The Neurobiology of Language:

Looking Beyond Monolinguals

Ellen Bialystok & Judith F. Kroll

1. Introduction

The publication of Biological Foundations of Language in 1967 by Eric Lenneberg fun-

damentally changed the way we think about language. Chomsky brought language
from the abstract realm of philosophy into the more grounded world of mind, and
Lenneberg completed the process by rooting that mental view of language firmly
in the brain. Without Lenneberg, it is difficult to imagine the immense amount
of research over the past 50 years that has revealed its structure and function, its
social and cognitive dimensions, and obviously, its neurobiology. For Chomsky,
the biological basis of language was static, based on innate concepts that unfolded
with experience and the reference to biology was largely metaphoric: “mental or-
gan”. For Lenneberg, the biological basis of language was real and dynamic. He
was the first thinker to seriously understand language as part of human cognition:
“[Words] stand for a cognitive process, that is, the act of categorization or the forma-
tion of concepts” (Lenneberg, 1967: 365, emphasis in original). This conception of
language blossomed over the subsequent decades, leading to more sophisticated
accounts of human language that were based on the use of new methodologies
that Lenneberg was unlikely to even imagine. The expansion of technology for
observing the brain, the explosion in the sheer amount of knowledge that was ac-
cumulated about the brain and its function, and the widespread access to these
technologies that became available irrevocably changed the way that language re-
search was conducted (Friederici 2017, Kemmerer 2015). Lenneberg’s visionary
ideas about the neurobiology of language set the stage for 50 years of exciting and
productive study.
In parallel with Lenneberg’s developing understanding of language as a bi-
ological system, another field began to emerge around the same time. There was
growing interest in the process of learning a second language, particularly in adult-
hood, spawning the field of second-language acquisition (SLA). Much of this re-
search was generated in response to practical needs. A salient example comes from
the post-war efforts of The British Council to teach English in various corners of
the British Empire by recruiting graduates from the top schools such as Oxford and
sending them to distant lands. Armed with little more than intelligence and in-
tuition, many of these teachers thought deeply about their experiences and began
Preparation of this manuscript was supported by in part by NIH Grants HD052523 and
AG048431 and NSERC Grant A2559 to EB and NSF Grants BCS-1535124 and OISE- 1545900
and NIH Grant HD082796 to JFK.

Biolinguistics 11.SI: 339–351, 2017

ISSN 1450–3417 http://www.biolinguistics.eu
340 Biolinguistics F Briefs F

to uncover how to best teach foreign languages and by extension, how languages
were learned. One leader in this effort was Pit Corder who had been teaching lan-
guage and developing syllabus design in various countries for many years. His
seminal paper proposed a new set of ideas about language teaching that freed SLA
from the behaviorist roots by which it had long been constrained (Corder 1967).
However, the predominant model for language subsequently adopted in SLA re-
search was the nativist view of Chomsky, thereby limiting the dynamic component
that connected language to cognitive structures and environmental constraints.
Both fields have matured over the past 50 years and yet, somewhat remark-
ably, remain largely distinct. The fiftieth anniversary of founding works in these
fields is an opportunity to consider how more cross-fertilization might benefit our
understanding of language. Language science is now deeply embedded in biologi-
cal models and brain research (Kutas & Van Petten 1994). SLA has evolved through
research in such areas as psycholinguistics and bilingualism that explore language-
mind-brain connections when more than one language is involved (Kroll, Dussias,
Bice, & Perrotti 2015). But Lenneberg had access to none of these insights; his theo-
ries and arguments were based on monolingual characterizations, with additional
languages representing special cases that did not challenge the central theoreti-
cal claims. Our discussion will explore the implications of research with second-
language learners and bilinguals for some of Lenneberg’s most important claims.
Lenneberg did address the issue of foreign language learning to some extent.
He acknowledged that second languages can be learned at any time, even after
puberty and even at 40 years old, but asserted that there was no longer access to
“automatic acquisition from mere exposure”. Moreover, he noted that foreign ac-
cents were almost inevitable for languages learned after puberty. This observation
is related to his claims for a critical period for (first) language acquisition, described
below, but he saw no contradiction with the notion of a critical period because no
further cerebral organization is required
since natural languages tend to resemble one another in many funda-
mental aspects [. . . ], the matrix for language skills is present.
(Lenneberg 1967: 176)
Our view is that recent research in SLA, bilingualism, and psycholinguistics pro-
vides crucial evidence that requires a revision of these assumptions.
A central implication of situating language in the biology of the human brain
is the acceptance of a framework based on maturation, leading irrevocably to the
discussion of critical periods for language learning:
Language cannot begin to develop until a certain level of physical mat-
uration and growth has been attained. (Lenneberg 1967: 158)
He goes on to state that the years between 2-years old and the early teens are opti-
mal for acquiring language and that language skills acquired after puberty remain
“deficient for life”. Before 2, there is inadequate brain development, and after pu-
berty the brain loses its ability for reorganization. His argument that the critical pe-
riod for language learning occurred in this window were based on his description
of the structural, biochemical, and electrophysiological development of the brain
during this period, all of which he believed were essential to support language,
Biolinguistics F Briefs F 341

