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The document is about 'The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A Statistical Study' by Shireen Moosvi, published in 2015. It aims to analyze the Indian economy during that period using statistical methods and compares it to the conditions in 1900-1. The book is noted for its authoritative research and significant contributions to the understanding of the Mughal economy.

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21 views79 pages

The Economy of The Mughal Empire C 1595 A Statistical Study 2nd Edition Shireen Moosvi PDF Download

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Title Pages

The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

Title Pages
Revised and Enlarged Edition (p.ii)

(p.i) The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595

(p.iii) The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595

(p.iv)

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.

It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research,
scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered
trademark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries

Published in India by
Oxford University Press

Page 1 of 2

YMCA Library Building, 1 Jai Singh Road, New Delhi 110001, India

© Shireen Moosvi 2015

The moral rights of the author have been asserted

First Edition published in 1987

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as
expressly permitted
by law, by licence, or under terms agreed with the appropriate
reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the
scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University
Press,
at the address above

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer

ISBN-13: 978-0-19-945054-1
ISBN-10: 0-19-945054-4

Typeset in Times New Roman 10/12

Typeset by Zaza Eunice, Hosur, India
Printed in India by Rakmo Press, New Delhi 110 020

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

Maps

The Mughal Empire c.1595

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

Epigraph
‘Moosvi’s training in statistics makes this book uniquely authoritative. She
also possesses the basic skills of an historian, such as an ability to analyse
qualitative data and a readiness to use very difficult primary materials (in
this case in Persian) critically yet also creatively. The combination of these
two attributes makes this a very important book indeed.’

—M.N. Pearson, South Asia, USA

‘Shireen Moosvi’s stimulating exercise in reconstructing the statistical

data of the Ain at 1595 … challenges conventional wisdom on the subject.
…’

—Barun De, Statesman

‘…this book represents a significant advance in the field.’

—Marc Gaboreau in Annales, Paris

‘Moosvi’s enterprise has been rewarding and it has certainly broken fresh
ground.’

—Amalendu Guha, Economic and Political Weekly

‘…We must be grateful to Moosvi for her breadth of vision and her careful
scholarship.’

John F. Richards in American Historical Review

‘This thoroughly researched work represents the most detailed

examination yet in quantitative terms of the structural composition of the
Mughal imperial economy.’

Page 1 of 2

—Sugata Bose, The Journal of Economic History, USA

‘The economy of words combined with an admirable precision of inferences

makes hers a very elegant work.’

—Harbans Mukhia, The Book Review

‘Massively researched and lucidly written, it deserves a place in the

bookshelf of every student of Indian history.’

—S.B. Bhardwaj, Hindustan Times

‘Moosvi’s study adds a wealth of material to the ongoing research in

unravelling the nature of economic change.’

—Samir Dasgupta, Amrita Bazar Patrika

‘This book should be regarded as a landmark in the quantitative study of

Indian history.’

—A.K. Bagchi, Indian Historical Review

‘…This book is likely to become a very important reference work on the

Mughal Empire for which Moosvi deserves our thanks.’

—Allan Heston, Economic History Review, U.K.

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

Dedication
(p.v) To the memory of

Shahenshah Husain Musavi

Uncle, guide, guardian (p.vi)

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

(p.viii) List of Maps and Figures

Maps
I Uttar Pradesh: extent of gross cultivation in 1595 as % of gross
cultivation in 1909–10 52
II Gujarat: extent of gross cultivation in 1595 as % of gross cultivation in
1909–10 58
III Panjab: extent of gross cultivation in 1595 as % of gross cultivation in
1909–10 63
IV The Mughal empire: incidence of taxation by map area 150
V Parganas with suyūrghāl of 50,000 dāms and above 165
VI Parganas with suyūrghāl amounting to 5 per cent or above of jama‘ 166
VII Towns of Uttar Pradesh: size by population, 1881 168
VIII Archaeological remains in Uttar Pradesh (sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries) 169
IX Minimum expenditure of zamīndārs as percentage of jama‘ in the Ā’īn
184
X Uttar Pradesh: minimum expenditure of zamīndārs (by parganas) 188
XI Towns of the Mughal empire: size by taxation 317

Map of the ṣūba and sarkār boundaries of the Mughal empire at the
beginning of the volume.

Figures
12.1 Assumed pattern of expenditure by income level 285
15.1 Five-yearly histogram of Mughal rupees from North Indian mints.
Based on coin finds in U.P. 366
15.2 Five-yearly histogram of Mughal rupees from North Indian mints.
Based on catalogued coins 367
15.3 The silver value of gold and copper (to 1640) 377
15.4 Prices implied by dastūrs of ṣūba Agra 379

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

(p.ix) Preface to This Edition

Shireen Moosvi

In the preface to the first edition of this book published in 1987, I sought to
define the objective, scope, and methodology of the work. The objective was to
examine the main features of the Indian economy, c. 1595, and compare these to
conditions in 1900–1. The reasons behind this were twofold. In order to
understand how colonial rule had changed Indian economy, it was important to
compare India of the time when colonial control had reached its apex with an
earlier situation well before the onset of colonial conquest. Secondly, owing to
the richness of the statistics contained in Abū’l Faẓl’s Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, 1595
happens to be the only year of the pre-colonial era where economic data are
available in adequate profusion to enable us to construct a quantitative portrayal
of the economy, while in the later period, 1900–1 is the year by which official
statistics had been gathered and critically appraised sufficiently to enable us to
be confident about the picture built on their basis: Fred J. Atkinson had
attempted in 1902 an estimate of India’s national income of the year 1895; and
S. Sivasubramonian’s standard calculations of Indian’s national income (revised,
2000) begin with 1900–1.

As far as possible, I sought in my book to apply modern statistical methods to

analyse the data contained in the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, along with those in other sources
including numismatic evidence. As far as the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ is concerned, I had to
go to its early manuscripts to establish the original figures in the text, so as to
avoid the effects of misprints or tabular misrepresentations in the printed
versions. I also did my best to explain the arithmetic involved at each stage of
my calculations.

Page 1 of 3

As a result of this work, I was able to build up estimates of the size of

agricultural and craft production, the pattern of distribution of surplus among
various classes, the total value of external trade, the structure of wages and
trends of price movements, and, finally, the size of population.

When my book came out, it received many reviews from scholars, both peers and
seniors. By and large, there was approval of my textual research and arithmetic.
There were also criticisms on several matters, which, to the best of my ability, I
have considered in my revision of the book. Dr Najaf Haider has more recently
shown that the name of tanka was not transferred to the dām after 1605, as I,
along with other historians, had taken to be the case; and this has naturally led
to my reframing the presentation of data on copper values.

(p.x) A matter of greater weight has been my recalculation of the value of

manufactures, which has caused me to reshape Chapter 13 and substantially
revise Chapter 16. The basis for the fresh estimate has been laid out there and
partly in the new Chapter 18, so I need not spell it out here.

Finally, after much thought and after publishing a paper (which I would now
entirely recast!), I have decided to take the plunge and add a final chapter (18)
devoted to the task of estimating the GDP c. 1595. A reviewer had taxed me for
not attempting a conclusion in my first edition; I hope my chapter on GDP will
now meet this objection.

For transliteration I have generally, but not exclusively, followed the system of
spelling and diacritical marks adopted by Steingass for his Comprehensive
Persian-English Dictionary. For geographical names I have followed Irfan
Habib’s Atlas of the Mughal Empire; I have dispensed with the diacritical marks
in place names, since these are provided in the index to the Atlas.

In my revision and enlargement of the book I have continued to draw on the

advice and counsel of my original Supervisor, Professor Irfan Habib. Professor
Ishrat Alam and Dr S. Nadeem Rezavi have also been of help to me in various
ways.

I am grateful to the staff of the library of the Department of History, especially

Mr Bansidhar Sharma and Mr Javed Akhtar, successive librarians, for their ready
and courteous assistance all the time. Ms Joytsna Arora and her colleagues at
the splendid library of the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi,
have also been most helpful to me. The reproduction of part of a statistical table
in the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ from a manuscript in the Maulana Azad Library, AMU, was
made possible by the courtesy of Ms Shayista Khan and Mr Asrar Ahmad Khan.

My text has been processed by Mr Muneeruddin Khan and, at a later stage, by

Ms Nazima and Mr Zeeshan Khan. Mr Faiz Habib has redrawn afresh the map

Page 2 of 3

on the inner cover and two other maps within the volume and has also drawn a
graph.

I have received constant assistance of all kinds from the staff of the office of the
Aligarh Historians Society, Mr Arshad Ali, Mr Idris Beg, and Ms Ashma Khan.

Shireen Moosvi

July 2014

Aligarh

Note on Abbreviations: The reader is reminded that the list of abbreviations

appears on pp. 434–6 and all abbreviated titles in my footnotes conform to this
list.

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

(p.xi) Excerpt from the Preface to the First

Edition (1987)
This book first took shape as a doctoral thesis under the supervision of Professor
Irfan Habib. He went through the final typescript of the book, though he is, of
course, not responsible for any errors that remain. My gratitude to him is far
beyond the reach of expression.

