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Men-at-Arms • 455 Men-at-Arms

OSPREY
PUBLISHING

The uniforms, equipment, history and organization US Armed Forces

US Armed Forces

Men-at-Arms • 455
of the world’s military forces, past and present
in China
1856–1941
From the mid-19th century
in China 1856–1941
until the country’s fall to the
Japanese, the US armed forces
maintained a presence on the

US Armed Forces in China 1856–1941

shores of China. From early
operations on the Pearl River
in support of its citizens, to
the US Marines’ involvement
in the Boxer Rebellion, and
through to the feats of the
volunteer squadrons who
Full color artwork flew against the Japanese
in support of Nationalist
China, this book tells the
story of the troops and their
operations. Illustrated with
stunning original artwork
and rare photography, this
book recounts the little-known
presence of American troops
Unrivaled detail Photographs on the far side of the Pacific.

John Langellier

OSPREY
PUBLISHING

www.ospreypublishing.com
OSPREY

John Langellier • Illustrated by Mike Chappell

Title Page.qxb:01-Title_C40997 10/2/09 06:11 Page 1

Men-at-Arms • 455

US Armed Forces in
China 1856–1941

John Langellier • Illustrated by Mike Chappell

Series editor Mar tin Windrow
MAA455 Mono.qxd:Pages bw.qxd 9/2/09 11:04 Page 3

US ARMED FORCES IN CHINA

1856–1941

INTRODUCTION

I
18th century the Celestial Empire held vast treasures that were
N THE
the envy of other nations. Tea, silk, and fine chinaware were among
the luxury goods sought by Western traders to feed the insatiable
markets of Europe and America; but China required almost nothing
from these strangers, since the Dragon Throne ruled over a virtually
US Navy Commander Andrew H.
self-contained domain and had little interest in mechanical toys.
Foote, captain of the sloop USS
Portsmouth, led a landing force
Precious metals, however, were acceptable: if the foreign barbarians
of sailors and Marines in the paid in gold or silver they would be supplied with the exotic raw
capture of the Barrier Forts at materials and products of the empire, though only while being kept at
the mouth of the Canton river in arm’s length in terms of political and cultural relations.
November 1856. The photograph
As time passed the trade deficits in China’s favor became enormous,
was taken in later years, after
Capt Foote had distinguished
and the drain on the coffers of other countries, particularly Great
himself during the American Britain, created such problems that Queen Victoria’s government took
Civil War. (LC) measures to halt this one-way flow of specie. Impatient with the failure
of diplomatic and economic avenues, Britain
applied military leverage to open up China to
foreign imports; other powers, including Japan,
were not far behind, and eventually the United
States followed suit. The foreigners pressed for
the physical concession of coastal and river-port
enclaves for traders, where they could operate
in privileged independence of Chinese law and
custom. As each decade passed during the
19th century more foreign naval forces appeared,
much to the chagrin of China’s rulers and
population, while the protection of Christian
missionaries provided a repeated excuse for
landings and deeper penetrations.
One of the few products that found a ready
market in China was the opium grown in Britain’s
colonies, and in 1839 open warfare broke out as
the British tried to force China to accept this
addictive and debilitating import. Nearly a decade
after this First Opium War the British and French
were in the forefront of another major test of
arms between China and the Europeans. This
Second Opium War or Arrow War erupted at a
time when major internal upheavals threatened
the ruling Ching (or Manchu) dynasty in Peking,
thereby further eroding China’s ability to protect
herself. The Celestial Empire was militarily 3
MAA455 Mono.qxd:Pages bw.qxd 9/2/09 11:04 Page 4