although the precise relations between these developments and language learning
were not explained. His view is summarized as follows:

The disequilibrium state called language-readiness is of limited dura-

tion. It begins around two and declines with cerebral maturation in the
early teens. At this time, apparently a steady state is reached, and the
cognitive processes are firmly structured, the capacity for primary lan-
guage synthesis is lost, and cerebral reorganization of functions is no longer
possible. (Lenneberg 1967: 376–377, emphasis added).

Evidence from SLA and bilingualism challenges each of these main points indicated
in italics. We will address them by describing evidence from preverbal infants who
are less than 2-years old, adults learning a foreign language, and reorganization of
first language representations from second languages learned after the close of the
critical period.

2. Language Learning Before Two

Biological developments in the form of critical periods are involved in aspects of

the complex set of processes leading to language acquisition, but much has changed
since Lenneberg’s original description so the nature of that involvement is unlikely
to be exactly as envisaged by him. Much of the revision of his ideas can be traced to
the dramatic increase in our knowledge of brain structure and the neurobiological
mechanisms that underlie human behavior, including language.
In a comprehensive review of speech perception in infancy, Werker & Hensch
(2015) describe the multiple developments in the first two years of life and the bi-
ological mechanisms that provide the basis for language discrimination, phoneme
perception, and audiovisual integration, all essential for language development.
All these component developments are traced to specific critical periods that have
clear onset and offset windows and in many cases, known biological bases. Cru-
cially, however, they also examine factors that serve to maintain plasticity and
avoid closing the critical period, even for these highly circumscribed abilities. One
factor they discuss in this regard is bilingualism.
Despite being controlled by critical periods, several pre-linguistic landmarks
in the first year of life evolve differently for infants being raised in monolingual
or bilingual homes. Thus, even before the onset of Lenneberg’s critical period for
language learning at 2 years, monolingual and bilingual children are developing
a different substrate for language acquisition, setting a different neural foundation
for this process in the two language groups. An early example of this effect of expe-
rience was in infant phoneme perception. From birth, infants can discriminate be-
tween phonemic contrasts in consonants relevant to all (known) natural languages,
making them in effect universal language learners (although the trajectory is differ-
ent for vowels). By 10- to 12-months old, distinctions can only be perceived in the
language they are learning, narrowing their perceptual focus and probably improv-
ing their ability to learn the environmental language. However, for infants being
raised in bilingual environments, the ability to discriminate among all phonemic
contrasts remains open, even after the critical period has closed for monolingual
infants (Aslin, Pisoni, & Perey 1981, Best 2001, Werker & Tees 1984). Therefore, by
342 Biolinguistics F Briefs F

