. Many of them offered better opportunities for performers at festivals outside Attica.

Ai: Aristophanes, Acharnians 237–79.


Acharnians dramatises widespread Athenian frustration at the
policy which had seen the countryside of Attica invaded and ravaged by the Spartans each

deme’ imply that it had been impossible to hold Rural Dionysia

which would require ‘seventh’). The reference in l. 270 to ‘Lamachuses’ is to the general
Lamachus

ἐγὼ
δὲ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἀπαλλαγεὶς ἄξω τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς εἰσιὼν Διονύσια (ll. 201–2) –
εἰσιὼν
exit into the stage building at that point to denote departure to his home deme. Dikaiopolis

ΔΙ. εὐφημεῖτε, εὐφημεῖτε.


ΧΟ. σῖγα πᾶς. ἠκούσατ’, ἄνδρες, ἆρα τῆς εὐφημίας
οὗτος αὐτός ἐστιν ὃν ζητοῦμεν. ἀλλὰ δεῦρο πᾶς
240 ἐκποδών· θύσων γὰρ ἁνήρ, ὡς ἔοικ’, ἐξέρχεται.
ΔΙ. εὐφημεῖτε, εὐφημεῖτε.
προΐτω ’ς τὸ πρόσθεν ὀλίγον ἡ κανηφόρος.
ὁ Ξανθίας τὸν φαλλὸν ὀρθὸν στησάτω.
κατάθου τὸ κανοῦν, ὦ θύγατερ, ἵν’ ἀπαρξώμεθα.
ΘΥ. ὦ μῆτερ, ἀνάδος δεῦρο τὴν ἐτνήρυσιν,
ἵν’ ἔτνος καταχέω τοὐλατῆρος τουτουί.
20 III A General

ΔΙ. καὶ μὴν καλόν γ’ ἔστ’. ὦ Διόνυσε δέσποτα,


κεχαρισμένως σοι τήνδε τὴν πομπὴν ἐμὲ
πέμψαντα καὶ θύσαντα μετὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν
ἀγαγεῖν τυχηρῶς τὰ κατ’ ἀγροὺς Διονύσια,
στρατιᾶς ἀπαλλαχθέντα· τὰς σπονδὰς δέ μοι
καλῶς ξυνενεγκεῖν τὰς τριακοντούτιδας.
ἄγ’, ὦ θύγατερ, ὅπως τὸ κανοῦν καλὴ καλῶς
οἴσεις, βλέπουσα θυμβροφάγον. ὡς μακάριος
ὅστις σ’ ὀπύσει κἀκποιήσεται γαλᾶς
σοῦ μηδὲν ἥττους βδεῖν, ἐπειδὰν ὄρθρος ᾖ.
πρόβαινε, κἀν τὤχλῳ φυλάττεσθαι σφόδρα
μή τις λαθών σου περιτράγῃ τὰ χρυσία.
ὦ Ξανθία, σφῷν δ’ ἐστὶν ὀρθὸς ἑκτέος
ὁ φαλλὸς ἐξόπισθε τῆς κανηφόρου·
ἐγὼ δ’ ἀκολουθῶν ᾄσομαι τὸ φαλλικόν·
σὺ δ’, ὦ γύναι, θεῶ μ’ ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους. πρόβα.
Φάλης, ἑταῖρε Βακχίου,
ξύγκωμε, νυκτοπεριπλάνητε, μοιχέ, παιδεραστά,
ἕκτῳ σ’ ἔτει προσεῖπον εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐλθὼν ἄσμενος,
σπονδὰς ποιησάμενος ἐμαυτῷ, πραγμάτων τε καὶ μαχῶν
270 καὶ Λαμάχων ἀπαλλαγείς.
πολλῷ γάρ ἐσθ’ ἥδιον, ὦ Φάλης Φάλης,
κλέπτουσαν εὑρόνθ’ ὡρικὴν ὑληφόρον,
τὴν Στρυμοδώρου Θρᾷτταν ἐκ τοῦ φελλέως,
μέσην λαβόντ’, ἄραντα, καταβαλόντα καταγιγαρτίσαι.
Φάλης Φάλης,
ἐὰν μεθ’ ἡμῶν ξυμπίῃς, ἐκ κραιπάλης
ἕωθεν εἰρήνης ῥοφήσει τρύβλιον·
ἡ δ’ ἀσπὶς ἐν τῷ φεψάλῳ κρεμήσεται.

Dikaiopolis Chorus
-
240

Dikaiopolis
(kanephoros). May Xanthias keep the phallos
Daughter
Dikaiopolis
and make the sac-
may I with good fortune conduct the Rural

who marries you and begets


III Ai 21

two must keep


and sing the phallic song
Phales -

270
and

girl wood-carrier as she’s thieving – Strymodoros’ Thracian slave from the


rocky land –

DFA2

are moderated by the dramatic need for a rapid sketch of the festival that can be readily
assimilated by the audience. Comic inversion applies in the idea of a festival held exclu-

the whole community. The resulting generic sketch indicates both the complete familiarity
of the festival to the audience of the comedy and the likelihood that the scene captures its

effect of making the sketch much more modest and ‘homely’ than the reality.
as rudi-
mentary and unsophisticated affairs. The tendency (A Introduction) is exacerbated by the
habit of comparing this passage with one of Plutarch that describes how ‘in olden days’
‘the traditional festival of the Dionysia was a homely and merry parade’ ἡ πάτριος τῶν
Διονυσίων ἑορτὴ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐπέμπετο δημοτικῶς καὶ ἱλαρῶς (I Avii 2h for the full pas-

scholarly study (e litteris ei notis -


ticular to the use of the adverb δημοτικῶς to suggest a link to the demes. This interpretation
of the adverb is almost certainly untenable (DFA2

scholars that located the origins of tragedy within a rustic setting in Archaic Attica. Any
connection to actual practice at deme festivals in the historical period is highly attenuated

effect of Plutarch’s distorting and moralising nostalgia is to strip away any sign of the-

χρυσωμάτων
περιφερομένων καὶ ἱματίων πολυτελῶν καὶ ζευγῶν ἐλαυνομένων καὶ προσωπείων).
The centrality of the parade (pompe) to deme Dionysia emerges very clearly (Deubner
A Introduction). Dikaiopolis has his daughter process as Basket Bearer at
22 III A General

-
tures something of the way in which the members of a small number of wealthy families

Bearer
Dikaiopolis has been thought to represent ‘a body of revellers’ (DFA2

demarch Aiv) and women is likely to

Av Bvii
2 Di H Introduction Hvii Mxi V Introduction Viii Vv X; Y Introduction). Parke
-

A more likely solution is that the cake is a preliminary offering only (note the verb
ἀπαρξώμεθα
thysia) is

-
Bvii 2

parade and the contests’ τῶν Διονυσίων καλῶ ς καὶ φ ιλοτίμως ἐπιμ ε μ έ λ ηνται τῆς τε
θυσίας τ ῶι Διονύσωι καὶ τῆς πομπῆς καὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνο ς.
Dikaiopolis’ parade has a powerfully phallic character from the prominence given the
phallos-pole
was very probably a prominent feature of the parades of actual deme
Dionysia. There are hints of it in Halimous (L

festival there (Miii l. 33: φαλλ ικὸν ἄιδεν). The fragmentary remains of this decree may
also conceal a reference to the involvement of a chorus in its performance and we have
aired the possibility (M Introduction) that the small neighbouring deme of Plotheia may
have sent a phallic chorus to the Dionysia of its larger and more illustrious neighbour. The
fact that Dikaiopolis sings his song solo will be a consequence of the eccentric quality of

