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COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page i

Communication and
Interpersonal Skills
for Nurses
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page ii

Series Editor: Shirley Bach 1

2
Transforming Nursing Practice – titles in the series 3
4
Communication and Interpersonal Skills for Nurses ISBN 978 1 84445 162 3
5
Law and Professional Issues in Nursing ISBN 978 1 84445 160 9
6
Learning to Learn in Nursing Practice ISBN 978 1 84445 244 6
7
Nursing and Working with Other People ISBN 978 1 84445 161 6
8
Nursing in Contemporary Healthcare Practice ISBN 978 1 84445 159 3
9
What is Nursing? Exploring Theory and Practice ISBN 978 1 84445 158 6
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To order, contact our distributor: BEBC Distribution, Albion Close, Parkstone, Poole, 4
BH12 3LL. Telephone 0845 230 9000, email: [email protected]. You can 5
also find more information on each of these titles and our other learning resources at 6
www.learningmatters.co.uk 7111
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page iii

Communication and
Interpersonal Skills
for Nurses

Shirley Bach and Alec Grant

COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page iv

1
2
3
4
First published in 2009 by Learning Matters Ltd 5
6
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a 7
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, 8
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior permission 9
in writing from Learning Matters. 10
1
© 2009 Shirley Bach and Alec Grant 2
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data 3
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library 4
5
ISBN: 978 1 844 451 623 6
7
The right of Shirley Bach and Alec Grant to be identified as the authors of this 8
Work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and 9
Patents Act 1988. 20
Cover design by Toucan Design 1
Project Management by Diana Chambers 2
Typeset by Kelly Gray 3
Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall 4
5
Learning Matters Ltd 6
33 Southernhay East 7
Exeter EX1 1NX 8
Tel: 01392 215560 9
E-mail: [email protected] 30
www.learningmatters.co.uk 1
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COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page v

Contents

Foreword vi
Acknowledgements vii
About the authors viii

Introduction 1

1 Nursing, caring and interpersonal communication 8

2 Key concepts 24

3 Evidence-based principles 44

4 Safe and effective practice 61

5 Understanding potential barriers 76

6 The learning and educational context 100

7 The environmental context 124

8 Population and diversity contexts 141

Glossary 168
References 171
Index 179

v
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page vi

Foreword

As someone who supports students in clinical placements, I am struck by how often

it is the subtle intricacies around how we communicate and interact with patients,
families and colleagues that present us as nurses with the greatest intellectual and
emotional challenges. Numerous dilemmas, confusions, misunderstandings and
anxieties arise as we try to tease out what we bring to the game as individuals, what
we encounter in our roles as students and nurses, and what are complex aspects of
the patients, relatives, professionals and organisations we engage with.
It is in this light that I welcome this excellent book, in which the authors span a breadth
of interesting, pertinent and at times refreshing array of topics that are important in
considering communication and interpersonal skills in all fields of nursing. In places,
rather demanding concepts are explored, but it is worth the effort as the authors
illuminate nursing practice by drawing on core evidence from nursing and then
venture outside the traditional stomping ground to pull in research, theories and ideas
belonging to other fields. This lateral approach promises to stimulate nursing students
and others to explore how best to make sense of the complexities and challenges of
communication and interpersonal relationships.
The book looks at some of the typical stumbling blocks many of us encounter as we
strive to learn how to communicate and interact safely and effectively, and offers
ways to anticipate and engage with the potential barriers that often lead to emotional
struggles for students in practice. Practical can-do exercises within these pages offer
students scope to reflect on their personal and clinical experiences and relate these to
the focus of a particular chapter. Many of these interactive elements could prove to be
prize material in class-based teaching and learning.
The chapter on the learning and educational context should be valuable to many
students and mentors as it provides a wholesale exploration of how the student
experience, both in university and practice, fits within a broader educational
framework. The results of engaging with this should be a more empowered student
who takes greater ownership of their education and mentors that can better
appreciate how the sum of the parts fits together.
The last two chapters shed a bright light on the social-cultural settings within which
nursing practice, interpersonal interactions and communication take place. These rich,
thoughtful and wide-ranging sections scrutinise the challenges of providing effective
healthcare across the lifespan within a constantly evolving, diverse society.
I came away from reading this book with new concepts and understanding that will
inform my work with students and qualified nurses for years to come. It is with great
pleasure that I commend it to you.

Dr Alan Simpson
Senior Research Fellow and Lecturer
Vice-Chair, Mental Health Nurse Academics (UK)
City University, London

vi
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page vii

Acknowledgements

The authors and publisher would like to thank the following for permission to
reproduce copyright material:

Arnold, E and Boggs, KU, Interpersonal Relationships: Professional communication

skills for nurses. Copyright © 2006, Elsevier, London.
Adapted Table 5.1, ‘Comparison of social and professional relationships’, p77,
reproduced with kind permission of Elsevier, London.

Dai, DY and Sternberg, RJ (eds) Motivation, Emotion and Cognition. Copyright ©

2004, Lawrence Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ.
Adapted Theory Summary, p89, reproduced with kind permission of Lawrence
Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ.

DeVito, JA, The Interpersonal Communication Book. Copyright © 2007, Pearson

Education Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ.
Adapted table in Activity 5.3, p85, and Relationships and proxemic distances box, p82,
reproduced with kind permission of Pearson Education Inc., Upper Saddle River, NJ.

Hargie, O and Dickson, D, Skilled Interpersonal Communication. Research, Theory

and Practice. Copyright © 2004, Routledge, London and New York.
Adapted Types of Self box, p84, reproduced with kind permission of Routledge,
London and New York.

Kreps, G and Kunimoto, EN, Effective Communication in Multicultural Health Care

Settings. Copyright © 1994, Sage Publications, London.
Adapted Figure 8.1 ‘Iceberg model of multicultural influences on communication’,
p149, reproduced with kind permission of Sage Publications, London.

Narayanasamy, A, The ACCESS model: a transcultural nursing practice framework.

British Journal of Nursing, 11(9): 643–50. Copyright © 2002, British Journal of
Nursing. The ACCESS model, p154, reproduced with kind permission of the British
Journal of Nursing.

Rose, D and Pevalin, DJ (2005) The National Statistics Socio-economic Classification:

Origins, development and use. Institute for Social and Economic Research, University
of Essex. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Crown copyright © 2005.

‘Social class based on occupation’, p156, ‘Socio-economic groups’, p157 and

‘Operative categories of the National Statistics socio-economic classification (NS-SEC)’,
p158. Reproduced under the terms of the Click-Use License.

Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders within the book, but if any
have been inadvertently overlooked the publisher will be pleased to make the
necessary arrangements at the first opportunity.

vii
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page viii

About the authors

Dr Shirley Bach is Head of the School of Nursing and Midwifery at the University of
Brighton and also the Series Editor for Transforming Nursing Practice. In the past, she
designed curricula for nurses that integrated interpersonal relationship skills and
communication studies, before specialising in health psychology and the application
of psychology to health and illness settings. She has written a study guide in
psychology for nurses, and researched and developed a model for psychological care.
She has also led programmes that promote the professional practice of nursing and
midwifery, especially in the area of advanced nursing practice. Most recently, she has
developed an interest in new learning technologies and has drawn upon her
understanding of both communication and pedagogic theories to publish in this area.

Dr Alec Grant is Principal Lecturer in the School of Nursing and Midwifery at the
University of Brighton and is a Registered and Accredited Cognitive Psychotherapist.
With a background in, originally, mental health nursing, and more latterly
psychotherapy, social science and psychology, he is now a course leader for the M.Sc.
in Cognitive Behavioural Psychotherapy. He has taught, researched, practised and
written about communication and interpersonal skills – and related areas such as
clinical supervision – in the caring profession since the mid-1970s.

viii
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:12 Page 1

Introduction

Who is this book for?

This book is primarily intended for students of nursing, whether on a diploma or
degree pathway, starting their Common Foundation Programme or equivalent.
However, as communication and interpersonal skills (CIPS) develop throughout the
course as different contexts and situations are faced, the relevance of the topic will
still apply in years two and three. The focus is not to develop knowledge for any one
specific branch (Adult, Child, Mental Health or Learning Disabilities) but to support
development for progress into any branch and beyond. Therefore, there may well be
value for those who are studying on branch programmes and those on continuing
professional development modules. It may also be of interest to experienced nurses
who wish to develop their leadership roles. The Nursing and Midwifery Council’s
(NMC) Standards of Proficiency for Pre-registration Nursing Education are a
foundation for the book. However, the content is not narrowly defined by them.

Why communication and interpersonal skills for nursing?

Because we have learned since birth how to express ourselves within our family and
friendship groups, we all believe we are good at communicating. We have also been
honing our relationship skills, often through trial and error or role modelling, and we
think there is no need to consider very deeply about how we do it. It has become
second nature. There are times, though, when we experience situations where we
consider that an interaction did not go smoothly; perhaps we were misunderstood or
a friend reacted differently to how we expected. At times like these, we may think that
we could have said something differently that would have improved the reactions
and responses of ourselves and those around us. So, while we have developed
expertise, we can always learn and improve when it comes to human relationships,
mainly because there are so many factors that influence how we respond in various
situations.

If we shine the spotlight on healthcare situations, where there are many complexities
that are often similar to our everyday lives but enhanced by factors such as healthcare
policy, environment, hierarchies of responsibility, physical discomfort, anxiety, sadness
and fear, we have an even more complicated set of circumstances to deal with than
when we communicate or interact with family or friends. Healthcare interactions are
with patients, carers and peers in often demanding and stressful circumstances,
which inevitably lead to further demands on our abilities to communicate effectively.
Therefore, it is important that students take time to learn in more detail about
communicating in healthcare settings in order to interact as effectively as possible.
This means becoming more aware of oneself as well as others.