I owe much to Professor S. Nurul Hasan who, by appointing me Statistician in

the Department of History over sixteen years ago, was responsible for changing
my research interests from Mathematics to Economic History. I have also
received constant encouragement from Professor Rais Ahmad all these years.

Mr Faiz Habib and his senior colleague, Mr Zahoor A. Khan, Cartographer of the
Department of History, have drawn all the maps; and I am grateful to both of
them for bearing with patience my constant alterations and revisions.

Among my colleagues, Dr S.P. Gupta generously placed at my disposal his

knowledge of Rajasthani material; Professor M. Athar Ali and Professor Iqtidar
Alam Khan have always been ready to discuss with me (often to clarify) the
various complexities of Mughal administration and political history; and Dr S.P.
Verma and Dr B.L. Bhadani gave me assistance in correcting the proofs.

I am indebted to Mr S.A.I. Tirmizi, then Director, National Archives, for much

help at the Archives, and to Dr A.K. Srivastava, Numismatic Officer, State
Museum, Lucknow (presently Director, Mathura Museum), for giving me access
to coin-find reports.

I should like to thank Mr Jalal A. Abbasi and his colleagues, Mr Aijaz M. Khan,
Mr Arshad Ali, Mr M. Yusuf Siddiqi, Mr Noor Ahmad, and Mr Irfan Khan at the
Research Library, C.A.S. in History, where most of my work has been done. Miss

Page 1 of 2

Maureen L. Patterson, Head, South Asia Section of the University of Chicago

Library, gave me ungrudging assistance in using that splendid library. I am
indebted also to the authorities and staff of the Maulana Azad Library (Aligarh),
the British Museum, the India Office Library, and the Library of the School of
Oriental and African Studies (London), and the Bodleian Library (Oxford) for all
kinds of assistance.

A Senior Fulbright Fellowship enabled me to visit Chicago and to have the

pleasure of working with Professor Robert W. Fogel, one of the (p.xii) ‘fathers’
of cliometric history (to which genre this book has no pretensions to belong) in
1984.

The Indian Council of Social Science Research gave me financial assistance to

enable me to work at libraries in England, and I am indebted to Professor D.D.
Narula for making the grant possible.

Mrs Marilyn Coopersmith, Deputy Director, Centre for Population Economics,

University of Chicago, befriended me beyond any possible expectation, and even
typed two chapters of my book. Mr M.A. Khan Afridi typed the final copy so
clearly as to earn commendation from my publishers (not easily obtained, I
believe).

To the Oxford University Press go my earnest thanks for agreeing to publish my

book, even before the Centre of Advanced Study had agreed to subsidize its
publication.

Shireen Moosvi

September 1986

Aligarh

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The Economy of the Mughal Empire c. 1595: A

Statistical Study
Shireen Moosvi

Print publication date: 2015

Print ISBN-13: 9780199450541
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: December 2015
DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.001.0001

The Statistics and Their Sources

Shireen Moosvi

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199450541.003.0001

Abstract and Keywords

Forming the Introduction, this chapter is mainly an account of the wealth of
statistics contained in Abū’l Fazl’s Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, the detailed account in Persian
of the administration, geography, and culture of the Mughal empire, compiled in
the 1590s. The chapter shows the necessity of studying that work through its
earliest manuscripts, rather than merely the printed edition, in order to obtain
the most accurate version of the statistics. Certain methods are also developed
to explain discrepancies that appear between the individual figures and stated
totals in the Ā’ῑns’ text. An appendix sets out the figures of ārāẓī (measured area)
and jama‘ (tax-income) figures established for each subdivision (sarkār). The
chapter also discusses other sources of statistics and modes of quantification
that are available to us.

Keywords: Abu’l Faẓl, Akbarnama‘, Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, Blochmann, coin hoards

I
This study is an attempt to examine in quantitative terms the economic structure
of the Mughal Empire about the close of the sixteenth century. That the attempt
can be made at all is almost entirely due to the rich statistical material contained
in Abū’l Faẓl’s Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, which is unique in a number of ways: its author
deals with aspects that for other historians did not merit even passing notice; he
revels in offering us quantitative data—an unusual trait for the period, and
surely unexpected in a writer of so notably majestic a literary style. Any study of
his statistics must begin with a grateful tribute to his vast endeavour.

Page 1 of 37

The Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ is part of a large work that Abū’l Faẓl undertook upon the
orders of the emperor Akbar.1 The two volumes of his Akbarnāma record the
events of Akbar’s reign, preceded by an account of the reigns of Bābur and
Humāyūn, his grandfather and father. The ‘third volume’ of what was ostensibly
a single work, was devoted exclusively to recording the Ā’ῑnhā-i Muqaddas-i
Shāhῑ (‘the Sacred Imperial Regulations’).2 The separate title, Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ has
been given to the volume through a consensus among readers at least from the
seventeenth century. It certainly has, for all practical purposes, a distinct entity
of its own, and its extant manuscript copies universally treat it as an
independent work. The subject matter here is the organization of Akbar’s court,
administration and army, the revenues and geography of his Empire, and the
traditions and culture of the people he governed.

The Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ contains five books (daftars): the first three give a detailed
description of the administration—‘the secular side of the Emperor’.3 The first
book (Manzil-ābādῑ, ‘the Palace Establishment’) (p.4) deals with the emperor’s
household, covering a wide range of aspects, from the treasury to the prices of
various commodities, and from the regulations of the ‘Animal Stables’ to the
management of the ‘Building Establishment’. The second book (Sipāh-ābādi, ‘the
Military Establishment’) covers the military and civil administration and the
establishments of officials and servants. Along with the nobles (manṣabdārs),
learned men, poets, artists, physicians, and others also find notice here.

The third book (Mulk-ābādῑ, ‘the Government of the Country’) gives

comprehensive information on the system of taxation, including detailed tables
of revenue rates (dastūru’l ‘amal) followed by the ‘Account of the Twelve Ṣūbas
(provinces)’. The last has a separate chapter on each ṣūba, describing its
geography and resources; this textual portion is followed, under each ṣūba, first,
by statistical tables, and then by brief dynastic annals of the region. Owing to
the enormous significance of this portion of the Ā’ῑn for our study, the next
section in this chapter is entirely reserved for a discussion of its data.

The concluding books deal with the sciences, religions, and culture of the Indian
people, and also contain a collection of Akbar’s ‘auspicious sayings’.

Abū’l Faẓl in his conclusion4 to the Ā’ῑn tells us of the way he collected the
material for his work. He says that his information was based on the testimony
of contemporaries and eyewitnesses after a critical assessment of whatever they
had said. All the records of the State too had been put at his disposal. It seems
that for the narrative history of the Akbarnāma, at least for the earlier years of
the reign, he had to rely upon oral evidence (or, at best, memoirs recorded for
him).5 But for the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, he relied practically entirely upon state papers,
and his statistical data were naturally supplied by government departments. But
even here Abū’l Faẓl has not simply reproduced the official reports or
documents; he has rearranged them, replacing the officialese of the

Page 2 of 37

bureaucratic originals with text refashioned in his own polished style. He tells us
that he revised the text five times and was intending to undertake a sixth
revision when the Emperor’s insistence on getting the work completed, forced
him to abstain from it.6 Internal evidence suggests, as we will presently see, that
he made additions even after the last day of the 42nd (p.5) regnal year (20
March 1598), which is the date of the formal conclusion of the work.7

In view of the rigorously logical arrangement of its contents, the author’s

obvious concern with the maintenance of precision and accuracy and the
manifest imprint of Abū’l Faẓl’s literary style that the text bears, it is difficult to
accept Moreland’s description of the Ā’ῑn as a ‘hastily edited collection of official
papers’.8 In actual fact, we have constant indication of the extreme care taken
by Abū’l Faẓl in presenting his information, especially quantitative data. All
numbers are expressed in words, a system clearly adopted to minimize the
chances of transcriptional errors, for which there would have been much greater
chance in Arabic numerals as well as the raqam notation. That the latter is
eschewed, though it was the usual bureaucratic vehicle for conveying figures, is
yet another proof of a deliberate avoidance of mere reproduction of official
papers.9

The period to which the different statistical data in the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ belong is
not usually explicitly indicated, though there are important exceptions. One
exception is offered by the ‘19-year rates’ (Ā’ῑn-i Nauzdah Sāla), where the
revenue rates for each regnal year are punctiliously given in tabular form. More
to our purpose, the jama‘ statistics of the ‘Twelve Ṣūbas’ and the list of the
manṣabdārs are both expressly assigned to the 40th regnal year.10 On the
strength of this ascription of two very important parts of statistical material, it is
perhaps a matter of convenience to treat 1595–6 as the year to which the Ā’ῑn’s
statistics may, in general, be assigned. But it is obvious that some information
(apart from the 19-year rates) relates to a date earlier than this; and some of it
must belong to later years. One has, therefore, to consider the limits of the
period within which the Ā’ῑn’s information may be placed; and this can perhaps
be done best by examining the evidence as to when (and, partly, how) the Ā’ῑn’s
materials were collected.