ὦ Φάλης Φάλης) presumably cor-

of the exarchos
III Ai 23

– and this may


also be typical of phallic hymn. Semos of Delos (ca. 200) records two fragments of phallic
PMG on
Delos (Cole 1993) and which offer numerous parallels for Dikaiopolis’ performance (ex-
PMG phallophoroi

σοί Βάκχε τάνδε μοῦσαν ἀγλαίζομεν


ithyphalloi (‘Men with Erections’) in
PMG

(ἐκποδών
parallels in the Dionysiac parade of Euripides’ Bacchae

τίς ὁδῷ τίς ὁδῷ τίς μελάθροις ἔκτοπος ἔστω


στόμα τ᾽ εὔφη μον ἅπας ἐξοσιούσθω (and with the use of third-person imperatives here cf.
στησάτω in Dikaiopolis’ instruction to ‘keep the phallos up straight’).
In practice the verses of the leader in the phallic song may have been at least partially

aischrologia was characteristic of the type of phallic song to which Aristotle ascribed the
origins of comedy (Po DFA2

but it is hard to judge how much if any of its contents might have featured in a phallikon
sung at an actual deme festival. The emphasis on the pleasures of illicit sex and peace in

home in the local Dionysiac realm. The situation is similar in a passage of Aristophanes’
Peace
Opora) and Holiday (Theoria

-
sages of Euripidean verse’ ταύτης δ᾽ ὀπώρας ὑποδοχῆς Διονυσίων αὐλῶν τραγῳδῶν
Σοφοκλέους μελῶν κιχλῶν ἐπυλλίων Εὐριπίδου. While the reference to Dionysia here

in the extramural demes of Attica that had been interrupted


and they surely constitute the primary reference – an interpretation seemingly made by the
scholia that took the phrase ὑποδοχῆς Διονυσίων as a single unit (‘succession of Dionysia’)
explaining that ‘in peace-time the spectacle went on uninterrupted’ (ἐν γὰρ εἰρήνῃ συνεχῶς
ἦν ἡ θέα. Sch.RV Ar. Peace -

to these ‘Dionysia’ are performers of tragedy (τραγῳδῶν


primarily choral and the elegant verses
24 III A General

of Euripides: hardly proof of widespread reperformance


but certainly consistent with it (A Introduction). And if ὑποδοχῆς means ‘hospitality’

treatment of guests at local festivals. As Trygaeus goes on to enumerate the further ‘scents

-
sibly viewed as a festival that promotes vegetative fertility at a time when it seems most
absent (A Introduction). This dynamic is made to serve the needs of the plot in both come-

Dikaiopolis is later described as a demesman of Cholleidai Χολλῄδης -

cholos
χωλοὺς ποιεῖς ‘you create lame people’ – to the lame characters of Euripidean

Acharnians of a theatre either as


the location for or destination of Dikaiopolis’ -
atrical performances are to form part of his (interrupted) Dionysia.

Aii: Pherecrates PCG F 182. Pherecrates


somewhat earlier than Aristophanes. He had a victory at the City Dionysia in 437 (PCG
IG II2
IG II2 -

to have begun his career as an actor (PCG T 2). The source for this fragment (play
unknown) is a Suda entry (δ 421: Δήμαρχοι ‘Demarchs’). It describes the demarchs of
Athens as successors to naukraroi Constitution
of Athens
property of debtors (οἷς ἐξῆν ἐνεχυράζειν
Ar. PCG
Pherecrates:’ (καὶ Φερεκράτης
deme by deme. These men used to arrange the festival of the Panathenaea’ (οἱ κατὰ
δῆμον ἄρχοντες. οὗτοι δὲ διεκόσμουν τὴν ἑορτὴν τῶν Παναθηναίων). The last should
be a reference to the procession of the Panathenaea rather than the festival as a whole
(Sch. Ar. Clouds

ὑπέλυσε δήμαρχός τις ἐλθὼν ἐς χορόν.

-
march in connection with a chorus. A number of things are however more or less likely. The
demarch in question is said to have participated in a choral performance. A metaphorical
III Aii

use of the word ‘chorus’ here seems unlikely – such as the ‘chorus’ of sophists at Pl. Prt.
Euthd.

ὶέναι) with ἐς εἰς χορόν is widely used for ‘joining a


chorus’ as its performance begins (e.g. Hom. Od h.Ven PMG
PCG El

member of a (presumably local) chorus. Given the great preponderance of evidence for

is likely to be one such (but see below).


ὑπέλυσε

On this scenario ὑπέλυσε

we can tell. But while the Middle ὑπολύομαι can be used in the sense of ‘take off one’s

(PCG Cheiron οὐχ ὑπολύσεις σαυτόν; ‘Won’t you take off your

Whitehead’s second suggestion is that Pherecrates’ demarch was said to have ‘undone’
not his footwear but the dance itself (presumably involving something like the Homeric
Il
ὑπέλυσε μένος καὶ φαίδιμα γυῖα
police force in religious contexts. If the verb ὑπέλυσε is not corrupt (and no compelling
emendation has been offered) one would naturally take the chorus to be its object in this
way. But this further idea of a killjoy demarch shutting down a rowdy chorus is under-
-
choreia whose
very entry to the chorus ‘undid it’. But a perhaps preferable variant on this line of thinking
would be that the demarch had joined the chorus to get at someone in it who had a debt

connection between the quotation of the line by the Suda and the preceding information
-
tude to demarchs would also tally with that of the debt-ridden Strepsiades of Ar. Clouds
(δάκνει μὲ δήμαρχός τις ἐκ τῶν στρωμάτων ‘a demarch is biting me from the bedclothes’).
The Law of Euegoros th
I Avi 1) forbade anyone ‘either to dis-

payments during those days’ at the Piraeus Dionysia and


the Thargelia
other than the (highly unusual) Piraeus Dionysia (V Introduction) or whether it was in

phenomenon of deme festival life.


III A General

Another line of interpretation is prompted by comparison with Ai and Miii. In the pri-
vate deme Dionysia organised by Dikaiopolis in the Acharnians
both plays the role of exarchos of that festival’s phallic chorus and also performs the func-
tions commonly discharged by the demarch in relation to the running of the festival as a

ες τὸν χορὸ̣ ν
by the demarch in organising the Dionysia (Miii). In a section to do with the phallic pa-

chorus). A possibility (aired at Miii) is that it was a tragoidos or tragoidoi mentioned in


the previous line who were to be made to join the phallic chorus. But perhaps it was the
demarch
being instructed to join in the phallic chorus in Ikarion. And perhaps it was a more general
phenomenon than hitherto supposed for demarchs to take on a role in the phallic parade of
the festival he had organised.

Aiii: The Date of Deme Dionysia and the Question of an Attic Theatrical Circuit.
1. Plato, Republic 475d.

philosophos
the ideas of those who love spectacles (philotheamones) and those who love to hear
new things (philekooi
-
ful appearances from those who are able to apprehend true beauty. Text: Slings.