Unfortunately, there is ample literature to suggest that we do not communicate as

well as we might in healthcare settings. In this book we will be exploring the many

1
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 2

Introduction

factors that impact on our abilities to communicate ideas to one another in these 1
settings. We will try to rise to the challenge of improving CIPS interactions in our 2
different spheres of practice. 3
4
Learning features 5
6
We will draw on evidence from the nursing literature, theories of nursing, social 7
psychology, sociology, communication studies and contemporary issues for twenty- 8
first-century living to provide you with insights on improving your CIPS. There will be 9
activities to engage you with the ideas by utilising self-assessments, case studies and 10
scenarios. Some of these will be activities you undertake as self-reflection, while 1
others may involve discussion with your fellow students. There will also be practical 2
activities and references to further reading or websites for you to explore. We have 3
included a glossary of some terms that we also hope will help explain ideas and 4
concepts covered in the chapters (glossary terms are bold in the text). 5
6
Book structure 7
8
In Chapter 1, ‘Nursing, caring and interpersonal communication’, we introduce the 9
subject and examine the issues facing today’s nurses in achieving effective and safe 20
CIPS. We explore the fundamental concepts of communication and of interpersonal 1
skills and differentiate between the two. This is done through the lens of the caring 2
domain of nursing as a context for improving CIPS. The final section of the chapter 3
describes a systematic framework for CIPS in nursing. 4
5
In Chapter 2, ‘Key concepts’, the crucial need for effective and sophisticated 6
interpersonal communication in modern healthcare organisations is discussed. The 7
key concepts in CIPS are defined, and explained, together with the underpinning 8
theories. This discussion will help students to understand and justify why good 9
interpersonal communication makes a significant difference to nursing practice. The 30
chapter differentiates between CIPS in nursing and in counselling and psychotherapy. 1
The case for an evidence base for CIPS in nursing is outlined and the nursing, and 2
related, theories underpinning interpersonal communication in nursing are explored. 3
Finally, the organisational basis for healthy interpersonal relating in nursing is 4
discussed. 5
In Chapter 3, ‘Evidence-based principles’, we explore key issues in the historical 6
development of research in CIPS in nursing. The effectiveness of research into CIPS 7
teaching and experiential learning is discussed. The chapter articulates the problems 8
around a sole reliance on humanistic counselling/psychotherapy models of 9
communication. We evaluate the reasons for the importance of good interpersonal 40
and organisational climates in the practice of nursing CIPS. Patient/client first- and 1
second-level forms of communication are explored to provide a deeper 2
understanding. The meaning behind ‘blip cultures’ and the forms of communication 3
appropriate to such cultures is considered in relation to evidence-based practice. 4
5
Chapter 4, ‘Safe and effective practice’, aims to increase understanding of the 6
importance and relevance of a process for communicating safely and effectively. The 7111

2
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 3

hidden areas of interpersonal communication are explored to enable practice in a

Introduction
safe manner, with examples of techniques to draw upon. The many roles that are
embedded in CIPS and the healthcare context are examined to enable clarity and
effectiveness. Strategies to identify and describe techniques to develop an effective
communication relationship process are explained and models for helping
relationships are described and compared before being applied to healthcare
situations.

In Chapter 5, ‘Understanding potential barriers’, we explore the underpinning reasons

for barriers to communication and describe techniques to resolve the barriers. We
begin by distinguishing between social and professional relationships and the rules of
social engagement. The relevance of emotions in communication and the need to
balance emotions in effective interpersonal relationships are explored. The impacts of
interpreted meanings, motivation for health and conflict, as barriers to communication
in healthcare, are explored with suggestions and practical techniques for overcoming
difficult situations.

Chapter 6, ‘The learning and educational context’, takes a different perspective on

CIPS by exploring how classroom theory and practice can be integrated by
understanding how skills can be learned. We discuss the theory underpinning learning
from experience so that learning can be based on reality. So that students can
understand what is expected at different academic levels, we examine the different
levels of learning that are expected in students’ assessed work. We take time to
explore how reflection can be effectively managed in portfolios for the assessment of
practical skills. Different activities are identified that will enhance communication in
learning and teaching situations. The chapter closes with an exploration of the
principles of lifelong learning – based on the premise that we never stop learning and
improving our knowledge and skills if we strive to be knowledgeable and competent
practitioners.

We begin Chapter 7, ‘The environmental context’, by exploring the broader aspects of

the impact of environment on CIPS and how different care settings might undermine
safe and effective practice. The impact of physical and social environmental factors on
the practice of good communication in healthcare is considered and examples of
each are given with groups or families and younger and older people. ‘Prejudice’ and
‘schema development’ and their relation to language use in nursing are explored. The
chapter aims to enhance appreciation of the demands on CIPS in British nursing
caused by the nature of multiculturalism as an environmental construct. The impact
of institutional racism on CIPS in British nursing practice and healthcare organisations
is also discussed. The meaning of the ‘fallacy of individualism’ as it pertains to CIPS in
nursing care is explored and the responsibility of the organisation and the individual
in CIPS.

Finally, Chapter 8, ‘Population and diversity contexts’, takes a look at the impact of our
contemporary society on CIPS by examining diversity from different perspectives.
We begin by considering the needs and diversity of populations and the individuals
within them. Our first approach to this is to recognise that care must be respectful
and anti-discriminatory and that there is a need for equity and fairness. Defining

3
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 4

Introduction

culture and exploring theories underpinning approaches to CIPS in culturally varied 1

populations is a key aspect of this section in the chapter. We go on to examine 2
diverse groups in society, such as socio-economic position, race and culture, gender, 3
sexual orientation, age and disability. We conclude by exploring ethical and moral 4
issues in communicating with diverse groups in healthcare settings. 5
6
7
Requirements for the NMC Standards of Proficiency 8
The NMC (2004a) has published standards to be achieved by all students in their 9
first year before they can progress to the Branch Programme. These standards are to 10
be used by the educational organisations when planning and designing their courses. 1
For entry to the branch, the domains that are used to guide the content of this book 2
are Professional and ethical practice, Care delivery, Personal and professional 3
development and Care management. They are outlined in the following table. 4
5
6
7
8
NMC STANDARD 7 – FIRST LEVEL NURSES – NURSING STANDARDS 9
OF EDUCATION TO ACHIEVE THE NMC STANDARDS OF PROFICIENCY 20
1
DOMAIN: PROFESSIONAL AND ETHICAL PRACTICE 2
Manage oneself, one’s practice and that of others in accordance with The NMC 3
Professional Code of Conduct, Performance and Ethics, recognising one’s own 4
abilities and limitations 5
6
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
7
Demonstrate an awareness of The NMC Code of Professional Conduct: Standards 8
for conduct, performance and ethics 9
Practise in accordance with an ethical and legal framework which ensures the 30
primacy of patient and client interest and well-being and respects confidentiality 1
2
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme 3
Demonstrate an awareness of, and apply ethical principles to, nursing practice 4
5
● demonstrate respect for patient and client confidentiality 6
● identify ethical issues in day to day practice. 7
Practise in a fair and anti-discriminatory way, acknowledging the differences in 8
beliefs and cultural practices of different individuals and groups 9
40
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
1
Demonstrate the importance of promoting equity in patient and client care by 2
contributing to nursing care in a fair and anti-discriminatory way 3
4
● demonstrate fairness and sensitivity when responding to patients, clients and
5
groups from diverse circumstances
6
7111

4
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 5

Introduction
● recognise the needs of patients and clients whose lives are affected by
disability, however manifest.
DOMAIN: CARE DELIVERY
Engage in, develop and disengage from therapeutic relationships through the use
of appropriate communication and interpersonal skills
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
Discuss methods of, barriers to, and the boundaries of, effective communication and
interpersonal relationships
● recognise the effect of one’s own values on interactions with patients and
clients and their carers, families and friends
● utilise appropriate communication skills with patients and clients
● acknowledge the boundaries of a professional caring relationship.
Demonstrate sensitivity when interacting with and providing information to patients
and clients.
Create and utilise opportunities to promote the health and well-being of patients,
clients and groups
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
Contribute to enhancing the health and social well-being of patients and clients by
understanding how, under the supervision of a registered practitioner, to:
● contribute to the assessment of health needs
● identify opportunities for health promotion.
Undertake and document a comprehensive, systematic and accurate nursing
assessment of the physical, psychological, social and spiritual needs of patients,
clients and communities
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
Contribute to the development and documentation of nursing assessments by
participating in comprehensive and systematic nursing assessment of the physical,
psychological, social and spiritual needs of patients and clients
● be aware of assessment strategies to guide the collection of data for assessing
patients and clients and use assessment tools under guidance
● discuss the prioritisation of care needs
● be aware of the need to reassess patients and clients as to their needs for
nursing care.
Formulate and document a plan of nursing care, where possible, in partnership
with patients, clients, their carers and family and friends, within a framework of
informed consent

5
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 6

Introduction

1
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme 2
Contribute to the planning of nursing care, involving patients and clients and, where 3
possible, their carers; demonstrating an understanding of helping patients and 4
clients to make informed decisions 5
6
● identify care needs based on the assessment of a patient or client 7
● participate in the negotiation and agreement of the care plan with the patient 8
or client and with their carer, family or friends, as appropriate, under the 9
supervision of a registered nurse 10
● inform patients and clients about intended nursing actions, respecting their 1
right to participate in decisions about their care. 2
3
Based on the best available evidence, apply knowledge and an appropriate 4
repertoire of skills indicative of safe and effective nursing practice 5
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme 6
7
Contribute to the implementation of a programme of nursing care, designed and 8
supervised by registered practitioners
9
● undertake activities that are consistent with the care plan and within the 20
limits of one’s own abilities. 1
2
Demonstrate evidence of a developing knowledge base which underpins safe and 3
effective nursing practice 4
● access and discuss research and other evidence in nursing and related 5
disciplines 6
7
● identify examples of the use of evidence in planned nursing interventions.
8
Demonstrate a range of essential nursing skills, under the supervision of a registered 9
nurse, to meet individuals’ needs, which include: 30
1
● maintaining dignity, privacy and confidentiality; effective communication and
2
observational skills, including listening.
3
DOMAIN: CARE MANAGEMENT 4
5
Contribute to public protection by creating and maintaining a safe environment of
6
care through the use of quality assurance and risk management strategies
7
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme 8
Contribute to the identification of actual and potential risks to patients, clients and 9
their carers, to oneself and to others, and participate in measures to promote and 40
ensure health and safety 1
2
● understand and implement health and safety principles and policies 3
● recognise and report situations that are potentially unsafe for patients, clients, 4
oneself and others. 5
6
7111

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COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 7

Introduction
Demonstrate knowledge of effective interprofessional working practices which
respect and utilise the contributions of members of the health and social care
team
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
Demonstrate an understanding of the role of others by participating in
interprofessional working practice
● identify the roles of the members of the health and social care team
● work within the health and social care team to maintain and enhance
integrated care.
DOMAIN: PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Demonstrate a commitment to the need for continuing professional development
and personal supervision activities in order to enhance knowledge, skills, values
and attitudes needed for safe and effective nursing practice
Outcomes to be achieved for entry to the branch programme
Demonstrate responsibility for one’s own learning through the development of a
portfolio of practice and recognise when further learning is required
● identify specific learning needs and objectives
● begin to engage with, and interpret, the evidence base which underpins nursing
practice.
Acknowledge the importance of seeking supervision to develop safe and effective
nursing practice

NMC Essential Skills Clusters

In addition to the Standards of Proficiency, the NMC (2007) has published essential
skills that students have to achieve before entry into their chosen branch and for
registration. These provide detailed, baseline skills descriptors for fundamental care.
The two clusters that are covered in this book are:

1. Care compassion and communication, and

2. Organisational aspects of care.

Readers are encouraged to access these skills clusters to inform their practice
assessments.