In both the Akbarnāma and the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, Abū’l Faẓl refers to an imperial
order issued to him to write an account of the life and achievements of his
sovereign. One MS of the Akbarnāma11 mentions the dates (p.6) of the two
decrees to this effect, the first being 22nd Isfandārmuz, 33rd regnal year (12
March 1589) and the second 26th Ardī Bihisht, 34th regnal year (18 May 1589).
Elsewhere Abū’l Faẓl gives the last day of the 42nd regnal year (20 March 1598)
as the date of completion of the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ. He adds that it took him seven
years to complete the work, during which he prepared five drafts of the text.12
Counting seven years from the stated date of completion of the Ā’ῑn, the work of
compilation should have started by the end of the 35th regnal year (March 1591)

Page 3 of 37

and not the 33rd regnal year. But since Abū’l Faẓl assigns two important
portions of the Ā’ῑn (the list of the manṣabdārs and the jama‘ figures) to the 40th
regnal year (1595–6), indicating that this was the year in which the Ā’ῑn was in
the main completed, the seven years should really be counted back from that
year. In that case, the initial year for the compilation would, indeed, be the 33rd
regnal year (1588–9), precisely the year in which the decrees for its compilation
had been issued.

Abū’l Faẓl must obviously have begun his work with the process of collecting
information and it is possible that much of this information was received by him
before 1589. He says in the chapter Ā’ῑn-i Ābdārkhāna that ‘nowadays, Lahore is
the capital’13 (a fact true for the period, 1586–98);14 but in another chapter, the
Ā’ῑn-i ‘Imārat, he refers to Fatehpur as the imperial seat,15 which suggests that
this particular portion of the text (and the documents on which it was based) had
been prepared before 1586 (the year Fatehpur ceased to be the capital).16

Other internal evidence also suggests the use of other information coming down
from a date before the initial year of compilation of the work. Abū’l Faẓl assigns
his jama‘-statistics to the 40th regnal year (1595–6); but the total jama‘ that he
records (363 crore dāms)17 is less than the figure of 440 crore dāms given in the
T̤abaqāt-i Akbarῑ,18 which was completed in 1593. If we add Abū’l Faẓl’s own
totals for the original twelve ṣūbas (except Kabul), the grand total comes to 404
crore dāms. (p.7) Quite obviously, in stating the total as only 363 crore dāms for
the twelve ṣūbas, Abū’l Faẓl has inadvertently allowed the total for the empire
gathered from an earlier record to remain in his text. It has been suggested with
some reason that the figure of 363 crore dāms actually belonged to the year
1580–1 when the jama‘-i dahsāla was first established.19

Abū’l Faẓl assigns the list of his manṣabdārs to the 40th regnal year;20 but this
list too seems to have been completed much earlier. It was already available to
the author of the T̤abaqāt-i Akbarῑ who closed his work in 1593.21 Even at that
time the Ā’ῑn’s list was perhaps partly out-of-date, since Niz̤āmuddīn Aḥmad
made several additions and changes in the list. The T̤abaqāt’s list gives fifteen
names that are not mentioned in the Ā’ῑn, while for forty-eight manṣabdārs the
manṣabs recorded in the T̤abaqāt are higher than those given in the Ā’ῑn. Abū’l
Faẓl does seem to have added some new names to his earlier list, partly at least
to accommodate new appointments and promotions; but he seems to have failed
to incorporate all the manṣab promotions given between the time of the original
list and the 40th regnal year. No manṣab granted after the 40th year is
incorporated, although Abū’l Faẓl formally completed the work two years later.22

The 40th regnal year also seems to form the end-line for some other data. For
example, the Ā’ῑn omits any reference to the revised schedule of the monthly

Page 4 of 37

barāwurdῑ rates, issued in the 40th regnal year and duly recorded in the
Akbarnāma.23

The Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, however, did not fully close with the 40th regnal year or even
the 42nd. The three new ṣūbas, Berar (annexed, 41st regnal year), Khandesh
and Ahmadnagar (annexed, 45th), make their appearance in the ‘Account of the
Twelve Ṣūbas’, raising the total number of ṣūbas from twelve to fifteen. Yet the
old heading, ‘Ā’ῑn-i Aḥwāl-i Doāzdah Ṣūba’ was retained (perhaps overlooked). In
the notice of Khandesh (Dandesh) in the Ā’ῑn, Abū’l Faẓl himself mentions the
45th regnal year (1600–1) as the year in which the annexation occurred.24 Not
only were the accounts of these three ṣūbas inserted after the 45th regnal year,
there are signs that additions were made elsewhere too in the ‘Account of the
Twelve Ṣūbas’. Malwa was one of the old twelve (p.8) provinces but in the text
preceding its tables, Abū’l Faẓl refers to his own passage through the province in
the 43rd regnal year, when he was on his way to the Deccan.25

Similarly, in the account of the camel stables, Abū’l Faẓl records that in the 42nd
regnal year, the allowance sanctioned for the camels’ apparel was enhanced.26
At another place, while describing the imperial horse stables, he reports that the
horses belonging to Prince Murād were after his death transferred to the
emperor’s stables.27 Since Prince Murād died in the 44th regnal year (May
1599),28 this chapter was evidently revised after or during that year, and the
insertion is thus subsequent to even the formal date of the completion of the
Ā’ῑn.

Such additions do not modify the conclusion derived from the statements made
by Abū’l Faẓl himself that the compilation of the Ā’ῑn was mainly carried out
between 1589 and 1595–6. Since the collection of the information began in
1589, it is possible that the documents now obtained gave data for still earlier
years. At the same time we may be justified in treating 1595–6 as the year after
which very few statistics (apart from those for the newly annexed ṣūbas) were
admitted into the body of the work. It is therefore more than a convenient
convention to take the Ā’ῑn’s evidence as true for 1595–6. But the possibility that
much of the statistical material relates to earlier years has to be constantly
borne in mind, when dealing with any particular set of figures.

Though quite a few MSS of the Ā’ῑn survive, a new critical edition is greatly
needed. H. Blochmann’s text (in two volumes),29 so far the standard edition and
a product of considerable labour, was not unfortunately based on the best or
earliest MSS and so is not free from errors. His edition, therefore, needs to be
checked all the time with the MSS. The other two editions (Saiyid Ahmad’s
edition, Delhi, 1855, and the Nawal Kishore edition, Lucknow, 1869) are in every
respect inferior to Blochmann’s edition. The Nawal Kihsore edition of 1882 (in 3
vols.) is really a fairly faithful reprint of Blochmann’s text, but with the addition
of some errors. Blochmann also translated a portion designated by him as Vol.I

Page 5 of 37

(revised by D.C. Phillott, Calcutta, 1927 and 1939), while H.S. Jarrett translated
the remaining portion (divided into Vols. II and III). For serious research neither
translation is of much use; Jarrett’s translation, in (p.9) particular, contains an
unduly large number of inaccuracies, which Sir Jadunath Sarkar in his revision
(Calcutta, Vol.II, 1949, and III, 1948) leaves largely uncorrected.

The British Museum (now, the British Library) contains two very accurate
seventeenth-century MSS of the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ (Add. 7652 and Add. 6552).30 In
view of the inaccuracies in Blochmann’s text and tables, I have collated the
entire statistics (as well as text, whenever used) in his edition with these two
MSS. I have ordinarily accepted the figures which the two MSS agree upon,
irrespective of whether they accord or not with those of Blochmann’s edition.
But in cases of disagreement in the MSS, I have always checked with the
Blochmann edition and generally accepted the reading of either MS which
happens to be identical with Blochmann’s text. Besides collation of this kind, I
have tried to identify transcriptional errors in the revenue rates (dastūrs) by
hypothesizing a restated schedule of conversion of the original rates.31 The
problem of establishing textual accuracy in the very important statistical tables
of the Aḥwāl-i Doāzdah Ṣūba—‘The Account of the Twelve Ṣūbas’—requires
treatment at some length, to which the next section is devoted.

II
In the Aḥwāl-i Doāzdah Ṣūba, Abū’l Faẓl offers detailed descriptions of the
various ṣūbas (provinces) along with statistical information appended to the
account of each and set out in tabular form. As we have noted already, the actual
number of ṣūbas is fifteen, owing to the insertion of the accounts of three
provinces, Berar, Khandesh (Dandesh) and Ahmadnagar, annexed after the 40th
regnal year (1595–6).

Abū’l Faẓl first gives a description of the geography and economic features of
each province (ṣūba). At the end of this account, he gives us the numbers of
sarkārs and parganas (or maḥals, the two terms being practically synonymous)32
that the province contained; the total measured area (zamῑn-i paimūda); the
expected net revenue (jama‘) and the (p.10) amount alienated out of it in
‘charity’ grants (suyūrghāl); the strength of the zamῑndārs’ troops (būmῑ ),
enumerating separately the horsemen (sawār) and foot-soldiers (piyāda), along
with the number of elephants. The number of cannon pieces and boats (of
zamῑndārs) are given, but only under the ṣūbas of Bengal and Bihar.

After setting forth the totals of statistics for a province in this fashion, Abū’l Faẓl
goes on to provide the tables of statistics for each of the sarkārs in the ṣūba. The
tables consist of eight columns33 bearing the headings (i) pargana/maḥal; (ii)
qilā‘, forts;34 (iii) ārāẓῑ/zamῑn-i paimūda, measured area; (iv) naqdῑ/jama‘, net
revenue assessed in cash; (v) suyūrghāl, revenue alienated through grants; (vi)
zamῑndār/būmῑ (caste/castes); (vii) sawār (horsemen of zamῑndārs); (viii) piyāda

Page 6 of 37

(zamῑndārs’ foot-retainers). The number of elephants, wherever recorded, is

given in the column for sawār. The first row of the table under each sarkār sets
out the totals for the whole sarkār, the first column (to the right) in the row
giving the total number of parganas. From the second row downwards follow
statistics for individual parganas of the sarkār; the parganas are alphabetically
grouped but only by taking into account their initial letters.