καὶ ὁ Γλαύκων ἔφη· πολλοὶ ἄρα καὶ ἄτοποι ἔσονταί σοι τοιοῦτοι. οἵ τε γὰρ
φιλοθεάμονες πάντες ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τῷ καταμανθάνειν χαίροντες τοιοῦτοι
εἶναι, οἵ τε φιλήκοοι ἀτοπώτατοί τινές εἰσιν ὥς γ᾽ ἐν φιλοσόφοις τιθέναι·
οἳ πρὸς μὲν λόγους καὶ τοιαύτην διατριβὴν ἑκόντες οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοιεν ἐλθεῖν,
ὥσπερ δὲ ἀπομεμισθωκότες τὰ ὦτα ἐπακοῦσαι πάντων χορῶν περιθέουσι
τοῖς Διονυσίοις οὔτε τῶν κατὰ πόλεις οὔτε τῶν κατὰ κώμας ἀπολειπόμενοι.

Glaukon replied: ‘Then according to you they (sc. the philosophoi) will be a
philotheamones

and those who love to hear new things (philekooi) are a very strange lot to be
ranked among lovers of wisdom (philosophoi). They never willingly attend

the cities or in the villages.’


2. Plato, Laches 183a–b. The Laches
III Aiii 27

which an expert in hoplite warfare who had won recognition in Sparta would naturally
use that reputation to earn money elsewhere with the practice of tragic poets in relation
to Athens. Text: Burnet.

… καὶ ὅτι παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἄν τις τιμηθεὶς εἰς ταῦτα καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων πλεῖστ᾽
ἂν ἐργάζοιτο χρήματα, ὥσπερ γε καὶ τραγῳδίας ποιητὴς παρ’ ἡμῖν τιμηθείς.
τοιγάρτοι ὃς ἂν οἴηται τραγῳδίαν καλῶς ποιεῖν, οὐκ ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ τὴν
Ἀττικὴν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐπιδεικνύμενος περιέρχεται, ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς
δεῦρο φέρεται καὶ τοῖσδ’ ἐπιδείκνυσιν εἰκότως.

Possibly καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις or καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις Taplin

… and that anybody who has achieved honour among them (sc. the Spartans)

tragedy does who has achieved honour among us. And so anyone who regards

around Attica (‘and’ with Taplin’s emendation) through the other cities putting

a display for our people.

The evidence of contemporary literature (I Ai 1a


iconography (I Avii) and scholarship (Sch. Pl. Rep Lex.Vind
Lex.Rhet. s.v. Διονύσια = AB
month of Posideon. There are some hints from the most direct of these sources – inscrip-
tions published by the demes themselves – that demes scheduled their festivals on different
dates within Posideon. In the late fourth century the Dionysia of Myrrhinous fell on or
Rii
Miii

V Introduction
calendar of Thorikos

of the festival (Y Introduction

-
er in Posideon. But the need to book performers and ensure a large audience speaks against

this festival in the same month. The polis certainly appears to have taken cognisance of

Even when full account is taken of the negative bias in Demochares’ talk of Aeschines
and in Demosthenes’
derogatory accounts of this ‘rustic Oenomaus’ (O
III A General

dramatic troupe moving from one rural festival to another. 1 and 2 -


cult further evidence for the existence of such a theatrical ‘circuit’ in Attica. By the highest
date at which the older of them (2
ex-
cluding
same is truer a fortiori

other hand both the general sentiment and particular expression are not easily compatible

one might expect full cities rather than (even large) demes as the realistic potential rival
centres of patronage for aspiring tragic poets – indeed as much is implied by the economic
aspect of the argument here. And one possible interpretation of the expression (rendered
here with clumsy literalness) ‘travel around “outside” in a circuit around Attica through the
other cities’ ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ... περιέρχεται could
suggest a passage not just ‘outside’ the city centre of Athens but beyond the whole territory
of Attica (note also the repetition of κύκλῳ δὲ περιιόντας in the continued discussion at
περί with the accusative
can refer both to movement round about
ᾤκουν δὲ καὶ Φοίνικες περὶ πᾶσαν
μὲν τὴν Σικελίαν). The evidence of the historical context best suits a text that referred to
a theatrical circuit including cities proper beyond Attica but also the Attic demes. That is
καὶ before κατὰ: ‘travel around
abroad in a circuit around Attica and through the other cities’. We thus understand this
expression as speaking from a city perspective: the poet goes about putting on shows in a

τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις). This


also has the virtue of not requiring πόλεις

is that it registers destinations in Attica and cities outside it as of equal standing from the
point of view of theatrical performance.
That solution also makes 2 more compatible with 1
the notion of a ‘circuit’ (in the verb περιθέουσι ‘run around’) of Dionysia so arranged as
to make it possible for the enthusiastic philotheamon to miss none (if he hurries). And the
combination – and contrast – of ‘cities’ πόλεις and ‘villages’ κώμας may mirror that im-
plicit in the reading of 2 suggested by Taplin. In that case the ‘circuit’ envisaged will not

chose this time of year for their (single) theatrical Dionysia (that includes even a number
Aiv a verb of circumambulation is
used with explicit – and exclusive – reference to the Rural Dionysia (Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρὸν
ἄγωσι περιιόντες).
Other important aspects of 1 have drawn less attention. Plato will not be attempting to
avoid anachronism by having Socrates stress the centrality of choruses (πάντων χορῶν) to
-
other item of evidence for the continued chorocentric view of drama in the fourth century.
III Aiv 29

Both passages are also important evidence for the economic dimension of theatre as it
spread through and beyond Attica. The roaming spectators of 1 are said to ‘rent out’ their
ἀπομισθοῦν τὰ
ὦτα ἀπομισθοῦν θέαν ‘to rent
out a seat for the spectacle’ (V A
describe what theatre managers did. And contracts of hire were also used by administrators
μισθόω ‘hire’ was used (I Bi 11). Plato’s language sub-

to commercial forces. Like a troupe of performers wandering from one paying community

It is clear that in 2 Plato has added the reference to teachers of military science making
money in other cities after being recognised by the Spartans not because they in fact did so

but because he is looking forward to the comparison with tragic poets. This amounts to a

-
matur of excellence in Athens.
The staggered timetable of deme Dionysia can thus be explained by a range of very
practical administrative and economic factors. It will have been essential in order to ensure
that performers in high demand and short supply could appear at more than one festival.

have required very careful timetabling. And it is clear that many demes not only opened

derived from their presence – both as fees for seats and as local consumers – to support
-

the passage of the Dionysiac troupe along the wintry roads of Attica may have been my-
thologised as retracing the footsteps and the mission of Icarius or of Dionysus himself (A
Introduction I Avii 2).

Aiv: Slaves at the Deme Dionysia: Plutarch, That One Cannot Live Pleasantly Following
Epicurus (Moralia) 1098b–c. Composed 1st c. AD. The dialogue is a Platonist attack on
the Epicurean view of pleasure as the highest good. This passage gives an example of
the lower bodily pleasures to be abhorred. Text: based on Pohlenz and Westman.