7
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 8

1. Nursing, caring and

interpersonal communication

CHAPTER AIMS

After reading this chapter, you will be able to:

● understand the issues facing nursing today in achieving effective and safe
communication and interpersonal skills (CIPS);
● explore the concepts of CIPS and differentiate between the two;
● explore the caring domain of nursing as a context for improving CIPS;
● describe a systematic framework for CIPS in nursing.

Introduction
From very early times, when Homo sapiens began to evolve and cohabit in an
environment that was both hostile and primitive, one of the first skills it was
imperative to learn was the communication of ideas. This enabled the men and
women of those times to share understandings, protect one another and develop
new ideas to solve the problems they encountered in their everyday lives – in order
to survive. We can also hazard a guess that, after a while, they were not only
communicating facts about where to find the best berries or tracks of the nearest
herd of woolly mammoths. Could they have shared a joke, or expressed rage,
excitement, fear, desire or jealousy? Would they have sighed in mutual appreciation
over a beautiful sunset or puzzled over the origins of shooting stars? Could they
have pointed out the best and worst places to hunt or the value of one animal fur
garment over another? If they did, they would have added to their repertoire of
communication skills certain enhancements to elaborate concepts that could not
be drawn in the earth with a stick or painted on a cave wall.

So that communication between each other could be more easily understood by

early Homo sapiens, different modes of communication were developed.
Anthropologists tell us that they believe drawing was the first means of meta-
communication. Over time, language was developed and refined from sounds to
form commonly understood words and phrases. Methods of communication for
language in the written and spoken form have continued to evolve over the millennia
to the extent that, in our present world, we are using highly technological methods
such as the internet and other electronic formats.

These enhancements, due to the kinship groups and social networks evidenced by
anthropological evidence, would have developed from, and been based around, the
connectedness of the individuals and their relationships. These basic premises have

8
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not changed for us in our current day-to-day activities. The means of communication

1/Nursing and interpersonal communication

may have advanced and become more varied and technical, but the basic human
need to communicate and share ideas with those we know, work with or care for has
not changed.
In this chapter we will begin by exploring the issues that face nursing today and the
need for safe and effective communication and interpersonal skills (CIPS). We will
then begin to explore the concepts of CIPS. Chapter 2 will expand on several key
concepts that combine to shape collectively our communication and interpersonal
activities. This chapter goes on to discuss the caring domain of nursing as a guiding
principle for establishing relational aspects of nurse–patient encounters.
In the subsequent chapters in this book you will find guidance, theories, explanations
and activities on how to improve your communication and interpersonal
understanding and skills. In this chapter we will outline how you can begin to put this
information into a generic and systematic framework to assess situations, plan, make
decisions, review and end communication and interpersonal interactions.

Issues facing nursing today

The World Health Organization (WHO) (2000), European Union (EU) (2004),
Department of Health (DH) (2004) and the National Health Service (NHS)
Modernisation Agency (2003) have all emphasised the importance of patient-
focused communication between health professionals and patients. This is seen as
vital to achieving patient satisfaction, inclusive decision making in caregiving and an
efficient health service. Nursing literature also promotes these concepts as indicative
of best practice (for example, McCabe and Timmins, 2006 and NMC, 2004b).
Charlton et al. (2008) found that, by using a person-centred approach in the
interaction between nurses and patients, care outcomes were improved in:

● patient satisfaction;
● adherence to treatment options;
● patient health.
However, there is some evidence to suggest that, while qualified nurses often rate
their own communication skills as high, patients report less satisfaction and maintain
that communication could be improved. In addition, there is evidence that some
nurses stereotype patient groups (Timmins, 2007).

There are criticisms of teaching CIPS in nursing education that point to a lack of
systematic evaluation of teaching and a difficulty in resolving the difference between
the school way and the ward way (Chant et al., 2002). There is a need to consider
learning these skills in the clinical environment with greater involvement of clinical
staff. The aim of this book is to contribute to the learning of CIPS, to give students an
opportunity to think about their own CIPS and to seek opportunities to practise
achieving their CIPS learning outcomes in the practice environment.

Effective communication is also essential to practice and improving interpersonal

relationships in the workplace between professional groups and peers

9
COM & INTER SKILLS PT_gk.QXD 17/7/09 10:07 Page 10

1/Nursing and interpersonal communication

(Grover, 2005). It is acknowledged that successful communication is shaped by basic 1

techniques, such as open-ended questions, listening, empathy and assertiveness. 2
However, successful interpersonal relationships are also affected by intervening 3
variables, such as professional ideologies, gender, generation, context, collegiality, 4
cooperation, self-disclosure and reciprocity, which can impede or enhance the 5
outcome of quality communication. 6
7
The more recent emphasis on dignity and respect from the DH, and the professional
8
bodies such as the Royal College of Nursing (RCN) and NMC, has highlighted the
9
issues for sections of the public that have not received quality care from health
10
professionals. The Dignity in Care Campaign (www.dh.gov.uk/en/SocialCare/Social
1
carereform/Dignityincare/DH_6600) aims to end tolerance of indignity in health
2
and social care services through raising awareness and inspiring people to take action.
3
Older people and persons with mental health and/or learning disabilities have been
4
highlighted as care groups that require special attention in healthcare services for
personalised care. The role of person-centred care and CIPS is integral to the 5
accommodation of these care groups. 6
7
In a similar vein ‘The Essence of Care’ series has been designed by the DH to 8
support the measures to improve quality, and will contribute to the introduction of 9
clinical governance at local levels (www.dh.gov.uk/en/Publicationsandstatistics/ 20
publications/PublicationsPolicyAndGuidance/DH_4005475). The benchmarking 1
process outlined in the ‘Essence of Care’ helps practitioners to take a structured 2
approach to sharing and comparing practice, enabling them to identify the best and 3
to develop action plans to remedy poor practice. Essence of Care guidelines have 4
been produced for clinical governance, promoting health and the care environment. 5
6
7
8
ACTIVITY 1.1 REFLECTIVE 9
30
Recall a care setting that you have visited recently and think about the levels of
1
dignity and respect given to the patients in that setting. Would you consider that
2
there needs to be improvement? If yes, visit the website of the DH where the
3
‘Essence of Care’ audit tools are located and download a tool that relates to a
situation you have experienced in practice. Identify where you would improve the 4
care in that environment, if you were a member of the healthcare team. 5
6
As this activity is based on your own reflection, there is no outline answer at the end 7
of the chapter. 8
9
40
In 2007, the NMC published the Essential Skills Clusters, which include ‘Care, 1
Compassion and Communication (NMC, 2007). The skills are to be used in 2
conjunction with the NMC Standards of Proficiency in all pre-registration courses from 3
2008, with sets of skills to be achieved prior to entry to branch and to the register. 4
The first three skills that are relevant to entry to branch are highly relevant to this 5
discussion and exemplify the importance of communication with care, dignity and 6
respect. They are shown in the following box. 7111

10
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1/Nursing and interpersonal communication

PATIENTS/CLIENTS CAN TRUST A NEWLY REGISTERED NURSE TO:
● provide care based on the highest standards, knowledge and competence;
● engage them as partners in care; should they be unable to meet their own
needs, the nurse will ensure that these are addressed in accordance with the
known wishes of the patient/client or in their best interests;
● treat them with dignity and respect them as individuals.
The skills can be found on the NMC website at www.nmc-uk.org/aArticle.aspx?
ArticleID=2790 in Annex of the NMC Circular 7/2007.

ACTIVITY 1.2 REFLECTIVE

Reflect on the essential skills that are listed under Care, Compassion and
Communication. Download a copy of the skills, if you do not already have a copy,
and think about how you will improve your care in relation to these skills. Against
each of the skills from 1 to 3 make a note of every time you see a qualified nurse
carry out care that reflects these skills and note for yourself how they do this, how
you could adopt best practice in this skill and how you will carry out these skills in
the future to achieve a high, professional standard of care.
What do you think prevents these essential skills being carried out and how do
you think these ‘blocks’ can be improved?
As this activity is based on your own reflection, there is no outline answer at the end
of the chapter.

Fundamental concepts in communication and

interpersonal skills
We might think that, straightaway, we know how the concepts of ‘communication’
and ‘interpersonal skills’ can be described and the meaning associated with the terms
– and can sum this up in one sentence. OK, you have a go!

ACTIVITY 1.3 PRACTICAL

In one sentence, describe what communication is and means without looking in a
dictionary!
__________________________________________________________________________

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1/Nursing and interpersonal communication

1
In another sentence, sum up what interpersonal means. 2
__________________________________________________________________________ 3
4
As this activity is based on your own reflection, there is no outline answer at the end 5
of the chapter. 6
7
8
9
Check out your sentences with the following definitions:
10
Communication is to exchange information between people by means of 1
speaking, writing or using a common system of signs or behaviour. 2
3
Interpersonal describes the connection between two or more people or groups 4
and their involvement with one another, especially as regards the way they 5
behave towards and feel about one another. 6
7
How close were you to the definitions supplied by Encarta?
8
9
20
1
THEORY SUMMARY 2
3
What is a concept? 4
In general, it is accepted that a concept is a broad theoretical idea that someone 5
has thought up, or named, to help us picture how an intangible idea can be 6
understood and to enable us to express this idea through language. To take this 7
discussion one step further, concepts are also deemed to be abstract, that is, not 8
concrete, but expressing a quality, emotion or thought, and thus something you 9
cannot necessarily see or touch. A concept can also be deemed a principle that 30
guides somebody’s actions, especially one that has a value or importance attached 1
to the ideas, to be followed as a guide for human behaviours and responses. 2
Exploring concepts is a means of describing and analysing incidents, and a 3
technique used extensively in this book, to capture the meaning of how, for 4
example, people behave, or how nature, reality or events are perceived. 5
It would be helpful to consider the difference between the two concepts of 6
communication and interpersonal skills and why we have brought them together 7
in this book. Exchanging information through the communication of ideas, fact 8
and emotions is a complex phenomenon, and cannot take place in nursing without 9
the recognition of the many context-specific factors that influence the 40
communication. Communication, as you will discover in subsequent chapters, 1
requires many different methods and processes to become effective. Even when 2
we are not communicating, invoking silence for example, we are communicating a 3
message with a meaning that will need to be interpreted. Consequently, the 4
communication needs interpreting, and the factors influencing the communication 5
need to be accounted for. 6
7111

12
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
the poor, and would occasionally carry letters for the rich.[9] Public
and private couriers riding post were sometimes surrounded, at the
villages or towns on their route, by crowds of people desirous of
obtaining some information of the world's doings. At times, they
were not suffered to pass without furnishing some kind of
information. The letters of the period, many of which survive, show
that great care was taken to protect them from the curiosity of the
bearer; and precautionary measures were resorted to to prevent
delay. They were usually most carefully folded, and fastened at the
end by a sort of paper strap, upon which the seal was affixed, whilst
under the seal a piece of string or silk thread, or even a straw, was
frequently placed, running round the letter. The following letter, still
extant, will serve to give an insight into the way letters were dealt
with at this period, and the speed at which they were forwarded.—
(Vide Postmaster-General's 2nd Report, p. 38.)