Though Abū’l Faẓl has sought to ensure transcriptional accuracy by writing the
figures in words, not digits, the statistics exhibit an elementary flaw since the
totals stated in the text do not often accord with the totals of the detailed figures
given for the respective sarkārs and ṣūbas. That is to say, the sum of the totals
stated for the individual sarkārs in the tables of a ṣūba differ, in most cases, from
the total stated for that ṣūba in the text; and the totals of figures given against
the parganas under a sarkār often differ from the totals stated at the head of the
same table for the entire sarkār.

Moreland was the first to notice these discrepancies, especially in regard to the
figures of ārāẓῑ and jama‘. But he attributed all these variations to simple
transcriptional and printing errors in Blochmann’s edition.35 A collation with the
MSS, it is true, does reveal a number of (p.11) inaccuracies in Blochmann’s
tables. I have closely checked the figures in the two early British Museum
MSS,36 and, as explained in the previous section, have usually accepted the
reading which is common to both the MSS. But in addition, in the statistics of
the ‘Account of the Twelve Ṣūbas’, I have accepted the reading in the MSS or in
Blochmann’s text which brings the actual worked-out total closer to the stated
one. An illustration of how Blochmann’s text can be corrected is offered by one
example.

The ārāẓῑ figures as given in Blochmann and in the MSS for three sarkārs of
Malwa are as follows:

Sarkār Total stated in Total stated in Total calculated from

Blochmann’s edition MSS figures for parganas

Handia 89,573 bῑghas, 11 2,89,573 2,89,573 bῑghas, 15

biswas bῑghas, 15 biswas
biswas

Nandurbār 20,59,604 bῑghas 8,59,604 8,59,604 bῑghas

bῑghas

Kotri 1,90,039 bῑghas 1,92,839 1,92,821 bῑghas

Pirāwa bῑghas

The MS readings in all three cases accord fully or fairly closely with the actual
totals worked out from the pargana figures. Moreover, the stated sarkār totals

Page 7 of 37

for ārāẓῑ as given in the MSS add up to the total stated for the whole ṣūba. The
figures in Blochmann’s text are, therefore, certainly incorrect and the source of
error in at least the figures for two out of the three sarkārs can easily be
discerned. In the case of sarkār Handia, there is an obvious printing error—the
digit 2 at the extreme left has been omitted in print; and in Nandurbār, bῑst (20)
has been read for hasht (8). (The source of Blochmann’s error in the figures for
Kotri Pirāwa is not easily discoverable.) In these cases, then, the MS readings
must be accepted without reservation, and the figures in Blochmann’s text for all
the three sarkārs should be corrected accordingly.

In addition to the mistakes in Blochmann’s text that can be eliminated through a

critical comparison with the MSS, we come across errors in figures in the MSS
themselves arising out of simple mistranscriptions in either the original or its
early copies. For instance, the stated total of the jama‘ of sarkār Munghyr in ṣūba
Bihar in the MSS (as well as Blochmann) (p.12) is 10,96,25,981, while the
pargana figures add up to 2,96,22,181 dāms. Evidently the scribe misread the
word do (two) for dah (ten), an error quite common in Persian. In sarkār Bhakkar,
the stated ārāẓῑ total is 2,82,013, while the actual total is 10,82,013 bῑghas and
15 biswas. Again, the confusion between dah (10) and do (2) is plain to see.
Similar common errors that can be rectified by checking with actual totals are
the misreadings of sih (3) for nuh (9); yāzdah (11) for pānzdah (15); sῑzdah (13)
for hῑzdah (18); hasht (8) for bῑst (20) or shist (60); haftād (70) for hashtād (80);
sih-sad (300) for shash-sad (600); and vice versa.

In addition to errors arising out of misreadings of the number-words, there are

some figures which betray obvious omissions or slips even in the earliest MSS.
For instance, the suyūrghāl stated for Doāba Sindh Sagar of ṣūba Lahore is 4,680
dāms, while the actual total of the maḥals’ figures come to 94,680 dāms. Here,
then, we have a clear case of the omission of the initial nawwad (90) in the
words making up the sum for the Doāba. To take another instance: for the sarkār
of Badaun, ṣūba Delhi, the stated area of ārāẓῑ is 80,93,850 bῑghas, and 10
biswas, while the ārāẓῑ figures given for the parganas of that sarkār add up to
18,93,756 bῑghas. The latter brings the total of the stated figures for the sarkārs
closer to the ṣūba total, since the total of the stated sarkār figures, with the
stated sarkār total for Badaun is 3,47,96,495 bῑghas, 7 biswas; with the actual
total for sarkār Badaun replacing the stated total, the aggregate for ṣūba Delhi
amounts to 2,85,96,495 bῑghas, as against the stated total ārāẓῑ for the ṣūba,
2,85,46,816 bῑghas, 16 biswas. It seems obvious that in transcribing the sarkār
total for Badaun, confusion occurred between hῑzdah (18) and hashtād (80). This
is a rather unusual slip, since the words have different forms in Persian writing;
but it could well have arisen if the figures were being transferred at some stage
by dictation when hῑzhdah was wrongly heard as hashtād.

Page 8 of 37

By considering alternative readings for resolving such possible confusions, and

restoring the few figures where omissions are obvious, a large number of
differences between the stated and actual totals can be fully reconciled, or
reduced to marginal variations. We may then at last claim to have the text of the
tables as close as possible to the text as Abū’l Faẓl left it in his original copy.

But it is apparent that even in the text so restored, there remain numerous
discrepancies between the stated totals and the actual totals. Most of these
discrepancies are, however, only marginal (within a range of 2 per cent). Many
of these too can be removed by accepting alternative readings; a course which I
have not followed either because there is more than one option open to us in
selecting the means of correction, or the (p.13) mistranscription cannot be
pinpointed definitely, or, finally, because it would necessitate no less than three
or four ‘corrected’ readings (i.e., assuming a series of mistranscriptions). In any
case, such differences between stated and actual totals are usually so minor that
they do not affect analysis at any level.

There are still other variations which cannot be explained away as mere scribal
slips; they are occasionally substantial enough to force themselves upon our
notice. Of the 70 sarkārs for which we have two sets of ārāẓῑ totals (viz., stated
and actual), in only four (Kalpi, Ahmadabad, Bari Doāb and Multan) does the
difference between the two totals exceed 2 per cent. In the case of the jama‘, out
of 82 sarkārs (excluding the sarkār of Qandahar where the jama‘ is not stated in
the same monetary unit), the difference is significant only in five (Baitalwadi,
Ahmadabad, Rachnao, Multan and Diplapur). In the columns of the suyūrghāl,
sawār and piyāda the number of inconsistent totals, is, however, larger across
the board: of the totals of the suyūrghāl of 66 sarkārs, those of 17 differ
substantially; of 58 sarkārs for which both the stated and actual totals for the
sawār and the piyāda are available, the number of those differing significantly is
7 and 16 for sawār and piyāda respectively.

One possible source of these variations could be errors of calculation committed

in Abū’l Faẓl’s own secretariat. It seems very unlikely that Abū’l Faẓl received
the pargana statistics in the form in which they appear in the Ā’ῑn, that is,
arranged semi-alphabetically, with the figures written out in words. It is thus
probable that after reaching him, the data were not only transferred from the
records but were also rearranged, or even recalculated, so that there was now
considerable room for errors of a purely clerical kind being introduced.

An illustration of such errors is offered by the figures of ṣūba Multan. In this

ṣūba two of the three sarkārs are divided into doābas (each subdivided into
parganas); and here, therefore, the totals in the various columns are given at
three levels, ṣūba, sarkār and doāba, besides the primary figures for parganas.

Page 9 of 37

The ṣūba-level totals, viz., the stated ṣūba figures, and the totals respectively of
the sarkārs, the doābas and the parganas, are as follows:

Page 10 of 37

Stated ṣūba total Total of stated figures for Total of stated figures for Actual total of figures for
sarkārs doābas parganas

Ārāẓῑ 32,73,932 30,74,432 30,74,452 32,51,698

Jama‘/Naqdῑ 15,14,03,619 20,09,75,418 20,07,28,799 15,62,53,243

Page 11 of 37

(p.14) It can be seen that the total ārāẓῑ and the total jama‘ stated for the ṣūba
largely differ from the sums of the stated totals for the sarkārs and the doābas,
the two latter are close to each other, while the stated ṣūba total is much closer
to the actual totals of pargana figures. Why this discrepancy should have
occurred can be precisely located. The stated ārāẓῑ total for doāba Bet Jalendhar
of sarkār Multan is 52,090 bῑghas, while the pargana figures total 2,52,274
bῑghas. Obviously the digit 2 at the extreme left in the doāba total was dropped
by oversight at an early stage; the total for the sarkār was then calculated from
the figures for the doābas which contained this error, so that the error was
carried on to the stated sarkār total. The ṣūba total which was perhaps received
independently from the official records (where it must have been calculated
directly from the pargana figures), however, remained unaffected. The difference
in jama‘ totals, on the other hand, is apparently due to a misreading of the total
for doāba Bet Jalendhar of sarkār Dipalpur. Here the stated total is 8,88,08,955
dāms, while the totals of pargana figures is only 3,88,08,755 dāms. It would
seem that the original figure being in the raqam notation, Abū’l Faẓl’s assistants
read ‘three’ of the raqam in ‘three cores’ as ‘eight’ the raqam signs for
the two numbers being very similar in appearance. The sarkār total must have
been worked out afterwards from the doāba figures so read, and thus carried a
fictitious enhancement of five crores. But the ṣūba total remained unaffected,
having been presumably derived from the pargana figures directly.