A contemporary sketchmap antiquated, and from the mid-century onwards modern firearms were
of the area of northern China another commodity traded into China on a massive scale, including
where US Army and Marine artillery for her coastal defenses. Not to be left out of the competition
garrisons served for almost four for Chinese markets, the United States, during its days of ‘manifest
decades following the Boxer
Rising. Their essential mission
destiny’, also became a player in the game.
was to ensure security along
the railroad corridor between
Taku at the mouth of the Pei Ho CHRONOLOGY
river, Tientsin, and Peking.
Detachments rotated at various
times though Tangshan (center)
June 18, 1844 US Marines from USS St Louis come ashore in Canton to
on the Peking–Mukden railroad protect American citizens during a period of rioting, remaining through
north of Taku, and Chinwangtao July 20.
(top right) on the coast just October 23, 1856 Nineteen Marines and 64 sailors arrive from USS
inside the Chinese-Manchurian Portsmouth to protect Americans in Canton. Reinforcements arrive from
border, at the end of the Great
Wall. During the 1900 Relief
USS Levant and the frigate San Jacinto on October 27 and November 12
Expedition the railroad from respectively.
Tientsin to Peking had been November 20, 1856 A combined Navy and Marine landing party attacks
torn up by the rebels, and the the ‘Barrier Forts’ on the Pearl river below Canton.
columns marched up roads July 31, 1859 US Marines and sailors land from USS Mississippi to
close to the Pei Ho river as
far as Tungchow due east
provide security for Americans in Shanghai during fighting between
of the capital, before turning British and Chinese forces in the area.
west. General Chaffee’s US June 22–25, 1866 After the American consul is assaulted, Marines and
contingent first saw major sailors from USS Wachusett land in a raid to capture the perpetrators.
combat on August 6 at Yang July 14, 1866 The crew of USS Wachusett help fight a fire in Shanghai.
Tsun due north of Tientsin,
where the rail embankment
June 13, 1867 After a shipwrecked American merchant crew is
and the river road come together. murdered by locals in southern Formosa, Cdre Roger C. Belnap
(USAHI) leads 180 Marines and sailors from the steam sloops USS Wyoming

4
MAA455 Mono.qxd:Pages bw.qxd 9/2/09 11:04 Page 5

and Hartford ashore, burning a

village and killing townspeople.
March 25, 1894 Marines from the
sidewheel gunboat USS Monocacy
provide an honor guard for the
Chinese viceroy’s official visit to
the US consulate in Tientsin.
November 4, 1898 Marines from
USS Baltimore, Boston, and the
cruiser Raleigh (C-8) arrive at
Taku, then make their way
inland to provide the first guard
force for the American legation
in Peking.

The Boxer Rising:

May 29, 1900 US Navy Capt
Bowman McCalla and US Marine Capt John Myers set out from Taku at 1900: Officers of the Ninth US
mouth of Pei Ho river to march to Peking via Tientsin, with Marines Infantry and other units (note
the Engineer, center rear) enjoy
and sailors from USS Oregon and the cruiser Newark (C-1); the first
a short respite as they sail
contingents of other foreign marines and sailors arrive in Peking two to China; that regiment would
days later. suffer badly from sickness after
July 10, 1900 Headquarters and one battalion of the US First Marine they landed at Taku. Most wear
Regiment, plus an artillery company, land at Taku to be brigaded with the M1895 forage cap and the
mohair-trimmed undress jacket
two battalions from the Army’s Ninth US Infantry.
with dark blue trousers; the
July 29, 1900 US Army transport Grant drops anchor in Taku Bay with officer at front left wears an
Gen Adna Chaffee aboard to take command of US land forces. M1883/90 ‘sack coat,’ and the
August 15, 1900 Foreign Powers Expeditionary Force arrives to lift the handsome figure at right rear
Peking siege. a campaign hat, and sky-blue
trousers confined by web
October 10, 1900 US First Marine Regiment departs China.
leggings. (NARA)
September 12, 1905 Duty of US legation guard in Peking transferred
from US Army to US Marine Corps; 100 Marines from the Philippines
are detailed.

T h e f a l l o f t h e E m p i re :
January 30, 1911 Revolutionaries in the middle Yangtze provinces
establish the ‘Literary Study Society’ from the remnants of earlier secret
groups. For the remainder of the year revolution and military mutinies
intensify.
October 13, 1911 A battalion of 360 US Marines commanded by 15
officers leaves the Philippines for Shanghai as a reserve force during
turbulent Chinese efforts to form a republic.
November 4, 1911 Two dozen Marines land from the cruiser USS Albany
(CL-23) as a guard for a cable station in Shanghai.
November 29, 1911 The cruiser USS Saratoga (ACR-2) sets sail from
Shanghai for Taku to provide security for American missionaries.
December 29, 1911 At the Nanking Conference the newly returned exile
Sun Yat-sen is elected provisional president of the Chinese Republic.
January 10, 1912 General Orders No. 4 call for the 1st Battalion,
Fifteenth US Infantry and a machine gun platoon to depart the
Philippines for Tientsin.
March 10, 1912 Marines from the tender USS Rainbow (AS-7) begin a 5
Random documents with unrelated
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 The Project Gutenberg eBook of Narrative of
the Battle of Cowan's Ford, February 1st, 1781
 This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United
States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away
or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License
included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you
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laws of the country where you are located before using this
eBook.