Archbishop Parker to Sir W. Cecil.

Sir,
According to the Queen's Majesty's pleasure, and your
advertisement, you shall receive a form of prayer, which, after
you have perused and judged of it, shall be put in print and
published immediately, &c. &c.
From my house at Croyden, this 22d July, 1566, at four of the
clock, afternoon.
Your honour's alway,
Matthew Cant.

This letter is thus endorsed by successive postmasters, according to

the existing custom.

Received at Waltham Cross the 23d of July, at nine at night.

Received at Ware the 23d of July at 12 at night.
 Received at Croxton the 24th of July, between 7 and 8 of the
morning.

So that his Grace's letter, which would appear to have been so

important as that one or more messengers were required to travel
night and day in order to deliver it at the earliest possible moment,
took 40 hours to travel 63 miles.

FOOTNOTES:
[1] Xenophon.
[2] Herodotus.
[3] Travels of Marco Polo, pp. 139, 140.
[4] Camden's Annals.
[5] Froude's History, Vol. III. p. 185.
[6] Surveye of London, Vol. II.
[7] Froude's History, Vol. III. p. 94.
[8] Smiles's Lives of the Engineers, Vol. I.
[9] Historian of Craven, speaking of the close of the sixteenth
century.
 CHAPTER II.
THE RISE OF THE GENERAL POST-OFFICE.

It was reserved for the Stuarts to organize for the first time in
England a regular system of post communication, the benefits of
which should be shared by all who could find the means. England
was behind other European nations in establishing a public letter-
post. It was not until the foreign post had been in existence a
hundred years, and until the foreigners had drawn particular
attention to their postal arrangements by their constant disputes,
that the English government established a general post for inland
letters, similar to the one whose benefits "the strangers" had
enjoyed even prior to the reign of Henry the Eighth. Little progress
towards this end was made in the reign of the first James, if we
except a better organization for the conveyance of official
despatches. At the same time, it ought to be stated, that the
improved organization here referred to was the groundwork for the
subsequent public post.