A similar mistake, detected in the jama‘ statistics of Bengal and Orissa, can also
be ascribed to Abū’l Faẓl’s own staff. He states the jama‘ of the ṣūba of Bengal
and the sub-ṣūba of Orissa (attached to Bengal) to be 59,84,59,319 dāms. But
the stated totals for the sarkārs yield a sum of 42,51,03,099 dāms; that is, the
stated total for the two regions is 17,33,56,220 dāms in excess of the jama‘ based
on the sarkār totals. The actual total of the pargana figures too is broadly in
conformity with the aggregate of sarkār totals, being 43,07,94,875 dāms. The
excess in the Ā’ῑn’s stated total for Bengal and Orissa is almost straightaway
explained by the fact that the jama‘ for the five sarkārs of Orissa, grouped
together in the Ā’ῑn with a separate subsection, add up to 17,07,32,638 dāms.
This is remarkably close to the amount of excess; and the inference is irresistible
that a clerk in Abū’l Faẓl’s office, unclear as to whether the ṣūba total received
for Bengal included the figure for Orissa, added the latter’s figure again to the
received figure for Bengal. The detection of this error is important, (p.15)
because, as corrected, the Ā’ῑn’s figures suit the subsequent statistics much
better.37

One other possible source of error leading to inconsistencies between the stated
and actual totals has also to be considered. It may be that the total as stated had
been correctly calculated, but wrong figures have been put against parganas in
the process of rearranging them alphabetically. For such an error to affect totals
(which would remain unaffected if figures of maḥal A are simply assigned to B
and vice versa), one should expect figures against some parganas to be repeated
Page 12 of 37

(i.e. where those of maḥal A are assigned to A as well as to B, whose actual

figures do not appear). But such cases of duplication are not, in fact, found
anywhere in the statistics except in ṣūbas Lahore and Gujarat. However, as will
be seen in Chapter 2, the repetitions in ṣūba Lahore are not really
transcriptional mistakes at all. All the parganas bearing the common figures are
situated in hilly tracts and their ārāẓῑ figures appear to be fictitious, not having
been obtained through actual measurement but calculated from the jama‘ (fixed
in round numbers) at the arbitrary ratios of 1:41.2 and 1:39.86 dāms per bigha.
There are other maḥals too, each with an ārāẓῑ that bears either of the same two
ratios to the jama‘, in all the four doābas of the ṣūba.

In ṣūba Gujarat one comes across the lone repetition that could be a
transcriptional error perpetrated at a very early stage in the compilation of the
figures; the jama‘ recorded for pargana Godhra bā ḥavelῑ and Kokana, the
pargana immediately following it, is exactly the same but no other details given
against the former pargana are repeated against the latter. The mistake seems
real because the stated figure of the jama‘ for sarkār Godhra falls short of the
total of the parganas by as much as 2,36,140 dāms, a difference that can best be
ascribed to the hypothetical substitution of the larger figure of the ḥavelῑ maḥal
for the much smaller one of an ordinary pargana.

(p.16) The fact, however, that there should be only one such definitely
established error of misalignment in the entire body of statistics should assure
us that the transcription and reorganization of data at Abū’l Faẓl’s secretariat
was done with considerable care; and one may assume, on the whole, that the
rows in the tables are set correctly against the appropriate maḥals.

Finally, there remain some variations in the stated and actual totals that cannot
be attributed either to simple slips of arithmetic or to mistranscription by Abū’l
Faẓl’s assistants. For instance the stated ārāẓῑ for sarkār Kalpi in ṣūba Agra is
3,00,029 bῑghas, 9 biswas, but the pargana figures aggregate to 17,36,107
bῑghas, 12 biswas. The ārāẓῑ making up the latter total is well spread out among
the parganas and the difference could not therefore be due to mistranscriptions
of one or two figures. Moreover, for ṣūba Agra the stated total of the ārāẓῑ is over
30,00,000 bῑghas higher than the total obtained by adding up the stated sarkār
totals. One may, therefore, suggest that here the difference is a genuine one,
caused probably by the partial incorporation of subsequent revision: it is
possible that there was an extension of measurement in the various parganas of
the sarkārs after the original statistics had been received. The revised pargana
details as received subsequently were then incorporated, but the sarkār totals
were left uncorrected, though the ṣūba total was apparently changed to accord
with the enhancements of the ārāẓῑ in sarkār Kalpi as well as other sarkārs.

Page 13 of 37

It is interesting that the variations which can be explained by revisions alone,

are found in the two ṣūbas containing the capital cities, namely, Lahore and
Agra. Possibly, being the ‘core areas’ of the empire, these were subjected to
more frequent revisions which could not be incorporated fully or consistently in
the Ā’ῑn’s statistics. Some revisions were introduced only in the totals without
altering the pargana details; in other cases, the pargana figure were updated,
but the totals (all or some of them) remained unchanged. In ṣūba Agra the
recorded jama‘ for the ṣūba exactly matches the total of the figures stated for the
sarkārs, but the jama‘ worked out from the pargana is a little less (0.23 per cent).
Here, then, while the ṣūba and sarkār figures were changed according to later
revisions, some pargana figures were obviously left unaltered.

We have already noticed that for the ārāẓῑ and the jama‘, the totals are, by and
large, consistent, but that the differences are more frequent and pronounced in
the totals of the figures for suyūrghāl, sawār, and piyāda. In the case of
zamῑndārs’ retainers (sawār and piyāda), a number of the differences in the
recorded and calculated totals can be removed by assuming transcriptional
errors (sometimes, even sets of such errors). However, the suyūrghāl totals
cannot be made consistent with each other (p.17) as easily. Significant
differences in totals exist, where in as many as thirteen cases the actuals based
on the pargana figures are lower than the stated sarkār totals. In ṣūba Agra the
total of suyūrghāl stated for the ṣūba is only 57 per cent of the total of the
figures recorded for the individual sarkārs, which in turn is lower (by 4,49,866
dāms) than the actual total of the pargana figures. Could one suggest that a
substantial reduction in the suyūrghāl occurred in the ṣūba of Agra, so that the
ṣūba figure was heavily brought down? A substantial reduction of this kind
would be in line with what we know of Akbar’s policy of resuming and restricting
revenue grants in his later years.38 The reductions were, however, only partly
taken into account for correcting sarkār figures, and might possibly have been
ignored at the level of parganas, where the figures received previously were
allowed to stand.

Another fact that strengthens the impression of frequent though partial revision
in the ṣūba of Agra is that against some sarkārs the total number of parganas is
not specified; and the stated number of parganas for the ṣūba falls considerably
below the actual number of parganas. In other ṣūbas too the stated number of
parganas for the entire ṣūba does not exactly match the number actually listed.
The differences in the numbers of maḥals (a) stated for ṣūbas, (b) stated for
sarkārs, and (c) actually listed will appear from Table 1.1.

The incorporation of subsequent revisions may then well be responsible for most
of the differences in totals at various levels that remain after MS variants are
collated and the Ā’ῑn’s own transcriptional errors corrected. Since it is likely that
the stated ṣūba totals are in accord with the revised figures, it does not mean
that the sarkār or pargana-level figures are necessarily unreliable; what we are

Page 14 of 37

faced with is only the fact that they may belong to years that are different from
those of the stated totals. In any case, it is best to recall that the differences
between the actual totals from figures for pargana and the stated sarkār and
ṣūba totals are mostly negligible or quite marginal in respect of the ārāẓῑ and the
jama‘ statistics. These differences should always be borne in mind, of course,
especially where they are of a magnitude larger than, say, ± 2 per cent. No
interpretations or conclusions of this study would be more than marginally
affected if one possible alternative figure is substituted for the other. Where,
however, such a range of possible variations is larger, as in the case of figures of
suyūrghāl or zamῑndārs’ retainers (sawār and piyāda), this will be noted, and the
use of pargana statistics circumscribed accordingly. (p.18)

Table 1.1 Number of Maḥals

Ṣūba (a) Stated total (b) Total of stated (c) Actual number of
for the ṣūbas totals for sarkārs maḥals listed

Bengal & 787 781 779

Orissa

Bihar 199 200 200

Allahabad 177 181 178

Awadh 138 133 131

Agra 203 252 257

Malwa 301 302 277

Berar 142 242 231

Gujarat 198 199 196

Ajmer 197 197 190

Delhi 232 237 237

Lahore 234 235 229

Multan 88 88 87
(excluding
Thatta)

Thatta (sub- 53 53 51
province)

Kashmir (sub- — — 37
province)

Kabul — — 22

Page 15 of 37

In Appendix 1. A, I have set out the corrected totals for the sarkārs and ṣūbas,
established through MSS collation, re-totallings of pargana figures and other
arithmetical devices discussed above. The figures so established by me for ārāẓῑ,
jama‘, suyūrghāl, sawār, and piyāda will henceforth be used in this study: even
when pages of Blochmann’s edition are cited for the statistical tables, the figures
used will be as read or corrected by me, and not those given by Blochmann,
unless this is explicitly stated.