Title: Narrative of the Battle of Cowan's Ford, February 1st,

1781

Author: Robert Henry

David Vance

Release date: October 5, 2015 [eBook #50137]

Most recently updated: October 22, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by readbueno and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file
was
produced from images generously made available by
The
Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE OF

THE BATTLE OF COWAN'S FORD, FEBRUARY 1ST, 1781 ***
 NARRATIVE

OF THE

BATTLE OF COWAN’S FORD,

February 1st, 1781,

BY ROBERT HENRY,

AND

Narrative of the Battle of Kings Mountain,

By Captain David Vance.

Manuscript Preserved by Robert Henry, Esq.

Copy Furnished by Lyman C. Draper, LL. D.,

of Madison, Wisconsin.

PUBLISHED BY D. SCHENCK, Sr.

Greensboro, N. C., March 28th, 1891.

Reece & Elam, Printers

 PREFACE.

Having seen the following most valuable and interesting narrative

quoted very often in “King’s Mountain and its Heroes,” written by
Lyman C. Draper, L.L.D., of Wisconsin, I wrote the Doctor with a
view of obtaining the original manuscript if possible, but was unable
to procure it. He however very generously intrusted to me the
following copy which he had himself “carefully transcribed” from the
original paper in his hands, in January 1874, and which had been
sent to him by Dr. J. F. E. Hardy, of Asheville, North Carolina. The
original manuscript had been placed in Dr. Hardy’s possession by
Wm. L. Henry, of Buncombe County, a son of Robert Henry—William
L. Henry is still living.
In a note to “King’s Mountain and its Heroes,” page 259, is the
following brief sketch of Robert Henry, who was wise enough to
preserve this contribution to our Revolutionary history—to-wit:
“Mr. Henry was born in a rail pen, in then Rowan,[1] now Iredell
county, North Carolina, January 10th 1765. Full of patriotism though
young, he shared in the trials and perils of the Revolution, and in
due time recovered from the severe wounds he received at King’s
Mountain. In 1795, he was one of the party who ran the boundary
line between North Carolina and Tennessee. He subsequently
studied law, and practiced his profession many years in Buncombe
County. He served in the House of Commons in 1833 and 1834. He
was a clear and forcible public speaker; and his memory deserves to
be held in grateful remembrance for preserving the narrative of the
King’s Mountain campaign and battle, so frequently cited in this
work. He died in the new County of Clay, North Carolina, January
6th, 1863, within four days of attaining the patriarchal age of ninety-
eight years, and he was undoubtedly the last of the heroes of King’s
Mountain.”
Robert Henry lived in the vicinity of Tuckaseage Ford, on the
Catawba river, which is about ten miles below Cowan’s Ford, when
Cornwallis crossed at the latter ford. He lived on the West side of the
river in Lincoln County. For many years he owned the White Sulphur
Springs about five miles South west of Asheville. It was a popular
resort in the summer for the wealthy planters from the South and
was the scene of much gayety and pleasure. Mr. Henry died in Clay
County, the extreme Western county of the State, bordering on
Georgia and Tennessee. I have myself heard my grandfather Michael
Schenck, of Lincolnton, N. C., speak of Mr. Henry as “a great land
lawyer.” His practice as a surveyor, no doubt, making him formidable
in such suits.
The public is indebted to the Hon. Theodore F. Davidson, Attorney
General of North Carolina, and a great-grandson of Captain David
Vance, for the publication of this narrative.
D. SCHENCK, Senior.
Greensboro, N. C., March the 28th, 1891.