One of the results attendant on the accession[10] of the Scotch king

to the English Crown necessitated important improvements in the
system of horse posts, for which it called loudly. Immediately on his
accession, the high road from Edinburgh to London was thronged
night and day with the king's countrymen. All ordinary
communications fell far short of the demand; so much so, that post
messengers riding from the Council at Edinburgh to the king in
London, or vice versâ, were stopped whole days on the road for
want of horses, which had been taken by the Scottish lords and
gentlemen rushing forward to the English capital to offer their
congratulations to his majesty. As a remedy, the lords of the English
council issued a proclamation, calling upon all magistrates to assist
the postmasters "in this time so full of business," by seeing to it that
they were supplied with "fresh and able horses as necessitie shall
require." They were to be "able and sufficient horses," well furnished
"of saddles, bridles, girts and stirropes, with good guides to look to
them; who for the said horses shall demand and receive of such as
shall ride on them the prices accustomed" (Book of Proclamation,
1603-1609).
As the general intercourse between the two capitals now promised
to be permanent, and travelling along the North Road increased
rather than diminished, further general orders were published from
time to time by royal proclamation. Two kinds of post were
established during the reign of James the First, both being in
operation together towards its close. They were known as the
"thorough post," and "the post for the packet." The first, consisting
of special messengers who rode "thorough post," that is, through
the whole distance "with horse and guide," was established in 1603.
The couriers were ordered to pay at the rate of "twopence-halfpenny
the mile" for the hire of each horse, and to pay in advance. Further,
they must not ride any horse more than one stage (or seven miles in
summer, and six in winter), except "with the consent of the post of
the stage at which they did not change." For the service of the
second post, or "the post for the packet," every postmaster was
bound to keep not less than two horses ready, "with furniture
convenient," when on the receipt of a "packet" or parcel containing
letters, from a previous stage, he was to send it on towards the next
within a quarter of an hour of its receipt, entering the transaction in
"a large and faire ledger paper book." As a further precaution, and in
order to prevent the courier loitering on the road with any important
despatch, each postmaster was required to endorse each single
letter with the exact time of the messenger's arrival, just as we have
seen in the case of the one found in the collection of Archbishop
Parker's correspondence. For the purposes of this packet-post, we
find it arranged that each postmaster should have ready "two bags
of leather, at the least, well lined with baize or cotton, so as not to
injure the letters." It also rested with the different postmasters to
furnish the couriers with "hornes to sound and blowe as oft as the
post meets company, or at least four times in every mile."[11] Thus
arose a custom which, under slightly different circumstances, was
strictly observed in the days of mail-coaches.
It will be readily observed that in the arrangements of the packet-
post there was nothing to prevent its being extensively used, except
the important restrictions which the King put upon its use. During
the reign of James nothing but the despatches of ambassadors were
allowed to jostle the Government letters in the leather bags, "lined
with baize or cotton," of "the post for the packet." It was not until
Charles the First had succeeded his father, that this post came to be
used, under certain conditions, by merchants and private persons.
It was during the reign of James the First that the Government
secured, and kept for a hundred years, certain privileges with
respect to the hiring of post-horses. We have seen that the royal
couriers, travelling with despatches by either of the two posts, had
priority of claim to sufficient horses and proper accommodation on
their journeys. They also settled, by order in Council, that any
person, whether travelling on the business of the Government or
not, should, if furnished with warrants from the Council, have prior
claim to private individuals, over post-horses and proper
entertainment, demanding them in the name of the King. In a
warrant of Council, for instance, dated Whitehall, May 12, 1630, we
find the Privy Council ordering all postmasters to furnish Sir
Cornelius Vermuyden with horses and guides to enable him to ride
post from London to Boston, and thence to Hatfield, where he was
engaged in draining the royal chase for the King.[12]
Little as James the First did towards establishing an inland post,
though with materials so ready to his hand, in the posts of which we
have spoken, yet he deserves some credit for setting on foot a
general post for letters to foreign countries. It would seem that the
abuses complained of by English merchants, with regard to letters
coming from abroad, had been lessened by the appointment of an
English Postmaster for the Foreign Office, but not so with letters
sent abroad: hence the independent foreign post projected by the
King. In another of the very numerous proclamations of his reign, it
is stated that the King had created the office of Postmaster-General
for Foreign Parts, "being out of our dominions, and hath appointed
to this office Matthew de Quester the elder, and Matthew de Quester
the younger." The duties of this new office are stated to consist in
the "sole taking up, sending, and conveying of all packets and letters
concerning his service, or business to be despatched into forraigne
parts, with power to grant moderate salaries." These appointments
interfering in some way with his department, gave great offence to
Lord Stanhope, the English "Chief Postmaster," and mutual
unpleasantness sprung up between the officers of the two
establishments. A suit was instituted in the law courts, and whilst it
was pending, both offices got completely disarranged, some of Lord
Stanhope's staff going without salary for as long as eight years;
"divers of them," as we find it given in a petition to the Council, "lie
now in prison by reason of the great debt they are in for want of
their entertainment." The dispute was not settled until after Charles
the First had become king—namely, in 1632—when Lord Stanhope
was induced to retire from the service as "Chief Postmaster," the De
Questers at the same time assigning the office they had jointly held
to William Frizell and Thomas Witherings. A royal proclamation was
thereupon issued, to the effect that the King approved of the above
assignment. "The King," it went on to say, "affecting the welfare of
his people, and taking into his princely consideration how much it
imports his state and this realm, that the secrets thereof be not
disclosed to forraigne nations, which cannot be prevented if a
promiscuous use of transmitting or taking up of forraigne letters and
packets should be suffered, forbids all others from exercising that
which to the office of such postmaster pertaineth, at their utmost
perils."
Witherings seems to have made good use of his time, for in 1635, or
only three years from the date of his appointment, he saw the great
necessity which existed for some improvement in the postal
resources of the country, and proposed to the King to "settle a
pacquet post between London and all parts of His Majesty's
Dominions, for the carrying and recarrying of his subjects' letters."
In this memorial, which justly entitles him to a front rank in the
number of great postal reformers, Witherings stated some curious
facts relating to the service of those days. "Private letters," it was
said, "being now carried by carriers or persons travelling on foot, it is
sometimes full two months before any answer can be received from
Scotland or Ireland to London." "If any of his Majesty's subjects shall
write to Madrid in Spain, he shall receive answer sooner and surer
than he shall out of Scotland or Ireland." Witherings proposed that
the existing posts should be used; that the journey between London
and Edinburgh should be performed in three days, when—"if the
post could be punctually paid—the news will come sooner than
thought." Witherings' memorial had the desired effect on the
Council, who at once set about making the machinery already in use
applicable for a general post for inland letters. In 1635 they issued a
proclamation, in which they state that there had not been hitherto
any constant communication between the kingdoms of England and
Scotland, and therefore command "Thomas Witherings, Esquire, His
Majesty's Postmaster for forraigne parts, to settle a running post or
two, to run night and day between Edinburgh in Scotland and the
City of London, to go thither and back again in 6 days." Directions
were also given for the management of the correspondence between
the principal towns on the line of road. Bye posts shall be connected
with the main line of posts, by means of which letters from such
places as Lincoln, Hull, Chester, Bristol, or Exeter, shall fall into it,
and letters addressed to these and other places shall be sent. Other
bye posts are promised to different parts of the country. All
postmasters on the main line of posts, as well as those of the bye
posts, were commanded to have "always ready in their stables one
or two horses." The charges settled by James I. were ordered to be
the charges under the new system, "2½d. for a single horse, and
5d. for two horses per mile." In a subsequent proclamation two
years afterwards, a monopoly of letter-carrying was established,
which has been preserved ever since, in all the regulations of the
Post-Office. No other messengers or foot posts shall carry any
letters, but those who shall be employed by the King's "Chief
Postmaster." Exceptions were made, however, when the letters were
addressed to places to which the King's post did not travel; also, in
the case of common known carriers; messengers particularly sent
express; and to a friend carrying a letter for a friend. These
exceptions, trifling as they were, were withdrawn from time to time,
as the Post-Office became more and more one of the settled
institutions of the country. As it was, the prohibitory clauses caused
great dissatisfaction in the country. The middle of the seventeenth
century was certainly a bad time for introducing a measure that
should bear any appearance of a stretch of the royal prerogative.
That no one but the servants of the King's Postmaster should carry
private letters was regarded as an unwarrantable interference with
the liberty of the subject; so much so, that in 1642 a Committee of
the House of Commons was appointed to inquire into that part of
the measure. The subject was also frequently mentioned in
Parliament; notwithstanding which, the Government strictly adhered
to the clause.[13]
The first rates of postage for the new service were fixed at
twopence, for a single letter, for any distance under 80 miles; 4d. up
to 140 miles; 6d. for any longer distance in England; and 8d. to any
place in Scotland. Of course the distances were all reckoned from
London.
The control of the English letter-office was entrusted to the Foreign
Postmaster-General, who had suggested the new undertaking.
Witherings held the joint offices for five years, when in 1640 he was
charged with abusing both his trusts, and superseded by Philip
Burlamachy, a London merchant. It was arranged, however, that
Burlamachy should execute the duties of his offices under the care
and inspection of the principal Secretary of State. And now began a
quarrel which lasted incessantly from 1641 to 1647. When the
proclamation concerning the sequestration of his office was
published, Witherings assigned his patent to the Earl of Warwick.
Mindful of this opportunity, Lord Stanhope, the "Chief Postmaster"
under the King's father, who had surrendered his patent some years
before, now came forward and stated that the action had not been
voluntary, but, as we learn from his petition to the House of Lords,
he "was summoned to the Council table, and obliged, before he was
suffered to depart, to subscribe somewhat there penned upon your
petitioner's patent by the Lord Keeper Coventry." Lord Stanhope
found a staunch friend and adherent in Mr. Edmund Prideaux, a
member of the House of Commons, and subsequently Attorney-
General to the Commonwealth. Two rival offices were established in
London, and continued strife was maintained between the officers of
the two claimants. On one occasion, Prideaux himself helped to seize
the Plymouth mail which had just arrived in London, and was
proceeding to the office of the Earl of Warwick near the Royal
Exchange. Burlamachy and the Government failed to restore peace.
In the Commission on the Post-Office, to which we have already
referred, the subject was taken up, but the resolution of the
Committee only rendered matters more complicated. The
Committee, though Prideaux contrived to be made Chairman of it,
declared that the sequestration of two years before "was a grievance
and illegal, and ought to be taken off," and Mr. Witherings restored
to office. The Commission decided against the Government, both as
regards the sequestration and the monopoly of letter-carrying, which
the King proclaimed in 1637. Both questions were left in abeyance
for two years, when, in 1644, the Parliamentary forces having begun
to gain an ascendancy over those of the King, the Lords and
Commons by a joint action appointed Edmund Prideaux, the
Chairman of the Committee of 1642, "and a barrister of seven years'
standing," to the vacant office. It is somewhat amusing to note how
the monopolizing tendencies of the Crown, denounced but two years
ago by the Parliament, were now openly advocated and confirmed
by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses. The resolution
establishing Prideaux in the office states,[14] that the Lords and
Commons, "finding by experience that it is most necessary for
keeping of good intelligence between the Parliament and their
forces, that post-stages be erected in several parts of the kingdom,
and the office of Master of the Post and Couriers being at present
void, ordain that Edmund Prideaux shall be and hereby is constituted
Master of the Posts, Couriers, and Messengers." Prideaux must have
been an energetic and pains-taking manager. He was very zealous
and greatly improved the service, "establishing," says Blackstone, "a
weekly conveyance of letters to all parts of the country, thereby
saving to the public the charge of maintaining postmasters to the
amount of 7,000l. per annum." It seems to have been clearly seen in
Parliament that the Post-Office would eventually pay its own
expenses, and even yield a revenue; for, in deciding on Prideaux's
proposal, their object is stated quite concisely in one of the clauses
sanctioning it:—"That for defraying the charges of the several
postmasters, and easing the State of it, there must be a weekly
conveyance of letters to all parts of the country." For twenty years
previously the establishment of the post had been a burden to the
extent of three or four thousand pounds a year on the public purse.
Prideaux at first was allowed to take the profits of his office, in
consideration of his bearing all the charges. In 1649, five years after
his appointment, the amount of revenue derived from the posts
reached 5,000l. and a new arrangement was entered into. The
practice of farming the Post-Office revenue began from the year
1650, and lasted, as far as regards some of the bye posts, down to
the end of the last century. In 1650 the revenue was farmed for the
sum of 5,000l.
In the year 1649 the Common Council of London deliberately
established a post-office for inland letters in direct rivalry to that of
the Parliament. But the Commons, although they had loudly
denounced the formation of a monopoly by the Crown, proceeded to
put down this infringement of the one which they had but lately
secured to themselves. The City authorities, backed, as they were in
those days, by immense power, stoutly denied that the Parliament
had any exclusive privilege in the matter. They could see no reason
why there should not be "another weekly conveyance of letters and
for other uses" (this latter clause most probably meaning
conveyance of parcels and packets). Though pressed to do so, "they
refused to seek the sanction of Parliament, or to have any direction
from them in their measure."[15] "The Common Council," it is further
stated by way of complaint, "have sent agents to settle postages by
their authority on several roads, and have employed a natural Scott,
who has gone into Scotland, and hath there settled postmasters
(others than those for the state) on all that road." Prideaux took
care to learn something from the rival company. He lowered his rates
of postage, increased the number of despatches, and then resolutely
applied himself to get the City establishment suppressed. Prideaux,
who had now become Attorney-General, invoked the aid of the
Council of State. The Council reported that, "as affairs now stand,
they conceive that the office of Postmaster is, and ought to be, in
the sole power and disposal of Parliament." After this decision the
City posts were immediately and peremptorily suppressed, and from
this date the carrying of letters has been the exclusive privilege of
the Crown. Though the Government succeeded in establishing the