the time of the first word, around one year old, the phonemic representation system
is different for infants raised in different kinds of language environments.
A more dramatic example comes from studies showing the ability of infants
in the first year to distinguish between languages being spoken on the basis of
visual information alone. As with phonemic contrasts, monolingual infants can
detect such changes until about 7 months old but then fail to make the discrimina-
tion. This is not the case for infants raised in bilingual environments. Infants were
shown silent videos of a woman speaking French and then, after the infant has
habituated, switching to English (or the reverse order). Monolingual infants older
than 8-months old did not notice the change, but bilingual infants raised in French-
English bilingual homes (Weikum et al. 2007) or Spanish-Catalan homes where
they have never encountered either French or English (Sebastian-Galles, Albareda-
Castellot, Weikum, & Werker 2012), were able to detect the switch from French to
English.
Related to this ability to identify visual language is the way infants look at
faces. For newborns, attention naturally focuses on the eyes, but by the end of the
first year, preferential attention to faces shifts to the mouth. This new preference
presumably supports their growing interest in language by focusing on the most
relevant source of information. The shift is earlier for bilingual infants; by 8-months
old, infants being raised in bilingual environments are more interested in looking
at the mouth whereas infants in monolingual homes continue to focus on the eyes
(Ayneto & Sebastian-Galles 2017, Pons, Bosch, & Lewkowicz 2015). By 12-months
old, only bilingual infants continue to look at the mouth when both the native and
non-native languages are spoken. By 12-months old, monolingual babies look at
the mouth only for non-native speech.
These studies used behavioral methods. What happens when we look more
directly at brain activity in young infants? Pettito et al. (2012) used functional near
infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS) to investigate changes in brain activation for younger
(4–6 months) and older (10–12 months) infants exposed to one language alone or
more than one language. All the babies had been exposed to English but the bilin-
gual babies had also been exposed to another language. Pettito et al. presented
them with the sounds of Hindi, a language equally unfamiliar to the monolingual
and bilingual infants. Critically, there was a difference in the pattern of brain ac-
tivity between the older monolingual and bilingual babies. Consistent with the be-
havioral pattern reported by Werker & Tees (1984), at 10- to 12-months old the bilin-
gually exposed babies continued to reveal brain activity in response to non-native
phonetic contrasts while monolingual babies had lost that ability. They termed
this phenomenon for bilinguals the “perceptual wedge” to suggest that bilingually
exposed brains maintain greater openness to new language input. Other recent
studies using the tools of cognitive neuroscience have examined the consequence
of this special openness to speech in bilingual babies’ developing brains. Using
methods such as magnetoencephalography, they have demonstrated that there is
not only increased openness for bilingually exposed babies, but also that there are
consequences for the development of brain regions associated with cognitive con-
trol and executive function (e.g., Ferjan Ramı́rez, Ramı́rez, Clarke, Taulu, & Kuhl
2017). What is clear is that these are not simple effects of maturation but rather
evidence for the powerful influence of environmental exposure on language devel-
Biolinguistics F Briefs F 343

opment and the brain, even before the beginning of the critical period defined by
Lenneberg.
Two generalizations from these findings challenge aspects of Lenneberg’s
original theory. First, language acquisition does not begin at 2 years when phys-
ical and neurological development has passed some maturational threshold but
rather emerges from processes begun at least at birth and possibly in utero. In that
sense, there is essentially no lower bound on the window for language acquisi-
tion. Second, the modifications found in these developments for children raised
in bilingual homes demonstrate the plasticity of language learning even for simple
perceptual processes such as phoneme discrimination and even during the crucial
early stages of language acquisition. Although Lenneberg was open to a limited
notion of plasticity and environmental influence, the evidence from infants in dual
language environments speaks to a far greater interaction between biological and
experiential contingencies than he imagined.

3. Too Old to Learn?

Critical periods are a common mechanism across species in which maturation re-
quires receiving specific input or experience during a window of maximum sensi-
tivity so that development can proceed. These critical periods are generally used to
describe low-level processes such as perception that are part of the foundation for
higher-level processes, such as visual interpretation or cognition. This distinction
applies as well to critical periods in humans where such low-level maturationally-
timed developments in vision (Lewis & Maurer 2005) underlie higher-level visual
processing, and low-level developments in speech perception (Werker & Hensch
2015) set the stage for language acquisition. But is there also a maturational re-
striction on the higher-level processes involved in language acquisition, including
mastery of syntax and morphology?
Lenneberg was careful to restrict his deterministic notions of a critical period
to primary language acquisition, acknowledging that foreign language learning
could take place later in life although it would proceed through different mech-
anisms. He also limited the degree of proficiency that could be expected for older
second-language learners and noted that a foreign accent was likely to occur. Oth-
ers, however, have made broader claims and essentially argued that all language
learning was curtailed after the close of the critical period (e.g., Johnson & Newport
1989). The time that marks the close of the critical period is also different in vari-
ous accounts: for Lenneberg it was puberty, for Penfield & Roberts (1959) it was 9
years old, and for Johnson & Newport (1989) it was late teens. Throughout these
views, however, there is consensus that the close of the critical period is a turning
point that either ends the possibility of learning a second language (e.g., Johnson
& Newport 1989) or changes its learning mechanism and reduces its expected out-
come (e.g., Lenneberg). Therefore, it is important to establish what the evidence is
for a biological restriction on this high-level process and whether it applies to all
language learning after the close of the critical period or only to acquisition of the
first language or only to aspects of the first language.
The challenge in evaluating the role of a critical period for a high-level pro-
cess such as language acquisition is to determine what evidence is appropriate to
344 Biolinguistics F Briefs F