καὶ γὰρ οἱ θεράποντες ὅταν Κρόνια δειπνῶσιν ἢ Διονύσια κατ’ ἀγρὸν ἄγωσι
περιιόντες, οὐκ ἂν αὐτῶν τὸν ὀλολυγμὸν ὑπομείναις καὶ τὸν θόρυβον, ὑπὸ
χαρμονῆς καὶ ἀπειροκαλίας τοιαῦτα ποιούντων καὶ φθεγγομένων·

generally thought to be a quotation from a 4th-c. comedy: PCG


30 III A General

the Rural Dionysia on a passage of Aristophanes’ Acharnians (Ai) is unfounded. There are
no verbal echoes and none of the details provided by Aristophanes are included that might
have enlivened the account and strengthened its argument (notably the special role of phal-
-

(DFA2 43). We have little (but not no: SEG

by ‘go around’ περιιόντες Aiii) may suggest that


Plutarch has the Classical period in mind.
Taken literally this phrase may imply that slaves attended various Dionysia around

least busy period of the agricultural year. Plutarch stresses their direct participation in the
festival (indeed taken literally ἄγωσι implies a degree of agency in conducting the event)
and the slaves of Dikaiopolis participate in two key elements of his deme Dionysia: parade
(pompe) (Ar. Ach

Plutarch’s Platonism may go deeper in this passage. The statement that slaves at a rural
Dionysia experience pleasure and show ἀπειροκαλία ‘vulgarity’ or literally ‘inexperience

of tragedy as a kind of public speech whose proper addressees include slaves (Pl. Grg.

Av: Theoinia and Deme Dionysia: Harpocration, Lexicon of the Ten Orators s.v.
Θεοίνια (‘Theoinia’) (= Lycurg. fr. 7.3 Conomis). Harpocration of Alexandria’s (1st
or 2nd c. AD) Lexicon of the Ten Orators

of earlier sources. Harpocration or a prior source doubtless had access to the complete
speech of the mid fourth-century Athenian politician Lycurgus (VI I) delivered for one
of the two gene
the rites of Eleusis. Dinarchus appears to have spoken for the other side (Harp. s.v.
Ἐξούλης Ἱεροφάντης). Text: Conomis.

Θεοίνια· Λυκοῦργος ἐν τῆι διαδικασίαι Κροκωνιδῶν πρὸς Κοιρωνίδας. τὰ


κατὰ δήμους Διονύσια Θεοίνια ἐλέγετο, ἐν οἷς οἱ γεννῆται ἐπέθυον· τὸν γὰρ
Διόνυσον Θέοινον ἔλεγον, ὡς δηλοῖ Αἰσχύλος καὶ Ἴστρος ἐν α´ Συναγωγῶν.
‘Theoinia’: Lycurgus in the adjudication of a right (diadikasia) of the

genos
TrGF
Collected Writings (FGrH
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
COLLEGE MEN
"Johnnie, Johnnie, Dagnan,
Johnnie, Johnnie, Dagnan,
Do you want me?
No, sir-r-ee,
Not this afternoon, 'ternoon, 'ternoon, 'ternoon."