monopoly, public opinion was greatly against the measure. The
authorities of the city of London, as may well be imagined, were
incessant in their exertions to defeat it, not only at that time, but on
many subsequent occasions. Pamphlets were written on the subject,
and one book, especially, deserves mention, inasmuch as its author
bore a name now memorable in the annals of the British Post-Office.
In 1659 was published a book, entitled John Hill's Penny Post; or a
vindication of the liberty of every Englishman in carrying merchants'
or other men's letters against any restraints of farmers of such
employment. 4to. 1659.
Under the Protectorate, the Post-Office underwent material changes.
Whilst extending the basis of the Post-Office, Cromwell and his
Council took advantage of the State monopoly to make it subservient
to the interests of the Commonwealth. One of the ordinances
published during the Protectorate sets forth that the Post-Office
ought to be upheld, not merely because it is the best means of
conveying public and private communications, but also because it
may be made the agent in "discovering and preventing many wicked
designs, which have been and are daily contrived against the peace
and welfare of this Commonwealth, the intelligence whereof cannot
well be communicated except by letters of escript." A system of
espionage was thus settled which has always been abhorrent to the
nature and feelings of Englishmen. But perhaps we ought not to
judge the question in the light of the present day. And we would do
justice to the Council of the Commonwealth. The Post-Office now for
the first time became the subject of parliamentary enactments, and
the acts passed during the interregnum became the models for all
subsequent measures. In the year 1656 an Act was passed, "to
settle the postage of England, Scotland, and Ireland," and
henceforth the Post-Office was established on a new and broad
basis.[16] It was ruled that there "shall be one General Post-Office,
and one officer stiled the Postmaster-Generall of England, and
Comptroller of the Post-Office." This officer was to have the horsing
of all "through" posts and persons "riding post." "Prices for the
carriage of letters, English, Scottish, and Irish," as well as foreign,
and also for post-horses, were again fixed. All other persons were
forbidden "to set up or employ any foot-posts, horse-posts, or
packet-boats." Two exceptions, however, were made under the latter
head, in favour of the two universities, "who may use their former
liberties, rights, and privileges of having special carriers to carry and
recarry letters as formerly they did, and as if this Act had not been
made." The Cinque Ports also must "not be interfered with, and their
ancient rights of sending their own post to and from London shall
remain intact."
At the Restoration this settlement of the Post-Office was confirmed
in almost all its particulars. The statute 12 Car. II. c. 35 re-enacts
the ordinance of the Commonwealth, and on account of its being the
earliest recognised statutory enactment, is commonly known as the
"Post-Office Charter." It remained in full force until 1710. The
following is the important preamble to the statute in question:
"Whereas for the maintainance of mutual correspondencies, and
prevention of many inconveniences happening by private posts,
several public post-offices have been heretofore erected for carrying
and recarrying of letters by post to and from all parts and places
within England, Scotland, and Ireland, and several posts beyond the
seas, the well-ordering whereof is a matter of general concernment,
and of great advantage, as well for the preservation of trade and
commerce as otherwise."
It does not appear why Prideaux's connexion with the Post-Office
was dissolved, nor yet exactly when. Probably his more onerous
duties as first law officer of the Government demanded all his time
and energy. However it was, we hear no more of him after his
victory over the then formidable City magnates. During the
remaining years of Cromwell's life, the revenues of the Post-Office,
wonderfully augmented by Prideaux's management, were farmed for
the sum of 10,000l. a year to a Mr. John Manley. During Manley's
tenure of office, the proceeds must either have increased with
marvellous rapidity, or the contracts were under estimated; for
when, in 1659, Manley left the Post-Office, he calculated that he had
cleared in that and some previous years the sum of 14,000l.
annually. A Parliamentary Committee instituted a strict scrutiny into
the proceeds of the office in the first year of the Restoration, at
which period it became necessary that a new Postmaster-General
should be appointed. It was agreed by the members of this
Committee to recommend that a much higher sum be asked from
the next aspirant to the office, inasmuch as they found that Mr.
Manley, instead of over-estimating his receipts, had erred on the
other side, and that they could not have come far short of the
annual sum of 20,000l. The result of the Committee's investigation
was, that Mr. Henry Bishop was only appointed to the vacant place
on his entering into a contract to pay to Government the annual sum
of 21,500l. In estimating the increase of Post-Office revenue from
year to year, it must be borne in mind that a considerable item in the
account was derived from the monopoly in post-horses for travelling,
which monopoly had been secured under Cromwell's ordinances,
and re-secured under 12 Car. II. c. 35. By this Act, no traveller could
hire horses for riding post from any but authorized postmasters.[17]
This statute remained in force, under some limitations, till 1779.
Many matters of detail in the arrangements of the Post-Office were
discussed in Parliament during the first three years of the
Restoration. Long-promised bye-posts were now for the first time
established; the circulation of the letters, meaning by that the routes
the mails shall take, and many such subjects, best settled of course
by the authorities, weary the reader of the Journals of the House of
Commons about this date. In December, 1660, for instance, we find
the House deliberating on a proviso tendered by Mr. Titus to the
following effect:—"Provided also and be it enacted, that a letter or
packet-post shall once every week come to Kendal by way of
Lancaster, and to the town of Penrith in Cumberland by way of
Newcastle and Carlisle, and to the City of Lincoln and the borough of
Grimsby likewise;" and we are glad to find that this reasonable
proviso, to give these "out-of-the-way places" the benefit of a
weekly post, was agreed to without cavil. We notice one important
resolution of the session of this year, setting forth that, as the Post-
Office Bill has been carried through the Houses satisfactorily, "such
of the persons who have contributed their pains in improvement of
the Post-Office, be recommended to the King's Majesty for
consideration, to be had of the pains therein taken accordingly." Let
us hope (for we find no further mention of the matter) that all
concerned got their deserts. Tardy as the English people were,
compared with their continental neighbours, in rearing the institution
of the post, the foundation of an establishment was now laid which
has, at the present time, far distanced all competitors in its
resources and in the matter of liberal provisions for the people. Even
before the days of penny postage, the Duke of Wellington, than
whom no man was supposed to know better the postal regulations
of the Continent, gave it as his deliberate opinion, that "the English
Post-Office is the only one in Europe which can be said to do its
work." In rewarding, therefore, those who contributed so much to
this success at this early period of the history of the establishment,
King Charles would simply pay an instalment of the debt which
future generations would owe to them.
Mr. Bishop was only left undisturbed for two short years. As it was
evident that the revenue of the office was increasing, the House of
Commons took advantage, at the close of his second year of office,
to desire his Majesty that "no further grant or contract of the Post-
Office be again entered into till a committee inspect the same and
see what improvements may be made on the Revenue, as well as in
the better management of the department." They pray that the
office may be given to the highest bidder. His Majesty replies that he
has not been satisfied with the hands in which it has been.
Notwithstanding that a measure was carried requiring the officers of
the Post-Office in London and the country to take the oaths of
allegiance and supremacy, and notwithstanding that these oaths
were properly subscribed, his Majesty is not at all satisfied, "for the
extraordinary number of nonconformists and disaffected persons in
that office," and is desirous of a change. The term being expired, his
Majesty "will have a care to see it raised to that profit it may fairly
be, remembering always that it being an office of much trust as well
as a farm, it will not be fit to give it to him that bids most, because a
dishonest or disaffected person is likeliest to exceed that way." There
can be no manner of doubt now, that the King's words on this
occasion were meant to prepare the minds of his faithful Commons
for the successor which he had by this time fully resolved upon. Two
months subsequently to the above message to the Commons, the
entire revenue of the Post-Office is settled by statute, 15 Car. II. c.
14, upon James, Duke of York, and his heirs male in perpetuity. This
arrangement existed only during the lifetime of Charles, for when, at
his death, the Duke of York ascended the throne, the revenue of the
Post-Office, which had by that time reached to 65,000l. a-year, again
reverted to the Crown. No means were spared to make the Post-
Office fruitful during the remainder of the years of Charles II. Not
only were direct measures sanctioned, but others which had only a
bearing on the interests of the Post-Office were introduced, and
easily carried through the Houses. Now, for the first time, in 1663,
the Turnpike Act made its appearance on our Statute-book, and we
may gather from the preamble to this useful Act some of the
impediments which at that time existed to postal communication. It
sets forth that the great North Road—the main artery for the post-
roads and our national intercourse—was in many parts "very
vexatious," "almost impassable," and "very dangerous." The Act
provided for needful improvements, and was the beginning of
legislation on that subject.
Letter-franking also commenced in this year. A Committee of the
House of Commons which sat in the year 1735 reported, "that the
privilege of franking letters by the knights, &c. chosen to represent
the Commons in Parliament, began with the creating of a post-office
in the kingdom by Act of Parliament." The proviso which secured this
privilege to members cannot now be regarded otherwise than as a
propitiatory clause to induce a unanimous approval of the bill in
general. The account[18] of the discussion of the clause in question
is somewhat amusing. Sir Walter Earle proposed that "members'
letters should come and go free during the time of their sittings." Sir
Heneage Finch (afterwards Lord Chancellor Finch) said, indignantly,
"It is a poor mendicant proviso, and below the honour of the
House." Many members spoke in favour of the clause, Sir George
Downing, Mr. Boscowen, among the number, and Sergeant Charlton
also urged "that letters for counsel went free." The debate was, in
fact, nearly one-sided; but the Speaker, Sir Harbottle Grimstone, on
the question being called, refused for a considerable time to put it,
saying he "felt ashamed of it." The proviso was eventually put and
carried by a large majority. When the Post-Office Bill, with its
franking privilege, was sent up to the Lords, they threw out the
clause, ostensibly for the same reasons which had actuated the
minority in the Commons in opposing it, but really, as it was
confessed some years afterwards, because there was no provision
made in the Bill that the "Lords' own letters should pass free." A few
years later this important omission was supplied, and both Houses
had the privilege guaranteed to them, neither Lords nor Commons
now feeling the arrangement below their dignity.
Complaint is made for the first time this year, that letters have been
opened in the General Post-Office. Members of Parliament were
amongst the complainants. The attention of the Privy Council having
been called to the subject, the King issued a proclamation "for
quieting the Postmaster-General in the execution of his office." It
ordained that "no postmaster or other person, except under the
immediate warrant of our principal Secretary of State, shall presume
to open letters or packets not directed unto themselves."
Two years before the death of Charles II. a penny post, the only
remaining post-office incident of any importance during his reign,
was set up in London for the conveyance of letters and parcels. This
post was originated by Robert Murray, an upholsterer, who, like
many other people living at the time, was dissatisfied that the Post-
Office had made no provision for correspondence between different
parts of London. By the then existing arrangements, communication
was much more easy between town and country than within the
limits of the metropolis. Murray's post, got up at a great cost, was
assigned over to Mr. William Docwray, a name which figures for
many succeeding years in post-office annals. The regulations of the
new penny post were, that all letters and parcels not exceeding a
pound weight, or any sum of money not above 10l. in value, or
parcel not worth more than 10l., might be conveyed at a charge of
one penny in the city and suburbs, and for twopence to any distance
within a given ten-mile circuit. Six large offices were opened at
convenient places in London, and receiving-houses were established
in all the principal streets. Stowe says, that in the windows of the
latter offices, or hanging at the doors, were large placards on which
were printed, in great letters, "Penny post letters taken in here."
"Letter-carriers," adds the old chronicler, "gather them each hour
and take them to the grand office in their respective circuits. After
the said letters and parcels are duly entered in the books, they are
delivered at stated periods by other carriers." The deliveries in the
busy and crowded streets near the Exchange were as frequent as six
or eight times a day; even in the outskirts, as many as four daily
deliveries were made.
The penny post was found to be a great and decided success. No
sooner, however, was that success apparent, and it was known that
the speculation was becoming lucrative to its originator, than the
Duke of York, by virtue of the settlement made to him, complained
of it as an infraction of his monopoly. Nor were there wanting other
reasons, inducing the Government to believe that the penny post
ought not to be under separate management. The Protestants loudly
denounced the whole concern as a contrivance of the Popish party.
The great Dr. Oates hinted that the Jesuits were at the bottom of the
scheme, and that if the bags were examined, they would be found
full of treason.[19] The city porters, too, complained that their
interests were attacked, and for long they tore down the placards
which announced the innovation to the public. Undoubtedly,
however, the authorities were most moved by the success of the
undertaking, and thereupon appealed to the Court of King's Bench,
which decided that the new post-office, with all its profits and
advantages, should become part and parcel of the royal
establishment. Docwray was even cast in slight damages and costs.
Thus commenced the London District Post, which existed as a
separate establishment to the General Post from this time until so
late as 1854. It was at first thought that the amalgamation of the
two offices would be followed by a fusion of the two systems; but
this fusion, so much desired, and one we would have thought so
indispensable, was not accomplished (from a number of
considerations to be adduced hereafter), although the object was
attempted more than once.
About a year after the new establishment had been wrested from
him, Mr. Docwray was appointed, under the Duke of York, to the
office of Controller of the District-Post. This was doubtless meant as
some sort of compensation for the losses he had sustained.[20]
In 1685, Charles II. died, and the Duke of York succeeding him, the
revenues of the Post-Office, of course, reverted to the Crown.
Throughout the reign of the second James, the receipts of the Post-
Office went on increasing, though (the King being too much
engaged in the internal commotions which disturbed the country) no
improvements of any moment were made. The only subject calling
for mention is, that James first commenced the practice of granting
pensions out of the Post-Office revenue. The year after he ascended
the throne, the King, acting doubtless under the wishes of the
"merry monarch," that provision should be made for her, granted a
pension of 4,700l. a-year to Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland,
one of the late King's mistresses, to be paid out of the Post-Office
receipts. This pension is still paid to the Duke of Grafton, as her
living representative. The Earl of Rochester was allowed a pension of
4,000l. a-year from the same source during this reign. In 1694,
during the reign of William and Mary, the list of pensions[21] paid by
the Post-Office authorities stood thus:—