test the hypothesis. With the exception of rare cases of abused or feral children,
children are unlikely to be completely deprived of language until the close of the
critical period. Lenneberg’s approach was to investigate children’s language acqui-
sition following a brain lesion or acquired aphasia from brain injury and compare
the prognosis as a function of the age at which the trauma occurred. His obser-
vation was that for children less than 3-years old, when language acquisition re-
sumed it followed the usual stages, possibly proceeding more rapidly than usual.
The older children were when the aphasia occurred, the more effortful the recov-
ery, up to puberty which Lenneberg called “a turning point”, after which language
impairments from aphasia never completely clear up. A similar pattern was noted
for patients undergoing the removal of the entire left cerebral hemisphere because,
as Lenneberg states,
language learning can take place, at least in the right hemisphere, only
between the age of two to about thirteen. (Lenneberg 1967: 153)
These data are necessarily fragmentary and brain lesions are never identical for
different individuals, so comparisons are difficult. However, the pattern is that
injury to language acquisition with increasing age is increasingly disruptive, and
that injury after puberty cannot restore the language system.
Newport and her colleagues have taken a different approach to examining
the possibility for a critical period in first language acquisition and studied the
acquisition of American Sign Language (ASL) by congenitally deaf children (sum-
mary in Newport 1990). These children can be first exposed to ASL at different
ages, providing a natural manipulation to test the hypothesis. In practice, however,
children are not first exposed at any time but rather at specific points that mark
experiential landmarks, such as starting school. Therefore, their studies typically
compared children whose first exposure to ASL was native (from birth), early (4-
to 6-years old), or late (after 12 years old). Across studies and measures, outcomes
were different for the three groups, with earlier exposure leading to the best mas-
tery of ASL.
In both the investigations of language acquisition following brain lesion and
acquisition of ASL at different ages, the evidence shows that older ages are associ-
ated with poorer outcomes. In both cases as well, the interpretation is that puberty
is a juncture after which language acquisition will be compromised, leading the
researchers to conclude that this is caused by the close of the critical period. How-
ever, in both cases, the interpretation of a critical period with a qualitative change
at puberty is inferential because the data do not include a continuous sampling of
ages.
A more direct test of the critical period hypothesis comes from examining
second-language acquisition but here, too the evidence is mixed. In a comprehen-
sive review of children acquiring a second-language between the ages of one and
3-years old or between 4- and 7-years old, Unsworth (1916) reported no significant
difference between these groups in several aspects of language proficiency, includ-
ing vocabulary and morphosyntax. However, Newport examined this question
and arrived at a different conclusion. In a study comparing English proficiency
in second-language learners who began using English at different ages, Johnson &
Newport (1989) reported a relation between age and proficiency with better out-
comes for those who began learning at a younger age. The relation was shown as a
Biolinguistics F Briefs F 345

significant linear function across all ages, with a stronger correlation for those who
began learning English before the age of 17 years than for those who began after 17.
Their conclusion was that the pattern in which a critical period marked the close of
a capacity to learn language extended to the acquisition of a second language.
Johnson & Newport’s (1989) study was based on data from 46 individuals.
In a substantially larger-scale investigation, Hakuta, Bialystok, & Wiley (2003) ex-
amined census data from 2.3 million immigrants to the U.S. whose first language
was Spanish or Chinese. The census asked respondents to provide a self-rating of
their English proficiency, so these scores were analyzed in terms of the number of
years they had lived in the U.S. on the assumption that on average that would in-
dicate the age at which they began learning English. The ages of initial acquisition
ranged from birth until around 80 years old, and the results showed a significant
linear relation between age and proficiency across the entire spectrum, similar to
the pattern reported by Johnson and Newport.
There are two problems with the conclusion that evidence for a linear relation
between age of acquisition and proficiency supports a critical period for language
acquisition. First, if the critical period defines the optimal window for learning to
occur, then the variation in learning outcomes within that window should be rela-
tively minor and certainly less than variation in outcomes when comparing learn-
ing within and outside of the critical period. Johnson & Newport (1989) argued
that their data did show that pattern in that the correlation between age and profi-
ciency was not significant considering only the 23 learners who were more than 17
years old at the time of acquisition, but the overall correlation was significant and
the sample was very small. Hakuta et al. (2003) demonstrated that by removing
only one participant from the Johnson & Newport data who did not line up on the
regression curve, the correlation between age and proficiency for the learners who
were over 17 years old became significant. Using the much larger data reported by
Hakuta et al. (2003), the relation between these variables was statistically equiva-
lent inside and outside the critical period.
Second is the related point that the definition of a critical period presumes
an abrupt change in learning potential following the close of that window. This
abrupt change was clearly not found in the Hakuta et al. data, but to confirm that
interpretation, the authors compared the correlation before and after specific junc-
ture points of 15 and 20 years old. No change in slope was detected. Importantly
as well, the Hakuta et al. study included participants at every age along the con-
tinuum, whereas the other studies sampled from specific points making the inter-
pretation of a linear function more inferential than real. Similarly, if the critical
period begins at 2-years old, then there should be no difference in outcomes for
those who begin language learning at 2 years, 3 years, or 4 years. Yet in the lesion
data, the ASL data, and the second-language acquisition data, these onset ages are
all associated with declining success.
There is no doubt that age is a crucial factor in determining language learn-
ing outcomes for both a first and second language. The question is whether these
age-related patterns support the interpretation of a critical period for overall profi-
ciency. Evidence from second-language acquisition is more in line with a gradual
decline in the success of language learning than a biological barrier that interferes
with its potential. Regarding first language acquisition, there is simply inadequate
346 Biolinguistics F Briefs F