III
Though the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ must form the bedrock of any quantitative study of the
economy of the Mughal empire, one cannot do without a large amount of other
contemporaneous material. For one thing, the Ā’ῑn itself cannot be interpreted in
isolation. Its terminology can often be understood only by reference to other
sources where definitions or illustrative uses of the terms occur. For matters of
chronology and political geography, essential for comprehending the Ā’ῑn’s
statistics, we have often to consult the histories of the period. Many
administrative (p.19) measures, basic to our understanding of why and how the
statistics came to be compiled or what they denote, also happen to be described
in the conventional historical sources.

For all these purposes the Akbarnāma of Abū’l Faẓl39 must be considered to be
the major source complementing the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ, as Moreland has so strongly
urged.40 The Akbarnāma is the most detailed account of Akbar’s reign. It not
only gives considerable space to administrative measures, but also reproduces
or summarises official documents. One MS of the work even gives us the original
text of Todar Mal’s memorandum on revenue administration.41

Besides Abū’l Faẓl’s own work other histories like Bāyazῑd Bayāt’s memoirs,42
the T̤abaqāt-i Akbarῑ of Niz̤āmuddῑn Aḥmad43 and the Muntakhabu-t Tawārῑkh of
Badāūnῑ,44 help us in elucidating problems encountered in quantification. For
instance, the working of the manṣab system, knowledge of which is essential for
us to determine the income of the ruling class, becomes clear only through the
accounts offered by Bāyazῑd, Badāūnῑ and Mu‘tamad Khān’s Iqbālnāma-i
Jahāngῑrῑ.45 The last, by often restating Abū’l Faẓl’s stately narrative in simpler
language, enables us to understand better the significance of particular terms
and phrases.

Furthermore, though the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ remains the only work that offers a
comprehensive range of statistical information, it is not the sole source of
quantitative data for its time. The T̤abaqāt-i Akbarῑ, written c.1593, offers
revenue statistics as well as a list of manṣab-holders. Firishta gives us figures for
wealth, treasure, and numbers of animals left (p.20) by Akbar.46 A manuscript
of Mu‘tamad Khan’s Iqbālnāma gives us important data such as revenue
statistics and salary scales of the manṣabdārs at the time of Akbar’s death.47
These Persian works can be supplemented by some statistics preserved in near-

Page 16 of 37

contemporary European sources. John Hawkins (1608–11) and Francisco

Pelsaert in his ‘Chronicle’ give us particulars of Akbar’s treasure, animals, and
army, the details being obviously derived from Persian documents.48

European literature of about this time also begins to furnish information about
manufactures and trade, gathered mainly from the viewpoint of Dutch and
English commerce with India. Closest to the period with which we are concerned
and the most valuable for a general as well as statistical study of the Mughal
Indian economy, is Pelsaert’s Remonstrantie, written c.1626.49 The data it gives
on indigo production, prices of individual commodities, the mode of life of
artisans and of the ruling class, are all of exceptional value. From the early years
of the seventeenth century begin the English commercial records, from which
pieces of relevant information can be extracted. The records have been
published in two series, Letters Received by the East India Company from its
Servants in the East and the English Factories in India.50 A large number of
European travellers have also left their journals or ‘relations’; (p.21) many of
these belonging to the sixteenth and early seventeenth century found a place in
the great collection of travellers’ accounts compiled by Samuel Purchas under
the title Purchas his Pilgrimes, London, 1625.51

Recent researchers have succeeded in assembling dispersed statistics of

European commerce in the latter half of the sixteenth century and the early
years of the seventeenth century; and these can, therefore, be used by students
of Indian economic history. Earl J. Hamilton undertook a fundamental study of
the quantities of silver and gold that flowed in from the Americas to Spain
during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.52 Portuguese records have been
explored extensively by Vittorino Magalhaes-Godinho, so that Indo-Portuguese
trade of the sixteenth century can now be studied in quantitative terms.53 The
Venetian records have been used by Frederic C. Lane and Fernand P. Braudel to
establish the quantities of Eastern goods that entered the Mediterranean
through the Levant in the sixteenth century.54 These works have been made use
of, along with much direct investigation of statistical material from Portuguese
and Italian sources, by Niels Steensgaard in his Asian Trade Revolution of the
Seventeenth Century. In spite of the title, Steensgaard’s main concern is with
the period c.1585–1620.55 The material brought to light makes it possible for us
to supplement our statistical study of the internal economy of the Mughal
empire with a quantitative appraisal of at least some important elements of
India’s overseas trade.

Finally, there is material of a quite different kind which lends itself to

quantification and makes possible a statistical study of money supply within the
Mughal empire. It was Aziza Hasan who first suggested that surviving Mughal
coins, which contained both the name of the issuing (p.22) mint and the year of
issue, can be counted and made to yield a currency-output curve.56 The method
adopted by her to count the coins has been criticized by John S. Deyell;57 but, as

Page 17 of 37

will be seen in Chapter 15, such force as Deyell’s criticism has can be met by
using records of the hoards and stray finds instead of (or, in addition to) the
catalogued museum collections. The number of Mughal coins whose finds have
been recorded in U.P. alone are then large enough to justify quantification with a
considerable degree of confidence.58

Abstract of Ā’ῑn’s Statistics (‘Account of the Twelve Ṣūbas’)

(Figures as established after MSS collation and correction of clerical errors)

ĀRĀẒĪ (in bῑghas and biswas)

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

BENGAL No ārāẓῑ figures

ORISSA No ārāẓῑ figures

BIHAR

Bihar 9,52,590 9,52,588–4

Monghyr — —

Champaran 85,711–5 85,711–5

Hajipur 4,36,952–15 4,36,951–7

Saran 2,29,052–15 2,29,052–3

Tirhut 2,66,464 2,66,881–2

Rohtas 4,73,340–12 4,73,331–1

Total for the (24,44,111–7) 24,44,515–2 24,44,120

ṣūba

ALLAHABAD

Allahabad 5,73,615 5,73,585

Ghazipur 2,88,780–7 2,88,780–12

Banaras 1,56,863–12 1,54,702–12

(p.23) 8,70,265–4 8,70,707

Jaunpur

Manikpur 6,66,222–5 6,66,919–12

Chunar 1,06,270 1,06,269–16

Kalinjar 5,08,273–12 5,08,273–12

Kora 3,41,170–10 3,41,167–3

Page 18 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Kara 4,47,556–12 4,50,487–15

Battha Gahora — —

Total for the (39,59,017–2) (39,60,893–2) 39,68,000–3

ṣūba

AWADH

Awadh 27,96,206–19 27,99,973–17

Gorakhpur 2,44,283–13 2,44,289–8

Bahraich 18,23,435–8 18,23,435–3

Khairabad 19,87,000–6 19,88,024–6

Lucknow 33,07,426–6 33,02,640

Total of the (1,01,58,352–12) (1,01,58,362–14) 1,01,71,180

ṣūba

AGRA

Agra 91,07,622–4 91,82,258

Kalpi 3,00,029–9 17,36,107–12

Qanauj 27,76,673–16 27,76,673–16

Kol 24,61,731 24,58,431

Gawalior 15,46,465–6 15,46,465

Erach 22,02,124–18 22,02,136–18

Payanwan 7,62,014 7,62,014

Narwar 3,94,350 3,94,358

Mandlaer 65,346 65,321

Alwar 16,62,012 16,30,368

Tijara 7,40,001–5 7,40,001–6

Narnaul 20,80,046 20,81,346

Sahar 7,63,474 7,63,474

Total for the (2,48,61,889–18) (2,63,38,954–12) 2,78,62,189–2

ṣūba

MALWA

Ujjain 9,25,322 9,25,622

Page 19 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Raisen (1,68,617) 1,68,617

(p.24) 5,54,277–17 5,54,277

Chanderi

Sarangpur 7,06,202 7,06,204

Bijagarh 2,83,277–13 2,83,277–13

Mandu 2,22,969–15 2,23,009

Handia 2,89,573–15 2,89,573

Nandurbår 8,59,604 8,59,604

Mandasor — —

Gagraun 63,529 63,529

Kotri Priawa 1,92,839 1,92,821

Garh — —

Total for the (42,66,212) (42,66,533–13) 42,66,221–6

ṣūba

KHANDESH No ārāẓῑ figures

BERAR No ārāẓῑ figures

GUJARAT

Ahmadabad 80,24,153 84,19,201

Patan 38,50,015 38,50,909–16

Nadaut 5,41,317–16 5,40,425

Baroda 9,22,212 9,22,212

Broach 9,49,771 9,49,731

Champaner 8,00,337–11 8,00,328

Surat 13,12,815–16 13,09,614

Godhra 5,35,255 5,34,815

Saurath — —

Total for the (1,69,35,877–3) (1,73,27,235–16) 1,69,36,377–3

ṣūba

AJMER

Ajmer 56,05,487 56,92,850

Page 20 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Chittor 16,78,800 16,87,794