1. This is manifestly an error. He was born in Tryon. See W.

L. Henry’s letter to Dr. Hardy. Tryon was changed to Lincoln
County. Lincoln was divided and Mr. Henry’s birthplace is in the
present Gaston county.
 ROBERT HENRY’S NARRATIVE.

KING’S MOUNTAIN BATTLE, &c.

To Dr. J. F. E. Hardy,
Asheville, N. C.:
My Dear Sir, and Kind Friend:
I send you the MS. of my father, Robert Henry. He was born in
Tryon (now Lincoln) county, N. C., in a rail pen, 10th February, 1765;
was a lawyer and surveyor by profession; was one of the first
settlers in Buncombe county; taught School on Swannanoa, the first
school taught in Buncombe county. He died in Clay county, N. C.,
February 6th, 1863, wanting but four days of being 98 years old.
Thomas Henry, his father, died soon after the Revolution, of
rheumatism contracted during the war. Thomas Henry was from the
North of Ireland.
I do not want this manuscript lost, as you see it is in Robert Henry’s
own hand, and a little relic. If not used, I should like it should be
returned to
Respectfully,
WM. L. HENRY,
Asheville,
Buncombe County, N. C.
 ROBERT HENRY’S NARRATIVE.

I will proceed to point out and correct some of the errors in

Wheeler’s History of North Carolina, so far as respects the
transactions of Cornwallis crossing Cowan’s Ford, on Catawba river,
the 1st of February, 1781; then I will give my own version of that
transaction; then I will give the common report of the transaction
shortly after it happened.
Wheeler’s History, p. 232-33: “Here” (meaning at Cowan’s Ford)
“about six hundred militia under General Davidson were posted, and
a slight skirmish occurred. A British Colonel (Hall) and three privates
were killed, and thirty-six wounded.”
If we take this account to be true, we must conclude that these
militia were very bad marksmen, for they had time to have fired five
rounds each, which would have been three thousand single shots, at
distances varying from fifty yards to less than twenty yards, over a
naked sheet of water; that their enemy was not obscured by smoke,
being in water above the waist-band, and hanging together by their
muskets; that not a single gun was fired by them whilst in the water.
This story, if it bears telling, cannot be accredited to be true, that in
firing three thousand single shots they only killed four, including Col.
Hall, and wounded thirty-six. The story appears further incredible
from this—that in common battles on land, there are as many, and
often more, men killed than wounded where the whole force from
head to foot is exposed to fire of the opposite party. In the present
case, the body, from above the waist-band to the top of the head
was exposed—for all below was under water and secure from lead.
Wounds in the upper part [of the body] are doubly as apt to kill as
those in the lower extremities, from the waist-band downward;
hence we would expect double as many killed on this occasion as
wounded—but the reverse is told, that only four were killed,
including Col. Hall, and thirty-six wounded.
A further mistake may be noticed. The account states that
Davidson had six hundred militia, whereas he had only three
hundred. The whole of this quotation should pass for nothing.
The next error that I will notice is on page 235 of Wheeler’s
History, which I quote: “Soon after the action commenced” (meaning
at Cowan’s Ford) “General William Davidson was killed, greatly
lamented by all who knew him as a talented, brave and generous
officer.” The true statement is this: Davidson was killed by the first
gun that was fired on the British side on that occasion, for they did
not fire a gun whilst in the river; and the gun that killed him was
fired at the water’s edge on the Mecklenburg side; and if Davidson’s
clothes had been examined, it is probable that they would have
shown the mark of powder. The whole of the Americans had left
their stands or posts at the water’s edge and judiciously fled, lest the
British might hem them in by the river; and an utter silence
prevailed—not a gun firing on either side: Silence was first broken by
the report of the gun that killed Davidson.
A further quotation from the same page: “The Company
commanded by Gen. Graham was the first to commence the attack”
(at Cowan’s Ford) “on the British as they advanced through the river,
which was resolutely continued until they reached the bank, loaded
their arms, and commenced a heavy fire upon his men, two of
whom were killed.” The whole of this is a gratuitous statement, for
Gen. Graham was not there—nor was there either officer or private
killed at that place except Gen. Davidson; nor was there any one
wounded there except Robert Beatty, who afterwards died of the
wound. Gen. Graham and his company may have been at Davidson’s
camp, three quarters of a mile from the Ford, and two of his men
might have been killed there, if they were too tardy in making their
escape before the British arrived there.
Another quotation from Wheeler’s History, p. 264: “At day break
the British army under Cornwallis, on the 1st February, 1781,
entered the waters of Catawba, then swollen by heavy rains, at
Cowan’s Ford. The morning was dark and rainy. The light infantry
under Col. Hall entered first, followed by the grenadiers and the
battalions. The piquet of Gen. Davidson challenged the enemy;
receiving no reply the guard fired. This turned out the whole force of
Davidson, who kept up a galling fire from the bank.”
Observe the morning was dark but not rainy. Davidson’s army was
stationed three quarters of a mile from the Ford, and did not fire a
gun at the British whilst in the river, nor after they came across; all