That is what a crowd of noisy, lazy, slouchy-looking fellows, in a


circle in front of Reunion were singing to a little, old, dried-up man,
with a plaintive face and blue uniform, in the centre of it.
John Dagnan, chief of college police and envoy extraordinary to the
faculty, cast a sad reproachful glance at two of the number to whom
he had borne many a summons to appear at one o'clock, and then
relapsed into his characteristic melancholy silence, gazing inscrutably
into the distance.
Over by the elm in front of the Princetonian Office were four seniors
pitching pennies and looking very much in earnest over it. Up and
down in front of the shambling old building two or three base-balls
were flying back and forth over or against the heads of the loafers
and passers-by. Several other groups were merely sitting on the
steps or standing on the stone walks, talking or whistling or waiting
for nothing.
The steps in front of the entry door were so crowded that young
Symington, following his friend Tucker, had to tread upon some of
the loungers to get inside. But the loungers were used to that and
did not stop their conversation. It's easier than arising.
Symington would have liked to stop and watch the fellows pitching
pennies, and hear more of the song, and see what the little
policeman was going to do about it, but he did not say a word. He
merely followed Tucker up to his room and wondered why he failed
to notice it.
Charlie Symington was a well-built prep. boy who had been known
to strike out three men with the bases full. He had been invited to
spend Sunday in Princeton by some important athletic men in order
that he might see how much better their college was than all others
in the world. This was because Charles was young and foolish and
had shown signs of shifting his youthful affections and his future
athletic brilliance to that other college where two of his intimate
friends were going, and which had brilliance enough already.
These athletic officials thought that this would be narrow-minded in
him, and they were giving him a very good time. The way they did it
was not by treating him as a distinguished guest or by telling him
what a fine fellow he was, which would have turned the little boy's
head and have made him think he could do as he pleased. They
simply said "Come," and when he came, let him walk around with
them.
For they were a right conceited lot in regard to their college, and
thought that all they had to do was put a boy on the campus, let
him use his eyes and breathe the air and get it in his young system,
and his good sense would do the rest. If it did not, his sense was
not good and they did not want him, thought they.
As for the young pitcher, he did not quite understand why these
great and awful men whom he had often heard of were so kind to
him, and he did not care. He only opened his eyes and ears and shut
his mouth, and let his friends do whatever they wanted with him and
thought it was very nice in them.
And that is all I am going to tell of; what Symington the prep. drank
in with his eyes and ears open and his mouth closed. Nothing will
happen.
A lame arm had laid him off his team for the usual Saturday game,
so he had arrived in Princeton this afternoon in time to see the
'varsity play with a small college nine. He watched the game critically
and closely, and passed judgment on each player—under his breath.
He knew the initials, age, class, and previous history of every man
on the team, and he could have told you just what each one did and
did not in the seventh inning of the Yale game two years before. In
regard to the important games previous to that he was somewhat
hazy. He was only sure of the scores by innings, the total base hits,
and the errors, though he hated to confess it.
Tucker, the Base-ball president, had honored him to the extent of
allowing him to sit on the bench under the canopy with the team.
Here was a splendid opportunity of gazing upon their faces at close
range. Once when the third baseman came in breathless from a
home run, with perspiration running down his face, he tripped on
Symington's toe and said to him in a loud tone, in order to be heard
above the applause, "Pardon me, Symington," which Charlie did.
After the game, which was of the subdued, half-holiday recreation
sort, good to bring either a pipe or a girl to, without fear of putting
either out by inattention, Tucker, the president, brought him up the
street and through the noisy quadrangle to Reunion Hall where he
now was ascending the stairs.
Tucker opened the door and picked up a dozen or more letters from
the floor and said, "Sit down, Charlie," and began to assort them.
But he said "Sit down Charlie" in an absent-minded tone, and Charlie
knew that, and so he looked about the room instead. He thought
this was the kind of a room a college man ought to have. He gazed
at everything in it from the oar of the last Princeton crew (which
must have rowed in triremes—there are two hundred and nine of
those oars) to the small photograph of a girl's face in a dainty little
figured blue silk frame, all alone over Tucker's desk. That was the
first thing he had discovered of which he could not approve. It
grieved him to be obliged to think that of Tucker. He seemed such a
fine fellow, too.
Just then Mercer, the treasurer, came in with his rattling tin-box, and
talked business with Tucker, who nodded his head and kept on
opening and glancing through letters.
Symington tried not to listen, but he couldn't help hearing, so he got
up again and went to the window. A great lot of racket was going on
in the quadrangle below. Somebody had thrown some water out of a
window at somebody else, and now they were trying to throw
stones back without breaking glass, which was hard to do. Everyone
was shouting or yelling, or both, and it was echoing from Old North
and College Offices. This is called Horse.
It interrupted Tucker so that he had to raise his voice and repeat
several times what he said to Mercer. Finally the voices became
louder than he liked. Stepping across the room in a matter-of-fact
way with an open letter in his other hand, he threw down the
window from the top, with a shrill squeak, and said, in a casual tone,
"Ah, I'm afraid you'll have to be just a little bit more quiet down
there. You're getting a trifle too noisy. There, that's better," and went
on with his sentence to Mercer, who answered, "That's so. Shall I
wire him about it?" The racket had suddenly subsided.
Symington the prep. sat down and looked at Tucker. But the senior
changed his expression no more than when he knocked the ashes
out of his pipe. Charles asked no questions because he was not that
kind of a prep., but he arose, went to the window again and looked
at the horse-players. Then he looked at Tucker once more. Most of
them were bigger than Tucker.
They acted as if nothing unusual had taken place. They were
laughing now at something else, only it was quiet laughter. They
were under-classmen.
The two athletic officers were busy now, the president talking very
rapidly and seriously, and the treasurer listening intently. Symington,
the prep., gazed out of the window as only preps. can gaze. He
found it interesting enough.
It was that hour of the day when the undergraduate leaves
whatever has been occupying his attention, and thrusts his hands
deep into his pockets, and heads for the spot in town where he feels
like going three times every day. There were dozens of them in sight
doing it now.
The prep. thought it odd, the way some of them stood still out in the
middle of the campus, and with their eyes turned toward an upper
story of one of the buildings yelled, "Hello-o, Sam, going down to
grub?" or beseechingly, "Please shake it up," or commandingly, "Get
a move up there!" He liked it though.
He could hear footsteps rumbling down the entry stairs, then the
door slam, and then the man himself would emerge in sight. He saw
them coming out of North, too, and from West, and he could make
out others, way over by East College. Many of them headed toward
Nassau Street. Some set out in the direction of the Chapel. Others
turned toward the Gymnasium. Nearly all of them whistled or made
a noise of some sort as they went along.
One fellow, a tremendous man, was stalking by with his head
thrown back, singing at the top of his voice. But the funny part of it
to Symington was that the big fellow's face seemed utterly
unconscious of whether any one was around to see him or not. He
was all alone, and he seemed to be having a quiet, comfortable time
of it.
When the clock tolled six Tucker arose and said, "Now we'll go and
get some dinner, Charlie—Pat, Symington and I dine at the Athletic
Club this evening. We'll see you later." Pat was Mercer's right name.
Symington was glad to hear that he was to dine at the Athletic Club
this evening. He had read all about this affair, and had seen pictures
of it in Harper's Weekly. But he listened attentively to all Tucker had
to say on the way down.
His friend opened the heavy oaken door with a small flat key,
explaining that it was necessary to keep the doors locked because
the mob would otherwise make themselves at home in there. "You
see, Charlie," he said, "although this is the training-quarters it is a
private club, and not a public affair like the field-house we were in
this afternoon. But the membership is open to every one for
competition. When you come to college, if you make the team, you
will be a member as long as you are training with it. If you become a
captain or get any of the Athletic offices you'll be a life member."
But Symington the prep. was not listening to that. When the door
opened he caught a glimpse of a big brick fireplace with tiling over
it, on which was inscribed "Oranje Boven," and higher up were
footballs hung in clusters with scores painted upon them, and all
about the wainscoted walls of the hallway were baseball and football
and lacrosse championship banners with gilt lettering. That's what
he was paying attention to.
"Yes, leave your cap there, any place. Now I want to see what you're
good for in this line. We'll go over the house afterward." Tucker led
the way toward the sound of knives and forks.
Now it should be understood that Symington, the head man of the
school, was not afraid of anything on earth, and if he were dining at
Prospect with the President of the University, it would not have