Earl of Rochester £4,000

Duchess of Cleveland 4,700
Duke of Leeds 3,500
Duke of Schomberg 4,000
Earl of Bath 2,500
Lord Keeper 2,000
William Docwray, till 1698 500

Docwray's pension began in 1694, and was regarded as a further

acknowledgment of his claims as founder of the "District-post," or
the "Penny-post," as it was then called. He only held his pension,
however, for four years, losing both his emoluments and his office in
1698, on certain charges of gross mismanagement having been
brought against him. The officers and messengers under his control
memorialized the Commissioners of the Treasury, alleging that the
"Controller doth what in him lyes to lessen the revenue of the Penny
Post-Office, that he may farm it and get it into his own hands;" also,
that "he had removed the Post-Office to an inconvenient place to
forward his ends." There appears to have been no limit as to the
weight or size of parcels transmitted through the district-post during
Docwray's time, but the memorial goes on to say that "he forbids the
taking in of any band-boxes (except very small) and all parcels
above a pound; which, when they were taken in, did bring a
considerable advantage to the Post-Office;" that these same parcels
are taken by porters and watermen at a far greater charge, "which is
a loss to the public," as the penny-post messengers did the work
"much cheaper and more satisfactory." Nor is this all. It is further
stated that "he stops, under spetious pretences, most parcells that
are taken in, which is great damage to tradesmen by loosing their
customers, or spoiling their goods, and many times hazard the life of
the patient when physick is sent by a doctor or an apothecary."[22] It
was hinted that the parcels were not only delayed, but
misappropriated; that letters were opened and otherwise tampered
with: and these charges being partially substantiated, Docwray, who
deserved better treatment, was removed from all connexion with the
department.
It was only towards the close of the seventeenth century, that the
Scotch and Irish post establishments come at all into notice. The
first legislative enactments for the establishment of a Scotch post-
office were made in the reign of William and Mary. The Scotch
Parliament passed such an act in the year 1695. Of course the
proclamations of King James I. provided for the conveyance of
letters between the capitals of the two countries; and although posts
had been heard of in one or two of the principal roads leading out of
Edinburgh, even before James VI. of Scotland became the first
English king of that name, it was only after the Revolution that they
became permanent and legalized. Judging by the success which had
followed the English establishment, it was expected that a Scotch
post would soon pay all its expenses. However, to begin, the King
decided upon making a grant of the whole revenue of the Scotch
office, as well as a salary of 300l. a year, to Sir Robert Sinclair, of
Stevenson, on condition that he would keep up the establishment.
[23] In a year from that date, Sir Robert Sinclair gave up the grant as
unprofitable and disadvantageous. It was long before the Scotch
office gave signs of emulating the successes of the English post, for,
even forty years afterwards, the whole yearly revenue of the former
was only a little over a thousand pounds. About 1700, the posts
between London and Edinburgh were so frequently robbed,
especially in the neighbourhood of the borders, that the two
Parliaments of England and Scotland jointly passed acts, making the
robbery or seizure of the public post "punishable with death and
confiscation of moveables."
Little is known of the earlier postal arrangements of Ireland. Before
any legislative enactments were made in the reign, it is said, of
Charles I., the letters of the country were transmitted in much the
same way as we have seen they were forwarded in the sister
country. The Viceroy of Ireland usually adopted the course common
in England when the letters of the King and his Council had to be
delivered abroad. The subject is seldom mentioned in contemporary
records, and we can only picture in imagination the way in which
correspondence was then transmitted. In the sixteenth century,
mounted messengers were employed carrying official letters and
despatches to different parts of Ireland. Private noblemen also
employed these "intelligencers," as they were then and for some
time afterwards called, to carry their letters to other chiefs or their
dependents. The Earl of Ormond was captured in 1600, owing to the
faithlessness of Tyrone's "intelligencer," who first took his letters to
the Earl of Desmond and let him privately read them, and afterwards
demurely delivered them according to their addresses.[24]
Charles I. ordered that packets should ply weekly between Dublin
and Chester, and also between Milford Haven and Waterford, as a
means of insuring quick transmission of news and orders between
the English Government and Dublin Castle. We have seen that
packets sailed between Holyhead and Dublin, and Liverpool and
Dublin, as early as the reign of Elizabeth. Cromwell kept up both
lines of packets established by Charles. At the Restoration, only one
—namely, that between Chester and Dublin—was retained, this
being applied to the purposes of a general letter-post. The postage
between London and Dublin was 6d., fresh rates being imposed for
towns in the interior of Ireland. A new line of packets was
established to make up for that discontinued,[25] to sail between
Port Patrick and Donaghadee, forming an easy and short route
between Scotland and the north of Ireland. For many years this mail
was conveyed in an open boat, each trip across the narrow channel
costing the Post-Office a guinea. Subsequently, a grant of 200l. was
made by the Post-Office in order that a larger boat might be built for
the service. This small mail is still continued.

FOOTNOTES:
[10] The special messenger who informed James of Queen
Elizabeth's death accomplished a great feat in those days. Sir
Robert Carey rode post, with sealed lips, from Richmond in Surrey
to Edinburgh in less than three days.
[11] Notes and Queries, 1853.
[12] This instance, showing the usage, gives us an insight into
the amount of control under which these public servants were
held. Sir Cornelius was in the bad grace of the people of the
district through which he had to pass, on account of being a
foreigner; so at Royston Edward Whitehead refused to provide
any horses, and on being told he should answer for his neglect,
replied, "Tush! Do your worst. You shall have none of my horses,
in spite of your teeth."—Smiles.
[13] Blackstone, in speaking of the monopoly in letter traffic,
states that it is a "provision which is absolutely necessary, for
nothing but an exclusive right can support an office of this sort;
many rival independent offices would only serve to ruin one
another."—Com. vol. i. p. 324.
[14] Journals of the House of Commons, 1644.
[15] Journals of the House of Commons, 21st March, 1649.
[16] In Burton's Diary of the Parliament of Cromwell, an account
is given of the third reading of the new Act, which is important
and interesting enough to be here partly quoted. "The bill being
brought up for the last reading—
Sir Thomas Wroth said: 'This bill has bred much talk abroad since
yesterday. The design is very good and specious; but I would
have some few words added for general satisfaction: to know
how the monies shall be disposed of; and that our letters should
pass free as well in this Parliament as formerly.'
Lord Strickland said: 'When the report was made, it was told you
that it (the Post-Office) would raise a revenue. It matters not
what reports be abroad, nothing can more assist trade and
commerce than this intercourse. Our letters pass better than in
any part whatsoever. In France and Holland, and other parts,
letters are often laid open to public view, as occasion is.'
Sir Christopher Pack was also of opinion, 'That the design of the
bill is very good for trading and commerce; and it matters not
what is said abroad about it. As to letters passing free for
members, it is not worth putting in any act.'
Colonel Sydenham said: 'I move that it may be committed to be
made but probationary; it being never a law before.'" The bill was
referred to a Committee, and subsequently passed nearly
unanimously.
[17] Lord Macaulay states that there was an exceptional clause in
this act, to the effect, that "if a traveller had waited half an hour
without being supplied, he might hire a horse wherever he
could."—History of England, vol, i.
[18] Cobbett's Parliamentary History, vol. ix.
[19] Macaulay's History of England, vol. i. pp. 387-8.
[20] Under William and Mary, Docwray was allowed a pension,
differently stated by different authorities, of 500l. and 200l. a
year.
[21] Amongst the Post-Office pensions granted in subsequent
reigns, Queen Anne gave one, in 1707, to the Duke of
Marlborough and his heirs of 5,000l. The heirs of the Duke of
Schomberg were paid by the Post-Office till 1856, when about
20,000l. were paid to redeem a fourth part of the pension, the
burden of the remaining part being then transferred to the
Consolidated Fund.
[22] Stowe's Survey of London.
[23] Stark's Picture of Edinburgh, p. 144.
[24] "Letters and Despatches relative to the taking of the Earl of
Ormond, by O'More. a.d. 1600."
[25] In 1784, the line of Milford Haven packets was re-
established, the rates of postage between London and Waterford
to be the same as between London and Dublin, viâ Holyhead. The
packets were, however, soon withdrawn.
 CHAPTER III.
ON OLD ROADS AND SLOW COACHES.