the firing by the American side in the river and on the bank was
done by the guard.
Now, I will give my own version of the transaction of Cornwallis
crossing Catawba River at Cowan’s Ford, 1st February, 1781. Robert
Beatty, a lame man, had taken up a school near the Tuckaseage
Ford, and had taught two days, and was teaching the third, when
news came to the School-house that Cornwallis was camped at
Forney’s, about seven miles from the School-house; that Tarleton
was ranging through the country catching whig boys to make
musicians of them in the British army. The master instantly
dismissed the scholars, directing them to go home and spread the
news, and retired himself. I went home, and that night Moses
Starret, Alexander Starret, George Gillespie, Robert Gillespie, and
Charles Rutledge came to my father’s! We lay out that night, and
shortly before day-light my brother, Joseph Henry, who had left the
army to give the news, and had crossed Catawba at John Beattie’s in
a canoe; and when he left the army, it was expected that Cornwallis
would cross the river at Tuckaseage Ford. Early in the morning this
company crossed the river at Beatties, about two miles below
Tuckaseage Ford, where we hid our canoe, staid some time at
Beatties’—then went up to the Tuckaseage Ford, and the army was
at Cowan’s Ford, we went up the river to John Nighten’s, who
treated us well by giving us potatoes to roast, and some whisky to
drink. We became noisy and mischievous. Nighten said we should
not have any more whisky. I proposed to go to the camp at the
Ford, if any one would let me have a gun and ammunition. My
brother said he would give me his; Charles Rutledge proposed also
to accompany me if he had a gun and ammunition; when Moses
Starret gave him his gun. When about to start, I gave Nighten a
hundred dollar Continental bill for a half a pint of whisky. My brother
gave another bill of the same size for half a bushel of potatoes. We
dispatched the whiskey. Being thus equipped, we went to the Ford,
which was about a mile and a half. When we arrived, the guard that
was there, thirty in number, made us welcome; the officer of the
guard told us that Cornwallis would certainly attempt to cross that
night or early in the morning; that each one of the guard had picked
their stands to annoy the British as they crossed, so that when the
alarm was given they would not be crowded, or be in each other’s
way—and said we must choose our stands. He accompanied us—
Charles Rutledge chose the uppermost stand, and I chose the
lowest, next the getting out place of the Ford; the officer observed,
that he considered that Davidson had done wrong, for that the army
should have been stationed at the Ford—instead of which it was
encamped three-fourths of a mile off, and that some person
acquainted in the neighborhood of Forney should watch the
movements of Cornwallis’ army, and immediately when they would
attempt to march, to hasten to the river and give the alarm; then
that Davidson’s army might be in readiness to receive them; the
river being in the situation that it was then in, and the army thus
prepared to receive them, said that Cornwallis and a million of men
could not cross without cannon as long as our ammunition would
last. This I thought was a large expression; but since I think he was
correct.[2] He mentioned to each man of the guard to go to his stand
again and examine it, so that when the alarm was given, that there
should be no mistakes then made. I went to mine, and was well
pleased with it—for in shooting, if I would miss my first aim, my lead
would range along the British army obliquely and still do damage,
and that I could stand it until the British would come to a place the
water was riffling over a rock, then it would be time to run away. I
remember that I looked over the guard to see if there was any
person with whom I was acquainted, and found none but Joel
Jetton, and my lame school-master, Robert Beatty, with my comrade,
Charles Rutledge.
 Gen. Joseph Graham’s name is mentioned by Wheeler. I was
acquainted with him; but he was not there. Shortly after dark a man
across the river hooted like an owl, and was answered; a man went
to a canoe some distance off, and brought word from him that all
was silent in the British camp. The guard all lay down with their
guns in their arms, and all were sound asleep at day-break, except
Joel Jetton, who discovered the noise of horses in deep water. The
British pilot, Dick Beal being deceived by our fires, had led them into
swimming water. Jetton ran to the Ford, the sentry being sound
asleep, Jetton kicked him into the river, endeavored to fire his gun,
but it was wet: Having discovered the army, ran to our fires, having
a fine voice, cried “the British! the British!” and fired a gun—then
each man ran to his stand; when I got to my stand, I saw them red,
but thought from loss of sleep my eyes might be mistaken, threw
water into them; by the time I was ready to fire, the rest of the
guard had fired. I then heard the British splashing and making a
noise as if drowning. I fired, and continued firing until I saw that one
on horse-back had passed my rock in the river, and saw that it was
Dick Beal moving his gun from his shoulder, I expected, to shoot me.
I ran with all speed up the bank, and when at the top of it, William
Polk’s horse breasted me, and Gen. Davidson’s horse, about twenty
or thirty feet before Polk’s horse, and near to the water’s edge. All
being silent on both sides, I heard the report of a gun, at the water’s
edge, being the first gun fired on the British side, and which I
thought Dick Beal had fired at me. That moment Polk wheeled his