evidence to conclude there is a critical period. The most compelling evidence is that
reported by Newport and colleagues regarding the acquisition of ASL at different
ages, but again the pattern is inferential. The late learners certainly had poorer
outcomes than the early learners, but the early learners also had poorer outcomes
than the native learners. That should not happen if both those groups were within
the critical period for language acquisition. Instead, it may be that this pattern
again follows the lifelong linear relation reported for second-language acquisition
in which older acquisition ages are associated with poorer outcomes in a continu-
ous function. This relation still needs to be explained, but if it is indeed continuous
across the lifespan then it is more likely a reflection of gradual changes in cognition,
learning and memory. These are important changes, but they are not captured by
critical periods.

4. Language Learning, Reorganization, and Processing Beyond the Critical

Period

Two predictions drawn from a strict interpretation of the critical period hypothesis
have been widely tested. One is that second language learning past the critical pe-
riod necessarily relies on mechanisms that differ from those that had been available
initially for the first language. The second is that past the critical period, the native
language is largely stable, remaining unchanged when adult learners acquire and
use a second language. In each case, recent findings require a revision of the idea
that hard constraints determine the trajectory and outcome of late second language
learning.
The question of whether late second language learners can fully acquire the
nuances of the second language grammar beyond any putative critical period has
been the focus of a great deal of research. To account for the reduced ability for
adult to acquire native-like sensitivity to second language grammar, some have
argued that late learners exploit semantic and pragmatic information rather than
strictly syntactic or morpho-syntactic information, relying on mechanisms avail-
able only via explicit learning (e.g., Clahsen & Felser 2006, Ullman 2001). Although
a full consideration of the evidence on this issue is beyond the scope of the present
discussion, we note that recent studies using neuroscience methods have shown
that it is possible for late learners to acquire native-like sensitivity to a range of
grammatical structures in the second language. A critical observation concerning
the previous behavioral research on this issue is that it suffered from an inevitable
confounding between age of acquisition (AoA), length of time spent learning the
second language, and second language proficiency (Steinhauer 2014). However,
when the performance of highly proficient late second language learners is exam-
ined, the neural networks that are activated when processing even subtle aspects
of the second language grammar are largely the same as those that are activated by
native speakers of the language (e.g., Berken et al. 2015, Caffarra, Molinaro, David-
son, & Carreiras 2015; Morgan-Short et al. 2012, Roncaglia-Denissen & Kotz 2016).
These similar patterns suggest common processes and underlying mechanisms.
The evidence on late learners does not refute the observation central to Lenne-
berg’s claim that there may be an effect of AoA for the grammar. The circumstances
of learning for adults clearly differ from those for young children and adult second
Biolinguistics F Briefs F 347

language learning is not as reliably successful as child language learning. Critically,