If we seem in this chapter to make a divergence from the stream of

postal history, it is only to make passing reference to the tributaries
which helped to feed the main stream. The condition of the roads,
and no less the modes of travelling, bore a most intimate
relationship, at all the points in its history, to the development of the
post-office system and its communications throughout the kingdom.
The seventeenth century, as we have seen, was eventful in
important postal improvements; the period was, comparatively
speaking, very fruitful also in great changes and improvements in
the internal character of the country. No question that the progress
of the former depended greatly on the state of the latter. James the
First, whatever might be his character in other respects, was
indefatigable in his exertions to open out the resources of his
kingdom. The fathers of civil engineering, such as Vermuyden and
Sir Hugh Myddleton, lived during his reign, and both these eminent
men were employed under his auspices, either in making roads,
draining the fen country, improving the metropolis, or in some other
equally useful scheme. The troubles of the succeeding reign had the
effect of frustrating the development of various schemes of public
utility proposed and eagerly sanctioned by James. Under the
Commonwealth, and at intervals during the two succeeding reigns,
many useful improvements of no ordinary moment were carried out.
In the provinces, though considerable advances had been made in
this respect during the century, travelling was still exceedingly
difficult. In 1640, perhaps the Dover Road, owing to the great extent
of continental traffic constantly kept up, was the best in England; yet
three or four days were usually taken to travel it. In that year, Queen
Henrietta and household were brought "with expedition" over that
short distance in four long days. Short journeys were accomplished
in a reasonable time, inasmuch as little entertainment was required.
It was different when a long journey was contemplated, seeing how
generally wretched were the hostelries of the period.[26] So bad,
again, were some of the roads, that it was not at all uncommon,
when a family intended to travel, for servants to be sent on
beforehand to investigate the country and report upon the most
promising track. Fuller tells us that during his time he frequently saw
as many as six oxen employed in dragging slowly a single person to
church. Waylen says that 800 horses were taken prisoners at one
time during the civil wars by Cromwell's forces, "while sticking in the
mud."
Many improvements were made in modes of conveyance during the
century. A kind of stage-coach was first used in London about 1608;
towards the middle of the century they were gradually adopted in
the metropolis, and on the better highways around London. In no
case, however, did they attempt to travel at a greater speed than
three miles an hour. Before the century closed, stage-coaches were
placed on three of the principal roads in the kingdom, namely those
between London and York, Chester, and Exeter. This was only for the
summer season; "during winter," in the words of Mr. Smiles, "they
did not run at all, but were laid up for the season, like ships during
Arctic frosts." Sometimes the roads were so bad, even in summer,
that it was all the horses could do to drag the coach along, the
passengers, per force, having to walk for miles together. With the
York coach especially the difficulties were really formidable. Not only
were the roads bad, but the low midland counties were particularly
liable to floods, when, during their prevalence, it was nothing
unusual for passengers to remain at some town en route for days
together, until the roads were dry.
Public opinion was divided as to the merits of stage-coach travelling.
When the new threatened altogether to supersede the old mode of
travelling on horseback, great opposition was manifested to it, and
the organs of public opinion (the pamphlet) began to revile it. In
1673, for instance, a pamphlet[27] was written which went so far as
to denounce the introduction of stage-coaches as the greatest evil
"that had happened of late years to these kingdoms." Curious to
know how these sad consequences had been brought about, we
read on and find it stated that "those who travel in these coaches
contracted an idle habit of body; became weary and listless when
they had rode a few miles, and were then unable to travel on
horseback, and not able to endure frost, snow, or rain, or to lodge in
the fields." In the very same year another writer, descanting on the
improvements which had been introduced into the Post-Office, goes
on to say, that "besides the excellent arrangement of conveying men
and letters on horseback, there is of late such an admirable
commodiousness, both for men and women to travel from London to
the principal towns in the country, that the like hath not been known
in the world, and that is by stage-coaches, wherein any one may be
transported to any place, sheltered from foul weather and foul ways;
free from endamaging of one's health and one's body by hard
jogging or over violent motion; and this not only at a low price
(about a shilling for every five miles), but with such velocity and
speed in one hour as that the posts in some foreign countreys
cannot make in a day."[28] M. Soubrière, a Frenchman of letters who
landed at Dover in the reign of Charles II., alludes to stage-coaches,
but seems to have thought less of their charms than the author we
have just quoted. "That I might not take post," says he, "or again be
obliged to use the stage-coach, I went from Dover to London in a
wagon. I was drawn by six horses placed one after another, and
driven by a wagoner who walked by the side of them. He was
clothed in black and appointed in all things like another St. George.
He had a brave monteror on his head, and was a merry fellow,
fancied he made a figure, and seemed mightily pleased with
himself."
The stage-wagon here referred to was almost exclusively used for
the conveyance of merchandise. On the principal roads strings of
stage-wagons travelled together. A string of stage-wagons travelled
between London and Liverpool, starting from the Axe Inn,
Aldermanbury, every Monday and Thursday, and occupying ten days
on the road during summer and generally about twelve in the winter
season. Beside these conveyances, there were "strings of horses,"
travelling somewhat quicker, for the carriage of light goods and
passengers. The stage-wagon, as may be supposed, travelled much
slower on other roads than they did between London and Liverpool.
On most roads, in fact, the carriers never changed horses, but
employed the same cattle throughout, however long the journey
might be. It was, indeed, so proverbially slow in the north of
England, that the publicans of Furness, in Lancashire, when they
saw the conductors of the travelling merchandise trains appear in
sight on the summit of Wrynose Hill, on their journey between
Whitehaven and Kendal, were jocularly said to begin to brew their
beer, always having a stock of good drink manufactured by the time
the travellers reached the village![29]
Whilst communication between different large towns was
comparatively easy—passengers travelling from London to York in
less than a week before the close of the century—there were towns
situated in the same county, in the year 1700, more widely
separated for all practical purposes than London and Inverness are
at the present day. If a stranger penetrated into some remote
districts about this period, his appearance would call forth, as one
writer remarks, as much excitement as would the arrival of a white
man in some unknown African village. So it was with Camden in his
famous seventeenth-century tour. Camden acknowledges that he
approached Lancashire from Yorkshire, "that part of the country
lying beyond the mountains towards the western ocean," with a
"kind of dread," but trusted to Divine Providence, which, he said,
"had gone with him hitherto," to help him in the attempt. Country
people still knew little except of their narrow district, all but a small
circle of territory being like a closed book to them. They still received
but few letters. Now and then, a necessity would be laid upon them
to write, and thereupon they would hurry off to secure the services
of the country parson, or some one attached to the great house of
the neighbourhood, who generally took the request kindly.[30]
Almost the only intelligence of general affairs was communicated by
pedlars and packmen, who were accustomed to retail news with
their wares. The wandering beggar who came to the farmer's house
craving a supper and bed was the principal intelligencer of the rural
population of Scotland so late as 1780.[31] The introduction of
newspapers formed quite an era in this respect to the gentlefolk of
the country, and to some extent the poorer classes shared in the
benefit. The first English newspaper published bears the date of
1622. Still earlier than this, the News Letter, copied by the hand,
often found its way into the country, and, when well read at the
great house of the district, would be sent amongst the principal
villagers till its contents became diffused throughout the entire
community. When any intelligence unusually interesting was received
either in the news letter or the more modern newspaper, the
principal proprietor would sometimes cause the villagers and his
immediate dependants to be summoned at once, and would read to
them the principal paragraphs from his porch. The reader of English
history will have an imperfect comprehension of the facts of our past
national life if he does not know, or remember, how very slowly and
imperfectly intelligence of public matters was conveyed during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and what a bearing—very
difficult to understand in these days—such circumstances had upon
the facts themselves. Thus, a rebellion in one part of the country,
which was popular throughout the kingdom, might be quelled before
the news of the rising reached another part of the country. Remote
districts waited for weeks and months to learn the most important
intelligence. Lord Macaulay relates that the news of Queen
Elizabeth's death, which was known to King James in three days,
was not heard of in some parts of Devonshire and Cornwall till the
court of her successor had ceased to wear mourning for her. The
news of Cromwell having been made Protector only reached
Bridgewater nineteen days after the event, when the church bells
were set a-ringing. In some parts of Wales the news of the death of
King Charles I. was not known for two months after its occurrence.
The churches in the Orkneys continued to put up the usual prayers
for him for months after he was beheaded; whilst their descendants
did the same for King James long after he had taken up his abode at
St. Germains.
In Scotland, all the difficulties in travelling were felt to even a
greater degree than in England. There were no regular posts to the
extreme north of Scotland, letters going as best they could by
occasional travellers and different routes. Nothing could better show
the difficulties attendant on locomotion of any sort in Scotland, than
the fact that an agreement was entered into in 1678 to run a coach
between Edinburgh and Glasgow, to be drawn by six horses, the
journey, there and back, to be performed in six days. The distance
was only forty-four miles, and the coach travelled over the principal
post-road in the country!
The reader has thus some idea of the difficulties which stood in the
way of efficient postal communication during the seventeenth
century. However much the work of the Post-Office, and the slow
and unequal manner in which correspondence was distributed, may
excite the scorn of the present generation, living in the days of
cheap and quick postage, they must nevertheless agree with Lord
Macaulay in considering that the postal system of the Stuarts was
such as might have moved the envy and admiration of the polished
nations of antiquity, or even of the contemporaries of our own
Shakespeare or Raleigh. In Cornwall, Lincolnshire, some parts of
Wales, and amongst the hills and dales of Cumberland,
Westmoreland, and Yorkshire, letters, it is true, were only received
once a week, if then; but in numbers of large towns they were
delivered two and three times a week. There was daily
communication between London and the Downs, and the same
privileges were extended to Tunbridge Wells and Bath, at the season
when those places were crowded with pleasure-seekers.[32]
Accounts survive of the Post-Office as it existed towards the close of
the seventeenth century, an outline of which, contributed to the
Gentleman's Magazine by a correspondent in the early part of the
present century, we must be excused for here presenting to the
reader. The Postmaster-General of the period, under the Duke of
York, was at that time the Earl of Arlington. The letters, it would
seem, were forwarded from London to different parts on different
days. For instance: Every Monday and Tuesday the Continental mails
were despatched, part on the former day, the remainder on the
latter. Every Saturday letters were sent to all parts of England,
Scotland, and Ireland. On other days posts were despatched to the
Downs, also to one or two important towns and other smaller places
within short distances of London. The London Post-Office was
managed by the Postmaster-General and a staff of twenty-seven
clerks.[33] In the provinces of the three countries, there were 182
deputy-postmasters. Two packet-boats sailed between England and
France; two were appointed for Flanders, three for Holland, three for
Ireland, and at Deal two were engaged for the Downs. "As the
masterpiece," so our authority winds up, "of all these grand
arrangements, established by the present Postmaster-General, he
hath annexed (sic) and appropriated the market-towns of England so
well to the respective postages, that there is no considerable one of
them which hath not an easy and certain conveyance for the letters
thereof once a week. Further, though the number of letters missive
was not at all considerable in our ancestors' day, yet it is now so
prodigiously great (and the meanest of people are so beginning to
write in consequence) that this office produces in money 60,000l. a
year. Besides, letters are forwarded with more expedition, and at
less charges, than in any other foreign country. A whole sheet of
paper goes 80 miles for twopence, two sheets for fourpence, and an
ounce of letter for but eightpence, and that in so short a time, by
night as well as day, that every twenty-four hours the post goes one
hundred and twenty miles, and in five days an answer to a letter
may be had from a place distant 200 miles from the writer!"

FOOTNOTES:
[26] There were many exceptions, of course. Numbers of
innkeepers were also the postmasters of the period. Taylor, the
water-poet, travelling from London into Scotland in the early part
of the century, has described one of these men, in his Penniless
Pilgrimage, as a model Boniface.
[27] "The Grand Concern of England explained in several
Proposals to Parliament."—Harl. MSS. 1673.
[28] Chamberlayne's Present History of Great Britain. 1673.
[29] Private coaches were started in London at the time when the
stage- or hackney-coaches were introduced, and Mr. Pepys
secured one of the first. Mightily proud was he of it, as any
reader of his Diary will have learnt to his great amusement.
[30] There are few traces in this country, at any time, of public
letter-writers. This is somewhat remarkable, inasmuch as then,
and still in some of the southern states of Europe, the profession
of public letter-writer has long been an institution. In England it
has never flourished. Some years ago there might have been
seen at Wapping, Shadwell, and other localities in London where
sailors resorted, announcements in small shop-windows to the
effect that letters were written there "to all parts of the world." In
one shop a placard was exhibited intimating that a "large
assortment of letters on all sorts of subjects" were kept on hand.
There were never many, and now very few, traces of the custom.
[31] Chambers' Domestic Annals.
[32] Lord Macaulay. Vol. i. p. 388.
[33] No less interesting are the particulars of one year's postal
revenue and expenditure, extracted from the old account-books
of the department, by the present Receiver and Accountant-
General of the Post-Office. The date given is within a year or two
of that referred to in the text, viz. 1686-7. The net produce of the
year was a little over 76,000l., and the following is a few of the
most important and most suggestive items:—

£ s. d.
Product of foreign mails for the year 17,805 1 7
The King's Majesty paid for his foreign letters 178 18 4
Product of Harwich packet-boats 950 5 4
The Inland window money amounted to 870 4 2
The letter-receivers' money 313 19 8
The letter-carriers' money 30,497 10 0
The Postmaster's money 37,819 8 11
Officers were fined to the extent of 13 0 0
The profits of the Irish Office were 2,419 14 0
The profits of the Penny-Post 800 0 0

The Scotch Office appears not only not to have brought in any
profits, but we find an item of absolute loss on the exchange of
money with Edinburgh to the extent of 210l. 10s. 10d.
Amongst the more interesting items of expenditure we notice that
—

£ s. d.
The six clerks in the Foreign Office and about
twenty clerks belonging to other
departments received per annum 60 0 0
The salary of the Postmaster-General was 1,500 0 0
Two officers had 200l. per annum, a third had
150l., and a fourth had 100l.—all four,
doubtless, heads of departments 450 0 0
There were eight letter-receivers in London, viz.
at Gray's Inn, at Temple Bar, at King Street,
at Westminster, in Holborn, in Covent
Garden, in Pall Mall, and in the Strand two
offices, whose yearly salaries amounted in
all to 110 6 8
The yearly salaries of the whole body of letter-
carriers 1,338 15 0
The salaries of the deputy-postmasters 5,639 6 0

The entire total expenditure was 13,509l. 6s. 8d. "Thus we find,"
adds Mr. Scudamore, "that while the 'whole net produce' of the
establishment for a year was not equal to the sum which we
derive from the commission on money-orders in a year (Mr.
Scudamore is writing of 1854), or to the present 'net produce' of
the single town of Liverpool, so also, the whole expenditure of
the whole establishment for a year was but a little larger than the
sum which we now pay once a month for salaries to the clerks of
the London Office alone." If we subtract the total expenditure
from the "whole net produce," as it is called, we get a sum
exceeding 62,000l. as the entire net receipts of the Post-Office for
the year 1686-7.
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