mattered. But to walk straight into a room and be introduced to the
captain of the team was a little too much. It took his appetite away
at first, and he thought he could eat none of that famous training
food of which he had heard. However, the shock soon passed.
He was presented to all the members of the nine, and to the subs
and to the trainer, and also to two professional pitchers from the
Brooklyn League team, who were down to coach the players, and
who were just now eating with their knives a huge meal at a little
side-table.
Symington was given a seat next to Jack, the trainer, who was
cordial and kind to him, and said, "Oh, me boy, you must eat more
than that."
The meal seemed to be a very business-like affair. The men were
brown from their exercise in the sun, and ruddy and glowing from
their recent rub down, and hungry from both causes, and they
devoured great sections of rare beef as though they knew it was
their duty to get strong for Old Nassau.
The conversation was quite shoppy. When he had finished, the
captain pushed back his chair from the table and said, "Fellows, you
played a pretty good game to-day. But we've got to brace up in team
work. When a man's on a base we must simply push him the rest of
the way around."
As soon as dessert was finished, Tucker said, "I want to smoke. Let's
start up for the singing, Charlie."
Symington would have liked to explore the rest of the club-house,
though of course he did not say so. He did not even ask what the
singing meant. But as they arose to leave the table he did ask a
question about one of the portraits of the ancient and modern
athletic heroes which line the walls.
"Yes, Charlie," said Tucker, "that's he."
"I remember just how he looked when he made that long, low drive,
that time, in the ninth inning," Symington said, solemnly.
"Yes," said Tucker, briefly, "a great many of us will always remember
his long, low drives. Here is your cap."
This was in reference to a large portrait at the end of the room. The
frame had a deep black border.
Tucker and his friend, the other fellow, the University treasurer,
whose name the prep. had forgotten, waited until entirely out of the
house before lighting their pipes.
Two or three of the team joined Tucker and Symington and the
University treasurer. The prep. felt that one of them was coming up
beside him. He waited a moment and then glanced out of the corner
of his eye. He caught his breath, but did not fall down. It was the
captain of the 'varsity nine.
It's a very fine thing to be head man of your school and pitcher on
your team, but oh, if the school could see him now!
"How do you like our club?" asked the captain in a voice something
like other men's.
"I like the club," said Symington.
"Yes, we think it's a pretty comfortable place. Come down to-morrow
and we'll show you the Trophy-room and all." Then he began to
question him about his team at school.
To Symington's surprise and delight the captain seemed to know the
score of all the important games they had played and how many—or
how few—base hits had been gained in each one off him, Charles
Symington. And he can tell you to this day every word of the
conversation and at what point of the walk it was when the captain
said, "Well, you are pitching pretty good ball this year. This is
McCosh walk. Look at those trees."
"Yes," said Symington.
The soft evening light was sifting down through the interlacing
branches, making a glow to dream about, which Symington did not
notice. He had no time to waste at present.
They passed between Chapel and Murray Hall and across back of
West toward North. Just as they reached Old Chapel strange notes
of music broke in on the prep.'s ears. At first he could not make up
his mind whether it was vocal or instrumental, or whether it was real
at all, in fact, or part of a dream like everything else perhaps. The
seniors were singing, and from that part of the campus it echoes
oddly, as you doubtless know.
When they turned the corner and were on the front campus a
wonderful sight met the prep.'s eyes. On the steps of Old North, and
spilling over upon the stone walks in front and filling up the window
casements on either side, was the senior class in duck trousers and
careless attitudes with the dark green of many class-ivies for a
background and the mellow brown wall of the ancient pile showing
through in places. Most of the fellows had an arm about one or two
others.
One of the number was standing up in front beating time with a
folded Princetonian. They were singing a dear old song called "Annie
Lyle." Their voices came rich and sweet in the twilight air.
Under the wide elms were the rest of the college. Also the poor
post-graduates and some of the faculty's families and the little
muckers, and even a few seminary students from over the way. But
only the undergraduates seemed becoming to the scene. The others
rather spoiled the effect.
Some of the fellows were sprawled out flat on their backs looking up
through the tree-tops at the fading blue. Some rested their heads on
each other and got all mixed up so that no one could tell which were
his own legs. Others were strolling about or looking at the strangers
who came to spend Sunday or to see the game. A few were passing
tennis-balls and being cursed by the rest. All of them wore négligé
clothes or worse.
The captain said he did not feel like singing and led Symington
across in front of the seniors and made him sit down beside him on
the grass. This was in the eyes of the whole University.
Symington was quite near the men on the steps. He looked them
over and tried to catch the joke they were all laughing at now the
song was finished. He thought it would be a right fine thing to sit up
there and sing to a college. And he made up his mind that if he ever
did it he would climb up on top of one of the lion's heads like that
little short fellow with the long pipe.
After singing "Rumski Ho" in long, measured cadence, and other
good old things and several new ones, some one on the steps began
shouting, "Brown! Brown!" Several voices said, in concert, "We must
have Brown." Out in the crowd they began crying, "Right! Brown.
We want Brown! We must have Brown!"
Three seniors lay hold of one senior and lifted him to his feet.
Symington could hear him saying, "Don't, don't. I'm a chestnut.
They won't listen to me any more. Please don't make a fool of me,
fellows." But he was made to stand out in front and sing a solo.
While this was going on the rest of the college jumped up from their
places and pressed up into a close semicircle about the steps.
Symington and the captain had to arise to keep from being trampled
on.
When Brown finished his solo he was applauded so much that he
had to sing another, and Symington made up his mind that next to
being the captain he would most like to be Brown.
Then the crowd called for "Timber," and a man got up who had the
queerest face Symington ever saw. He looked as if he were trying
with all his might to look serious and would never succeed. Everyone
began to laugh the moment Timberly stood up, especially his own
classmates. And when he began to sing his comic ballad they
laughed still more.
When he finished, the audience clapped their hands and yelled. A
crowd of juniors gave the college cheer and ended with the words
"Timberly's Solo." In some respects Symington liked Timberly more
than Brown.
When Timberly at last, looking sad, sat down, Symington heard
several voices saying "Everybody up." Those on the ground arose,
and those in the windows jumped down. Symington got up too,
though he did not know why, and took off his cap when he saw the
captain do it.
It was late twilight. The campus was becoming dusky. The faces
were dim. The ball-throwing had ceased, and the little muckers had
left. The elms were sighing softly overhead in a patriarchal sort of
way. Symington thought everyone seemed more quiet and solemn
than they were before. Perhaps he only imagined it.
Then, with all the seniors on their feet, with their heads uncovered,
the leader waved his white baton, and over one hundred voices sang
"Tune every heart and every voice, Bid every care withdraw," and
the rest of the college hymn.
Many of the audience joined in, and nobody thought it fresh in
them; and Symington would have liked to join in too, only he did not
know how. He felt very queer for some reason, and forgot who was
standing beside him for a moment. The poetry of the scene was
getting into him. He didn't know that, of course, but he had a vague
feeling that this was living, and that it was good for him to be there.
When the hymn was finished the class cheered for itself and for the
college, and for itself again; and the senior singing was over.
From all over the front campus there suddenly broke out in many
loud discordant keys, "Hello, Billy Minot" and "Hello, Jimmy Linton"
and "hello" Johnnys and Harrys and Reddys and Dicks, and Drunks,
and Deans, and Fathers, and Mables and horses and dogs and
houses and others. As each found the man he wanted, an arm or
two was thrown about a neck or two, and they started off for some
other part of the campus or town.
The captain had also helloed for someone. Symington was left alone
for a moment. But he was not exactly alone. He listened to the
scraps of talk as the fellows moved past. "Pretty good singing this
evening.... Get to work now.... At Dohm's.... I told him to come
up.... New York to get advertisements.... The Trigonometry.... Trials
for the Gun Club.... Princetonian Subscriptions now.... The mandolin
to some girls that came to see the game with him.... You damn sour
ball." Some of them were humming the last notes of the song.
Others were saying nothing.
A loud clear voice beside him called "Hello, Charlie Symington." It
was Tucker looking for him in the dusk, and he called him just as
they called to college men. Symington was to meet the captain again
later on. Tucker put his arm about Charlie's shoulders as they
stepped along toward Reunion. Perhaps he did it unconsciously.
"You can amuse yourself with these," said Tucker, tossing into
Charlie's lap a copy of the Bric-a-Brac, which he had read long ago
at school, and a lot of photographs. "And if you want a nap," he
added "just read that." He threw across the room the last number of
the Nassau Lit. That's a very old joke.
Tucker then turned to his desk and got to work over something.
Symington did not know what it was, and of course did not ask. But