what the new data do show is that when that process is successful, either because
learners have been immersed in a second language context or because they have
acquired the control mechanisms that enable them to regulate the native language,
it reflects the same underlying networks used by native speakers of the language
(e.g., Perani & Abutalebi 2005). In all cases, there appears to be much greater plas-
ticity for adult learners than was known at the time of Lenneberg’s original claims
about the critical period.
The research on acquiring the second-language grammar past the critical pe-
riod focuses primarily on acquired language abilities in the second language itself.
A more recent line of investigation has asked how the native language changes in
the process of acquiring and using a second language as an adult learner. Evidence
for such changes would indicate reorganization of the first language. Contrary to
the view that the native language is stable past an early critical period for language
learning, the recent research demonstrates that the native language is both more
variable than previously understood, even for monolingual speakers (e.g., Pakulak
& Neville 2010), and that the process of learning and using a second language pro-
ficiently comes to have profound influences on the native language. Those changes
can be seen at the level of the phonology (Chang 2013), the lexicon (Ameel et al.
2005), and the grammar (Dussias & Sagarra 2007). The bilingual’s two languages
are influenced by each other, with changes that not only reflect transfer from the
native language to the second language, the direction of influence that character-
ized most early research on this topic, but also from the second language to the first.
The consequence is that the native language of proficient bilingual speakers is not
precisely like the native language of monolingual speakers of the same language.
That observation itself requires a reassessment of the native speaker model that has
characterized research on second language learning and bilingualism.
Changes to the native language can be observed in long-term studies of lan-
guage attrition (Schmid 2010) but they can also be seen during briefer periods of
immersion in the second language (Linck et al. 2009), and in the laboratory when
speakers use the native language after a very brief exposure to the second language
(Misra et al. 2012). Contrary to the view that maturation alone determines the pres-
ence of sensitivity to the syntax of the second language, recent studies show that
the form of language usage, such as whether bilinguals code switch across their two
languages, comes to affect the way they process each language and influences the
observed patterns of brain activity in both comprehension and production (Beatty-
Martinez & Dussias 2017, Green & Wei 2016). The brain networks that support
cognitive control are engaged by these language processes and come to shape the
relationship between language and cognition.
The plasticity revealed by the new research is evident not only in proficient
bilinguals but also in adult learners at early stages of acquiring the second lan-
guage. The second language quickly comes to affect the native language (e.g., Bice
& Kroll 2015) and what is not yet well understood is what these changes might pre-
dict about success in second-language learning. Studies using electrophysiological
methods have shown remarkable sensitivity to emerging learning, with the brain
outpacing behavior and suggesting important sources of individual variation in
the process (e.g., McLaughlin et al. 2004, Tanner et al. 2014). Given the determin-
348 Biolinguistics F Briefs F

istic nature of critical periods, such evidence for lifelong plasticity is a significant
challenge to explanations in which language acquisition is constrained by a critical
period.

5. Conclusion

The research since Lenneberg (1967), illustrated by the findings we have discussed,
shows that there is variation in how constrained or plastic different aspects of lan-
guage acquisition may be. Infants tune to the speech of the language or languages
to which they are exposed within the first year of life. In a sense, that process is
more constraining than Lenneberg imagined. At the same time, studies of dual
language exposure show that early exposure to two or more languages has pro-
found consequences for creating a broader bandwidth for new language learning
for young infants exposed to more than one language. The process of tuning to
speech happens quickly and much earlier than one might expect from Lenneberg’s
account. If any aspect of language learning is open to hard constraints, it may be
speech, with rapid changes in the first year of life and late exposure producing ac-
cents that be difficult or impossible to overcome. The evidence we have considered
on acquiring grammar suggests that there may be soft constraints that are modu-
lated by the context in which language is learned and used but that the hard con-
straints that were thought to be associated with a critical period can be overcome.
A crucial point in our review is that it is only by examining how a second language
comes into play that these features of language learning can be identified.
In 2005, on the occasion of the 125th anniversary of Science, Kennedy & Nor-
man wrote an editorial in which they identified the top 125 questions to be an-
swered in all of science in the following 25 years. One of these questions was the bi-
ological basis of second-language learning. In the time since 2005, there has been an
explosion of studies on this topic, reflecting many of the themes we have discussed
in this paper. The intensive effort to uncover the neural mechanisms engaged by
language learning across the lifespan is an enduring tribute to Lenneberg. While
the findings since Lenneberg largely refute the notion of a strict critical period for
language, and the new evidence for plasticity fails to match the junctures in de-
velopment that he first identified, the spirit of this new work is congenial with his
visionary commitment to a biology of language.

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Ellen Bialystok Judith F. Kroll

York University University of California, Riverside
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
4700 Keele Street Riverside, CA 92521
Toronto, Ontario M3J 1P3 United States of America
Canada
[email protected]
[email protected]