Ranthambhor 60,24,196 60,28,374

Nagaur 80,37,450–14 80,36,893

No ārāẓῑ in remaining sarkārs

Total for the (2,13,45,933–14) 2,14,45,911 2,14,35,941–7

ṣūba

(p.25) DELHI

Delhi 71,26,107–18 71,24,097–3

Badaun 18,93,850–10a 18,93,756

Sambhal 40,47,193–2 40,15,101–3

Saharanpur 35,30,379 35,30,679

Rewari 11,55,001 11,55,011

Hissar Firuza 31,14,497 31,14,497

Sirhind 77,29,466–17 77,32,256

Kumaun — —

Total for the (2,85,96,495–7) (2,85,65,397–6) 2,85,46,816–16

ṣūba

LAHORE

Bet Jalendhar 32,79,302–17 32,96,668

Doāb

Bari Doāb 45,80,002 44,07,980

Rachnao Doāb 42,53,148 42,66,560

Chanhat Doāb 26,33,210 26,29,040

Sindh Sagar 14,09,979 13,88,744

Doāb

Bairun Pajnad — —

Total for the (1,61,55,641–17) (1,59,88,992) 1,61,55,643–3

ṣūba

MULTAN (excluding Thatta)

Multan 5,58,651–4 7,54,638–11

Page 21 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Dipalpur 14,33,767–8 14,15,046–9

Bhakkar 10,82,013b 10,82,013–15

Total for the (30,74,431–12) 32,51,698–15 32,73,932

ṣūba

THATTA No ārāẓῑ figures

KASHMIR No ārāẓῑ figures

KABUL No ārāẓῑ figures

(a) The figure in the MS is 80,93,850–10.

(b) The figure in the MS is 2,82,013.

(p.26)

JAMA‘ (NAQDĪ ) (in dāms)

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

BENGAL

Tanda 2,40,78,700½ 2,40,53,271

Gaur 1,88,46,967 1,62,69,493

Fatehabad 79,69,568 79,76,837

Mahmudabad 1,16,10,256 1,27,06,178

Halifatabad 54,02,140 54,00,318

Bakla 71,31,641 71,31,440

Purnea 64,08,793 64,08,633

Tajpur 64,83,857 94,62,846

Ghoraghat 89,83,072 86,41,941

Panjra 58,03,275 57,97,475

Barbakabad 1,74,51,532 1,74,50,351

Bazuha 3,95,16,871 3,94,66,643

Sonargaon 1,03,31,333 1,34,16,513

Silhat 66,81,308 70,56,608

Chatgaon 1,14,24,310 1,14,23,510

Page 22 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Sharifabad 2,24,88,750 2,24,74,402

Sulaimanabad 1,76,29,964 1,76,63,969

Satgaon 1,67,24,724 1,67,03,515

Madaran 94,03,400 93,80,042

Total for Bengal 25,43,70,461½ (25,88,83,985)

ORISSA

Jalesar 5,00,52,738 5,00,45,684

Bhadrak 1,86,87,170 1,86,86,170

Katak 9,14,32,730 9,26,19,036

Kaling Danpat 55,60,000 (55,60,000)

Raj Mahendra 50,00,000 (50,00,000)

Total for Orissa 17,07,32,638 17,19,10,890

Total for Bengal (42,51,03,099½) (43,07,94,875) 59,84,59,319

and Orissa

(p.27) BIHAR

Bihar 8,31,96,390 8,32,65,491

Monghyr 2,96,25,981½c 2,96,22,181½

Champaran 55,13,420 55,13,420

Hajipur 2,73,31,030 2,73,36,635

Saran 1,61,72,004½ 1,61,72,304½

Tirhut 1,91,89,777½ 1,91,20,826½

Rohtas 4,08,19,493 4,08,79,201

Total for the ṣūba (22,18,48,096½) (22,19,10,059½) 22,19,19,404

ALLAHABAD

Allahabad 2,28,31,999 2,28,31,599

Ghazipur 1,34,31,325 1,37,29,622

Banaras 88,60,318 88,60,618

Jaunpur 5,63,94,927 5,60,02,527

Manikpur 3,39,16,527 3,39,06,527

Page 23 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Chunar 58,10,604 58,10,954

Battha Gahora 72,62,780 (72,62,780)

Kalinjar 2,38,39,470 2,38,09,087

Kora 1,73,97,567 1,73,96,561

Kara 2,26,82,048 2,26,54,068

Total for the ṣūba (21,24,27,565) (21,22,64,343) 21,24,27,819

AWADH

Awadh 4,09,56,347 4,09,56,147

Gorakhpur 1,19,26,790 1,19,26,290

Bahraich 2,41,20,525 2,41,20,519

Khairabad 4,36,44,381 4,36,49,761

Lucknow 8,07,16,160 8,07,47,220

Total for the ṣūba (20,13,64,203) (20,13,99,937) 20,17,58,172

(p.28) AGRA

Agra 19,17,19,265 19,05,25,826

Kalpi 4,94,56,730 4,94,65,947

Kanauj 5,25,84,620½ 5,25,84,620½

Kol 5,40,92,943 5,40,92,955

Gawalior 2,96,83,649 2,96,83,348

Erach 3,77,85,421 3,77,44,407

Payanwan 84,59,296 84,58,596

Narwar 42,33,322 42,33,320

Mandlaer 37,38,084 37,38,084

Alwar 3,98,32,234 3,97,82,529

Tijara 1,77,00,460½ 1,77,00,466½

Narnaul 5,10,46,711 5,10,41,881

Sahar 59,17,569 59,17,569

Total for the ṣūba (54,62,50,305) (54,49,69,548) 54,62,50,304

MALWA

Page 24 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Ujjain 4,38,24,960 4,38,25,960

Raisen (1,39,92,792) 1,39,92,792

Garh 1,13,77,080 1,14,32,025

Chanderi 3,10,37,783 3,07,49,790

Sarangpur 3,29,94,880 3,29,95,180

Bijagarh 1,22,49,121 1,22,49,789

Mandu 1,37,88,994 1,37,88,994

Handia 1,16,10,969 1,13,10,969

Nandurbar 5,01,62,250 5,01,62,250

Mandasor 67,61,396 67,61,396

Gagraun 45,35,794 45,36,094

Kotri Pirawa 82,31,920 82,32,920

Total for the ṣūba (24,05,67,939) (24,00,38,159) 24,06,95,052

(p.29) 30,32,03,112 (30,32,03,112) 30,35,29,488

d
KHANDESH

BERAR

Gavil 13,46,66,140 13,46,66,140

Punar 1,34,40,000 1,34,40,000

Kherla 1,76,00,000 1,76,00,000

Narnala 13,09,54,476 13,10,41,076

Kalam 3,28,28,000 3,28,28,000

Basim 3,26,25,250 3,26,25,250

Mahur 4,28,85,440 4,28,85,440

Manikdurg 1,44,00,000 1,44,00,000

Pathri 8,07,05,954 8,03,05,954

Telingana 7,19,04,000 7,23,04,096

Ramgir 96,00,000 96,00,000

Mehkar 4,51,78,000 4,51,76,000

Baitalwadi 1,91,20,000 1,85,60,000

Page 25 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Total for the ṣūba (64,59,07,260) (64,54,31,956) 64,26,03,270

(p.30) GUJARAT

Ahmadabad 20,83,06,994 21,80,51,765

Patan 6,03,25,099 21,80,51,765

Nadaut 85,97,596 85,97,596

Baroda 4,11,45,895 4,11,45,895

Broach 2,18,45,663 2,18,00,653

Champaner 1,05,09,884 1,05,08,479

Surat 1,90,35,180 36,54,469

Godhra 34,18,329 36,54,469

Saurath 6,34,37,366 6,34,33,187

Port revenues (in 18,01,048 26,02,060

sarkār/Saurath)

Total for the ṣūba (43,66,22,006) (44,83,39,676) 43,94,24,361

AJMER

Ajmer 6,21,53,390 6,11,75,917

Chittor 3,46,37,649 3,46,55,649

Ranthambhor 8,98,64,576 8,95,44,576

Jodhpur 1,45,28,750 1,45,35,750

Sirohi 4,20,77,437 4,20,77,437

Nagaur 4,03,89,830 4,03,05,696

Bikaner 47,50,000 47,50,000

Total for the ṣūba (28,84,01,632) (28,70,45,025) 28,84,557

DELHI

Delhi 12,30,12,596 12,38,84,848

Badaun 3,48,17,063 3,47,96,159

Kumaun 4,54,37,700 4,54,37,700

Sambhal 6,69,41,431 6,65,90,020

Saharanpur 8,78,39,850 8,78,36,099

Page 26 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Rewari 2,88,07,718 2,88,07,718