horse, and cried “fire away, boys; there is help at hand.” Turning my
eye round, designing to run away, I saw my lame school-master,
Beatty, loading his gun by a tree; I thought I could stand it as long
as he could, and commenced loading. Beatty fired, then I fired, the
heads and shoulders of the British being just above the bank; they
made no return fire; silence still prevailed. I observed Beatty loading
again; I ran down another load—when he fired, he cried “it’s time to
run, Bob.” I looked past my tree, and saw their guns lowered, and
then straightened myself behind my tree. They fired and knocked off
some bark from my tree.
 In the meantime Beatty had turned from his tree, and a bullet hit
him in the hip, and broke the upper end of his thigh bone; he fell,
still hallowing for me to run. I then ran at the top of my speed about
one hundred yards, when a thought struck me that the British had
no horsemen to follow me, and that Davidson’s army would be down
at the river, and a battle would take place. Whereupon I loaded my
gun, and went opposite to the Ford, and chose a large tree, sat
down by it, and fired about fifty yards at the British. They fired
several guns toward the place where I was; but their lead did not
come nearer to me than about two rods.
I will now account for the great difference between the number of
the British killed and those wounded, as stated by Wheeler. The
water at the Ford was fully waist-band deep, and in many places
much deeper, with a very heavy pressing current, and when a man
was killed or badly wounded, the current immediately floated him
away, so that none of them that were killed or badly wounded were
ever brought to the shore; and none but those slightly wounded
reached the bank; Col. Hall fell at the bank—I account for the three
British that were killed as stated by Wheeler, in this way: Beatty, the
lame schoolmaster, an excellent marksman, fired twice, at a distance
of not more than twenty yards, at the British, after they had
ascended the high bank, as before stated; and I fired twice about
the same distance. I therefore think Beatty being the best marksman
killed two, and I killed one.
Wheeler states that on the American side there were two killed: I
observe, if there was any one killed that it was not at the river, for
the British did not fire a gun whilst in the river, and when they arose
the high bank, all were gone but Beatty and myself; that if any were
killed, it was at Davidson’s camp, three quarters of a mile from the
Ford of the river. But I never heard of any one either killed or
wounded of the Americans except Robert Beatty on that occasion.
I will give an account of the balance of my route after firing the
last time, as heretofore stated. I went down the river to John
Beattie’s, where we had left our canoe; there I found my company,
the two Starrets, the two Gillespies, my brother Joseph, and my
comrade Charles Rutledge. I returned the gun to my brother after
counting the cartridges—found seven missing—therefore I had fired
seven times, as I supposed. The company remained at Beattie’s until
the next morning; when we took our canoe to cross the river to the
Lincoln side, it was proposed that we would go to James
Cunningham’s fish-trap, and see if there were any fish in it. When
we arrived at the trap, there were fourteen dead men lodged in it,
several of whom appeared to have no wound, but had drowned. We
pushed them into the water, they floated off, and went each to his
own home. This is my version of that transaction.
Now, I will give the common report of it. I will begin with the
report of Nicholas Gosnell, one of our neighbors, a Tory, who was in
Cornwallis’ army when they crossed the Catawba at Cowan’s Ford. It
was frequently repeated from the extraordinary language he used,
and from his manner of expression—it is therefore better imprinted
on my memory. I will endeavor to give it in his own language: “His
Lordship chose Dick Beal for his pilot, as he well know’d the Ford,
and a durned pretty pilot he was, for he suffered himself to be led
astray by the Rebel fires, and then had to go down to the Ford
afterwards; but if he did bad one way, he did good another, for he
killed their damned Rebel General. The Rebels were posted at the
water’s edge—there wan’t many on ’em; but I’ll be durned if they
didn’t slap the wad to his Majesty’s men suicidally! for a while; for I
saw ’em hollerin and a snortin and a drownin—the river was full on
’em a snortin, a hollerin and a drownin until his Lordship reached the
off bank; then the Rebels made straight shirt tales, and all was silent
—then I tell you his Lordship was Bo sure Super gille cristilum [?],[3]
and when he rose the bank he was the best dog in the hunt, and not
a rebel to be seen.” This is the Tory version of Cornwallis crossing
Catawba at Cowan’s Ford.
The following is the report of every person who lived at or near
the river between Cowan’s Ford and Tuckaseage Ford: That a great
number of British dead were found on Thompson’s fish-dam, and in
his trap, and numbers lodged on brush, and drifted to the banks:
that the river stunk with dead carcases; that the British could not
have lost less than one hundred men on that occasion.
 Report of soldiers who were in Davidson’s army. When Wm. Polk
returned from the river after General Davidson was killed at Cowan’s
Ford, three quarters of a mile from the Ford—they stated that when
William Polk returned from the Ford, and reported the death of Gen.
Davidson, that some of the army had left, and the rest were in
confusion; that Polk prudently marched them off, not being able to
fight Cornwallis on equal terms.