it was not fifteen minutes before "Hello-o, Tommy Tucker" came in a
loud voice from the quad, below. Tucker frowned and did not look
up.
Then it came again, with a sharper accent on the second syllable,
"Helloo, Tommy Tucker."
"Hello," Tucker replied, shortly.
"Are you up there?"
"No, I'm down at the 'varsity grounds running around the track."
"You busy?"
"Yes, Ted, I am. Don't come up."
"All right." Then a whistled tune began, and the shuffling of a pair of
feet along the walk. Gradually they faded and mingled with other
whistling and feet scraping.
While Symington was thinking this over he heard another voice
calling for someone else, and when a muffled response came back,
the clear, outside voice said, "Stick your head out!" He heard a
window lowered and the inside voice say "Well?"
"Stick it in again."
The window slammed and the man below went on down to Dohm's,
whistling softly to himself.
Symington, the prep., thought that was very funny and laughed
aloud, and hoped he did not disturb his host by so doing.
Presently someone else yelled for Tucker, and when he replied, "Yes,
of course, I'm busy," the man below called back, "Too bad," and the
entry stairs began to clatter. In a moment a broad smile and a pair
of clean duck trousers burst into the room.
"Timberly," said Tucker, smiling in spite of himself, "I thought I told
you not to come up here this evening."
"I believe you did. That's so." Timberly was trying to look serious.
Then brightening up at the sight of Symington as if remembering
something. "But you see," he said, "I wanted to meet the pitcher."
Tucker grinned and introduced them.
Timberly shook Symington's hand vigorously and said, "Wasn't that a
smooth song I sang on the steps—hey? I'm a good one, only none
of 'em appreciate me. Oh, yes, I nearly forgot—I'm up here on
business. I'm up here on business, Tommy Tucker," he repeated, and
daintily kicked off Tucker's cap and disappeared into one of the
bedrooms. Tucker kept on working. Symington wondered what
Timberly was doing.
It was nearly half-past eight now, and other fellows began dropping
in. Some helloed first and some came unannounced. Tucker looked
up to see who they were. Sometimes he said "Hello" and sometimes
he did not. Some of them took off their caps. Others did not. Tucker
left it to the first ones to introduce Symington to the later ones.
After half an hour's absence Timberly emerged from the room
finishing a sentence he had begun before he opened the door. "And
Tommy, you must do the rest. You can tie them so nicely too."
"Tommy, look," said the man with the banjo on the sofa.
Timberly was standing up straight, nicely incased in evening clothes
and holding two ends of a white tie in his hands. He looked well-
groomed and seemed like a different man now. Perhaps he was.
"What are you doing?" said Tucker, in a stern voice.
"I've got to do it. It's two years now, and it's not good form to let a
dinner call go more than two years in Princeton. Here, Tommy, fix
this."
"Do it yourself."
"These were great friends of my brother's, and he made me promise
on the Family Bible, if we have one. Here, tie this. Great Scott, I've
done all the rest. They are your own clothes. You ought to at least
be willing to fix the tie."
Tucker put his pen between his teeth and tied the knot with
Timberly kneeling at his feet like a patient child having his face
washed. Tucker was one of the three men in college who could
make a decent job of a tie on another man's neck without standing
behind him. The others looked on in silence. Timberly looked up and
winked at the prep.
As a rule Symington did not like people to wink at him, as though he
were a boy, but this was a most peculiar wink. He not only liked it
but nearly snorted out with laughter, which would have been a very
kiddish thing to do.
Timberly jumped up. "You're a pretty nice fellow, Tommy Tucker,
even though you are arrogant," he said, and leaned over and rubbed
his chin affectionately across Tucker's nose, then grabbed his cap
and started for the door.
"By the way Timber," said Tucker. "I want you to return those clothes
some time. Do you hear? I may go out of town next week."
"That sounds reasonable," replied Timberly, reflectively rattling the
knob as he glanced about the room at the others.
"And I don't want to chase all over the campus for 'em. Do you
hear?"
"Now, Tommy Tucker, you talk as if I were accustomed to keeping
things I borrow. What are you fellows laughing at? Besides, you
know very well, T. Tucker, that even if I should happen to forget to
return your suit, all you would have to do would be to wire down
home for mine—or, no, ask me and I'd wire down myself and save
you the trouble." He banged the door.
"Now do you suppose," laughed the one with the cigar on the divan
as Timberly's feet in Tucker's patent leathers went pattering down
the stairs, "that Timber thought he was in earnest in that last
brilliant remark of his, or was it meant for horse." You could seldom
tell with Timberly.
"I don't believe he knew himself," said the man with his feet on the
arms of Symington's chair. "He's on one of his streaks to-day. I saw
the symptoms this morning in Ethics. And when he's that way he's
as good as crazy."
"Right," said the one with the banjo. "He don't know what he's
saying any more than he knows that he has a cap on his head with a
dress suit. If he were in his right mind he would not go out calling."
"He'll either make a fool of himself this evening wherever he goes,
or else he'll make one of those great tears of his."
But Symington the prep. thought Timberly was about the best fun in
the world.
Some of the fellows left and others came in. Symington thought
some of them behaved oddly. One man seemed very sour and came
in scowling and sat down without saying hello to anybody. He put his
feet on the table and pulled his cap down over his eyes. As soon as
he finished his pipe and had emptied the ashes on the carpet to
keep out the moths he arose and stretched himself and went away
again. He had not said a word. And after he had left no one said
anything about it.
That happened while the crowd was thickest. When there were only
a few fellows in the room some one generally remembered to
introduce the incomers to Symington. He rather liked the way they
treated him. They did not, as a rule, patronize him because of his
being a prep. And they did not take pains to make him feel at ease,
which would have rattled him. They treated him more as if he were
one of them, and talked to him, if they felt like it, and let him look
after himself, if they did not. At least that is the way it seemed to
Charlie. And they called him Charlie or Symington, without any
Mister, which would have made him feel ridiculous.
And all this time Tucker at his desk kept on working and only looked
up occasionally to say, "How are you, Willie, there's the tobacco,
come in." The only time he arose from his seat was once when Jack
the trainer came in, and looking at the crowd said, "Mister Tucker,
can I speak with ye a moment." The busy man said "Certainly" and
led the way into his bedroom and closed the door with a bang, and
came out again in a few minutes saying, "All right Jack, I appreciate
your position. I'll see to it. Good-night," and sat down to work again.
At a little before eleven the prep. began to feel the force of training
habits. He was gritting his teeth hard to keep from yawning. Tucker,
who had not looked up for nearly an hour, whisked his papers and
things to one side, slammed two drawers, turned a lock, and
suddenly jumped up from his chair. He ran across the room with a
yell which startled the prep. and made the chandelier ring. Then he
threw himself upon two fellows on the divan and began calling them
names. His teeth were set and his face so fierce that the prep. found
it difficult to keep from believing him angry. And then the two on the
divan arose in their might and cast him upon the floor, exclaiming,
victoriously, "There, be Gosh." Tucker was through his work for the
week and was feeling glad about it. That was his way of expressing
it.
"Now, Charlie," he said in a loud, careless manner, "we go out and
have some fun now. Here's a cap. Don't wear that ugly stiff hat any
more. See?"
Symington had no idea where he was going, but he arose and said
good-by to the three others in the room. They did not seem to feel
badly in the least over their rude treatment on the part of their host.
One of them, sitting on a table with one foot on a chair and the
other on the floor, was reading a book of verses and did not look up
when Tucker said, "So long." The other two, who had been talking
about the baseball prospects and including Symington in their
conversation, remained flat on their backs talking about the baseball
prospects without Symington.
It was a beautiful evening. In other words it was spring term and the
night was clear. There were still groups of fellows seated on the
doorsteps or stretched out under the trees. The gleam of their
flannels could be seen in the dark. They were up in the balconies
also. One of them knocked the ashes from his pipe and Symington
saw the sparks float down. He heard a low laugh come from one of
the wide open windows. Up from Witherspoon came the tinkle of
mandolin music. They were playing to some visiting girls on those
broad balconies in front.
"This is West," said Tucker; "Jack Stehman lives in that room up
there and Harry Lawrence in the one below——"
"Oh, Stehman the tackle?" asked the prep.
"Yes. Have you met him?"
"No."
"You will to-night."
The prep.'s heart gave a bound. He was to meet Stehman.
They passed down by Clio Hall and dingy Edwards and turned
toward a long gray building a little to the left.
"This is Dod Hall," Tucker said, and opened one of the big doors.
They went up two or three flights of stairs and turned down the hall,
and Tucker kicked a door at the end of it. Something clicked and the
door opened of itself. Four or five voices shouted, "Come in."
Mingled bits of conversation and tobacco smoke and the odor of
lemon-peel met them in the little hall-way as they entered it. But
Symington the prep. looked behind the door and made up his mind
that his door would have an electric apparatus like that when he
came to college.
A fellow stuck his head out of one of the bedroom doors and
pointing across the hall-way to the main room with a long, bright
deer-knife, said, "Come in, Tom, I'll be there in a moment." He
rubbed perspiration from his brow with the back of the hand which
held a lemon and disappeared into the bedroom.
"Yea-a-a!" cried several voices as Tucker pushed back the portière
and stood in the door-way. "Come in, Tommy," they said. "Come in,
Symington," said one of the fellows that knew the prep.
"Fellows, this is my friend Symington, the prep.'" said Tucker;
"Symington, this is de gang." Tucker tossed his cap and Symington's
gracefully into the scrap-basket and pushed Charlie into a seat on
the sofa. A fellow with spectacles began asking him what he thought
of the afternoon's game. The prep. did not know the man's name,
but that did not matter.
There were about a dozen fellows scattered about the room, but the
thing that attracted Symington's attention was in the centre of it.
Two square-topped desks had been placed end to end. On these lay
a table-cloth, or rather some sheets, and on them was stacked a pile
of things good to look at and better to eat. The only reason the food
did not immediately become part of the dozen fellows was because
they were waiting with watering mouths for something to wash it
down with. And this was being prepared as rapidly as Randolph and
Ashley in the bedroom could do it. Perhaps they were trying to do it
too rapidly, for Symington heard a voice exclaim, "Aw, look out, you
ass, you're spilling it all over my bed."
While they were waiting, Dougal Davis and Reddy Armstrong and
Harry Lawrence and Jim Linton and others came in. When the
lounge, window-seat, chairs, tables, and coal-scuttle became
crowded, the new-comers sat on the floor.
Presently the introductory strains of Mendelssohn's "Wedding March"
came from the bedroom, followed by Randy and Dad Ashley and two
assistants bearing aloft two basins, which seemed to be heavy. They
strode in, swinging their feet far out in front in a stagey manner to
the tune of the "Wedding March" which they shouted with their
heads thrown back.
Hunter Ramsay jumped up and marched behind them. The rest
thought this a good idea and did likewise, and all sang loud and
stamped hard and made the poler growl in the room below, which
did no good. Then after marching twice around the table they
carefully set the bowls down at either end of it with the ice tinkling
against the sides. One of the bowl-bearers remarked, "Maybe you
don't think those things are heavy."
"Now then!" said Stehman the tackle, approaching the table. "Ah!"
said Symington's friend Tucker. The others may have said things
also. If they did not they looked them.
No one waited to be asked. Everyone was supposed to know without
being told what was the object of white breasts of cold chicken with
russet-brown skin, and rich Virginia ham with spices sticking in the
golden-brown outside fat, and little, thin, home-made sandwiches
and olives and jellies, Virginia jellies, you know, and beaten biscuit
and chocolate cake and fruit cake, or black cake, as they call it in the
South. As a matter of fact they all did seem to know, and this
included Symington, who held his own with the others very well for
a little prep. boy in training. He had forgotten to be sleepy now.
Thus began one of the greatest evenings in the life of Charlie
Symington, and it lasted until two o'clock. It was an old-fashioned
spread. There was no caterer with a gas-stove in the bedroom, or a
table set with a bank of flowers down the centre, or properly attired
waiters opening wine behind the chairs. Randolph's mother had sent
up a lot of deliciously cooked stuff from the old place in Virginia.
Randolph had said to some of the fellows, "I've got a box of grub.
Can you come 'round this evening?" And by the looks of things most
of them had found that they could as well as not.
Symington had the best time of them all, and, besides, he learned
much. He noticed that quite as many fellows took lemonade as
drank punch, and this was a matter of surprise to the prep. For his
ideas of college men were largely drawn from would-be sportive
young freshmen that drove through prep. school towns waving beer-
bottles overhead and beating their horses into a gallop.
Nobody got drunk. Everyone became livelier and brighter and better,
but that is the object of such gatherings, and those who confined
their attentions to the lemonade end of the table were as noisy as
the others. No one was urged to take the red fluid rather than the
yellow. In fact no one observed which fellows visited which punch-
bowl. No one but Symington. And he had been under the impression
that at college a fellow's jaws were pried open with a baseball bat
and rum was poured down his throat, while three other men held his
legs and arms.
The room had now become beautifully hazy with smoke. Some of
the fellows tipped their chairs back and put their feet up. The
window-seat was full to overflowing. One man rested his head on
another fellow's shoulder and asked him to muss his hair. The legs of
the one having his hair mussed stretched out over the legs of two
other fellows and intertwined with those of a third. Two men were
sitting beside the oranges on the table. Some were on the floor with
their backs against the wall. All had full stomachs and light jovial
spirits. Symington was watching Dougal Davis blow rings.
Harry Lawrence started up "The Orange and the Black." They sang
all the stanzas. Then they sang more songs, old songs which are still
popular and new songs which were then popular and are now quite
forgotten, probably. Everyone sang, whether he knew how or not.
Symington sang too. The one he liked the best was a funny song
beginning, "Oh, to-day is the day that he comes from the city." They
sang that one over and over again. Then they sang it once more.
They were all having a good time.
After a while the room became quiet and someone turned down the
lights and they told ghost stories, which frightened the prep.
They wound up the evening by trooping downstairs in the dark, for
the lights were turned out long ago, and marching up to the front
campus, singing as they went. And there they danced about the
cannon and sang and whooped and yelled until Bill Leggett came
over with his lantern and said, in his gruff voice and good-natured
manner, "Boys, it's nearly Sunday morning."
"All right, Bill," they answered. Then all said good-night and went to
bed.
Tucker had a roommate some place, but Symington had his bedroom
that night.
"If you want anything, just yell for me, Charlie. My room is right
next, you know. Goodnight." Tucker was half undressed.
"I sha'n't want anything. Wait a minute, Tucker, please. I'm not sure
about something, and it bothers me."
"Well?"
"Princeton won the football championship in '78, didn't we?"
"Say that again."
"Didn't we win in '78?"
"Yes, Charlie, we did."
Symington thought his friend Tucker was smiling at his ignorance.
But that wasn't it.
THE MAN THAT LED THE CLASS
The Latin salutatory was finished. Dougal Davis bowed and took his
seat and the applause began.
He had done well and he knew it, but he did not stop to dwell upon
that now. There would be plenty of time to feel pleased with himself
later on. At present his chief sensation was of jubilant relief at telling
himself that the thing was over with at last.
Not many of his audience had understood much of what he had
been saying, but that did not matter. The fellows smiled at the right
time when he said something about puellas pulchras, and they
nodded their heads knowingly when he made the reference to
athletics, as he had told them beforehand to do. And he had gotten
through without forgetting the paragraph beginning with
"Postquam," as he feared he would.
He was mopping his good-looking brow. His nerves were still
quivering, but he felt perfectly cool and unafraid of anything, and he
sat very still with his eyes half closed, and felt the tension on his
nerves soothingly relax. Then for the first time he heard the
applause, and it occurred to him that all those many people out
there were clapping their hands for him, and that for five minutes
they had heard very little else but his voice, and he felt without
glancing up that they were still looking at him and very likely
thinking, "That is the man that led the class." He told himself all this
with an inward smile of wonder at his own importance, and at his
not being more impressed by it.
Then he slowly raised his eyes and moved his gaze around over the
many fluttering fans to the right. He passed over it once without
seeing it, then he found the face he was searching for. She was
looking up at him with just the kind of a smile that he knew would
be there, and when she caught his eye, the smile became radiant,
and he fancied he saw a little look of triumph in it. This he answered
with a shrug of his engowned shoulder and an almost imperceptible
grimace, and quickly looked away again. No one else saw it, but she
saw and she understood.
The applause had ceased, and the next man was introduced and the
audience turned their attention to him.
Davis took a long breath and looked about him. There was a fat old
lady fanning vigorously, and at every stroke of the fan a ray of light
was reflected in his face. Over there on the right of the platform
were the venerable trustees. Harry Lawrence's fine looking father,
with the handsome head of gray hair, was in the front row, looking
grave and indulgently interested. On the left were the faculty in their
black gowns. They appeared more or less accustomed to all this.
Down in front were his classmates, and back of these the many,
many people closely crowded together. Their faces looked like little
patches of white with dark marks for features, and nearly all of them
seemed to be fanning.
He remembered the lining up under the elms this morning in front of
North, and the band that played, and the girls that gazed, and the
many classes calling "'82 this way!" and "'61 this way!" and the old-
fashioned cheer that '79 gave. Then with the band taking a fresh
hold on the air, how the long procession had begun its march under
the trees toward the church, between the crowds of visitors who
parted to either side and looked at them as they filed by.
First came that member of the faculty who is always grand marshal
and carries an orange and black baton, then the august trustees
followed by the faculty in their gowns and mortar boards, and
behind these trooped the sons of Nassau; each class in the order of
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