2. Gen. Greene had admonished Davidson of the danger of

Tarleton crossing secretly at some private ford and falling on
his rear, and for this reason he kept his main force at some
distance from the river.
D. S.

3. This seems to be some silly slang of that day.

 KING’S MOUNTAIN EXPEDITION.

I will now give the statement of Col. D. Vance and Gen. Joseph
McDowell of the manner of raising the army to oppose Col. Ferguson
—its march—and the defeat of Ferguson.
This part is the statement of Col. Vance; and on a sarcastic and
sneering reply by M. Matthews saying that they, to wit the army
under Campbell, was a fierce and formidable set of chickens, and
could make great havoc among eggs, if each one was provided with
a stick. This elicited a more extensive reply and statement of the
whole affair and its consequences from Gen. J. McDowell. I will first
give the reasons why Vance and McDowell made these statements.
The General Assembly of North Carolina made an agreement with
that of Tennessee to run and mark the Division line between the two
States, and in the year 1799, the State of North Carolina appointed
Gen. J. McDowell, Col. David Vance,[4] and Mussentine Matthews,[5]
commissioners on the part of North Carolina, who associated John
Strother and Robert Henry surveyors, with the necessary numbers of
chain-bearers, markers, and pack-horsemen for that business, who
met and went to the White-Top Mountain, a spur of the Stone
Mountain, where the Virginia line crossed the latter. Strother did not
appear at the commencement. The company were asking a great
many detached questions relative to Ferguson’s defeat—at length
requested that McDowell or Vance would give them a connected
account of the whole transaction from first to last. It was agreed
that Col. Vance should give that account. The Colonel agreed to do
so on consulting with McDowell, our pilot, Gideon Lewis, who had
been a news-carrier, and myself, [and relate it] on the first wet day
that should happen so that we could not progress with the line.
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