Hissar Firuza 5,25,54,905 5,25,45,305

Sirhind 16,07,90,549 16,07,89,948

Total for the ṣūba (60,02,01,812) (60,06,87,797) 60,16,15,550

(p.31) LAHORE

Bet Jalendhar 12,43,65,212 12,41,04,520

Doāb

Bari Doāb 14,28,08,183 14,28,17,025

Rachnao Doāb 17,20,47,391 17,96,67,816

Chanhat Doāb 6,45,02,394 6,44,99,335

Sindh Sagar 5,19,12,201 5,16,48,708

Doāb

Bairun Panjnad 38,22,740 38,22,740

Total for the ṣūba (55,94,58,121) (56,65,60,144) 55,94,58,423

MULTAN

Multan 5,32,16,318 5,92,66,006

Dipalpur 12,93,34,153 7,85,62,285

Bhakkar 1,84,24,947 1,84,24,952

Total for the ṣūba (20,09,75,418) (15,62,53,243) 15,14,03,619

THATTA

Thatta 2,59,99,991 2,55,54,171

Chachgan 1,17,84,586 1,17,84,586

Sehwan 1,55,46,808 1,55,47,407

Nasarpur 78,34,600 78,34,600

Chakarhala 50,85,408 50,85,408

Total for the ṣūba (6,62,51,393) (6,58,05,172) 6,61,52,393

KASHMIR 6,21,13,045 6,21,13,045

KABUL

Page 27 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

(Excluding 8,05,07,465 8,05,07,465

Kashmir and
Qandahar)
(c) The figure in MSS is 10,96,25,981½.

(d) The stated jama‘ of Khandesh (no sarkārs within it) in the Ā’ῑn (I, p.474) is
1,26,47,062 tanka-i Berārῑ, also called tanka-i Dāndesh. The pargana figures
add up to 1,26,33,463 of the same coinage. The tanka being equal to 16 dāms
(Ā’ῑn, I, p.478), the stated jama‘ should be equal to 20,23,52,992 dāms and the
pargana total to 20,21,35,408 dāms. But Abū’l Faẓl says that after the capture
of Asirgarh (1601), Akbar increased the jama‘ of Khandesh by 50 per cent;
and the tanka was therefore reckoned at 24 dāms. His editor (Blochmann)
however gives the jama‘ as 45,52,94,230 dāms in parenthesis (Ā’ῑn, I, 474).
But this is what one gets (with an error of 2!), if one converts the jama‘ (by
pargana total) into dāms, taking the tanka as equal to 24 dāms, and yet again
enhances it by 50 per cent. The double-enhancement, however, is an obvious
mistake. The jama‘ should in fact have been enhanced to 30,32,03,112 dāms
only, in conformity with the increased value of the tanka. This is borne out by
the fact that the jama‘ of Khandesh in 1605 was set at 29,70,18,561 dāms
(Iqbāl Nāma, II, Or. 1834, f.232b) and the Bayaz-i Khushbu’i, (ff.180–1) whose
figures relate to 1628–32, gives 29,70,16,586 dāms.

(p.32)

SUYŪRGHĀL

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

BENGAL No suyūrghāl figure

ORISSA No suyūrghāl figures

BIHAR

Bihar 22,72,147 22,71,642

No suyūrghāl in remaining sarkārs

Total for the (22,72,147) (22,71,642) 22,72,147

ṣūba

ALLAHABAD

Allahabad 7,40,021½ 7,40,021½

Ghazipur 1,31,825 1,21,837

Page 28 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Banaras 3,38,184 3,38,084

Jaunpur 48,17,654 30,55,181

Manikpur 24,46,173 24,46,183

Chunar 1,09,065 1,08,660

Kalinjar 6,14,580 14,47,280

Kora 14,98,360 13,57,120

Kara 4,69,350 4,69,315

Battha Gahora — —

Total for the (1,11,65,212½) (1,00,83,681½) 1,11,65,417

ṣūba

AWADH

Awadh 16,80,248 16,80,165

Gorakhpur 51,235 51,235

Bahraich 4,66,482 4,66,482

Khairabad 17,13,862 16,75,140

Lucknow 45,72,526 45,84,712

Total for the (84,84,353) 84,57,734 85,21,658

ṣūba

AGRA

Agra 1,45,66,878 1,43,49,526

Kalpi 2,78,292½ 10,58,292½

Qanauj 11,74,655 11,82,655

Kol 20,94,840 20,94,799

Gawalior 2,40,350 1,18,120

Erach 4,56,493 4,56,493

Payanwan 82,660 82,666

Narwar 95,994 95,694

Alwar 6,99,212 6,99,215

(p.33) 7,31,761½ 7,31,760½

Tijara

Page 29 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Narnaul 7,75,103 7,75,083

Sahar 1,09,447 1,09,447

Mandlaer —

Total for the (2,13,05,685) (2,17,54,751) 1,21,05,703½

ṣūba

MALWA

Ujjain 2,81,816 2,81,816

Chanderi 26,931 26,931

Sarangpur 3,24,461 3,24,461

Bijagarh 3,574 4,187

Mandu 1,28,732 1,28,032

Handia 1,57,054 1,57,053

Nandurbår 1,98,428 1,98,478

Mandasor 29,387 29,387

No suyūrghāl in remaining sarkārs

Total for the (11,50,383) (11,50,345) 11,50,433

ṣūba

KHANDESH No suyūrghāl figures

BERAR

Gavail 1,28,74,048 1,12,73,348

Narnala 1,10,38,422 1,05,85,174

Basim 18,25,250 18,25,250

Mahur 97,844 97,844

Pathri 1,15,80,954 1,02,85,943

Telingana 66,00,000 66,00,000

Mahkar 3,76,000 3,76,000

No suyūrghāl in remaining sarkārs

Total for the (4,43,92,518) (4,10,43,559)

ṣūba

GUJARAT

Page 30 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Ahmadabad 65,11,441 66,65,528

Patan 2,10,627 10,10,547

Nadaut 11,328 (11,328)

Baroda 3,88,358 3,88,358

Broach 1,41,820 1,41,520

Champaner 1,73,730 1,73,730

(p.34) 1,82,670 1,80,630

Surat

Godhra — —

Saurath — —

Total for the (76,19,974) (85,71,941) 4,20,274

ṣūba

AJMER

Ajmer 14,75,714 14,72,714

Chittor 3,60,737 3,60,737

Ranthambhor 1,81,834 74,499

Nagaur 3,08,051 2,58,915

No suyūrghāl in remaining sarkārs

Total for the (23,26,336) (21,66,865) 23,26,336

ṣūba

DELHI

Delhi 1,09,90,260 1,10,00,460

Badaun 4,57,181 4,57,181

Sambhal 28,92,394 28,92,093

Saharanpur 6,91,903 50,22,485

Rewari 7,39,268 7,38,968

Hissar Firuza 14,06,519 12,98,214

Sirhind 1,16,98,330 1,18,18,250

Kumaun — —

Page 31 of 37

Totals stated for Totals of figures for Total stated for

sarkārs parganas the ṣūba

Total for the (2,88,75,855) (3,32,27,651) 3,30,75,739

ṣūba

LAHORE

Bet Jalendhar 26,51,788 27,29,019

Doāb

Bari Doāb 39,23,922 39,17,888

Rachnao Doāb 26,84,134 26,48,216

Chanhat Doāb 5,11,070 5,11,070

Sindh Sagar (9)4,680e 94,680

Doāb

Bairun — —
Panjnad

Total for the (98,65,594) (99,00,873) 98,65,594

ṣūba

(p.35) MULTAN (excluding Thatta)

Multan 54,94,236 3,36,694

Dipalpur 20,79,170 21,58,168

Bhakkar 6,00,419 6,03,419

Total for the (81,73,825) (30,98,281) 30,59,948

ṣūba

THATTA No suyūrghāl

KASHMIR No suyūrghāl

KABUL

Kabul 1,37,178 (1,12,710)

(e) The figure in the MS is 4,680 dāms.

(p.36)

Notes:
(1) Akbarnāma, I, 9.

(2) Ā’ῑn, II, 257.

(3) Ibid., 255.

Page 32 of 37

(4) Ibid., 245–57. The conclusion is followed by a biography of the author’s father
together with a brief autobiography.

(5) See Bāyazῑd Bayāt’s statements as to how his memoirs came to be written
down for the use of Abū’l Faẓl, Tārῑkh-i Humāyūn-o-Akbar, ed., M. Hidayat
Hosain, Calcutta, 1941, 1–2.

(6) Ā’ῑn, II, 256.

(7) Ibid., 278.

(8) W.H. Moreland, Agrarian System of Moslem India, 81.

(9) The Arabic numerals used in Blochmann’s printed text of the Ā’ῑn, are not
justified by the texts of the MSS, which give all the figures in words.

(10) The Regnal or Ilāhῑ year began with the Nauroz (falling on 20 or 21 March)
every year. The 40th Regnal Year thus began on 9 Rajab 1003 or 20 March 1595
(Akbarnāma, III, 667).

(11) H. Beveridge’s introduction to his translation of the Akbarnāma, Vol.I,

Calcutta, 1897, 33; the MS cited is RAS 17.

(12) Ā’ῑn, II, 256.

(13) Ibid., I, 51.

(14) Akbarnāma, III, 494 & 748.

(15) Ā’ῑn, I, 168. It is significant that in the Akbarnāma Abū’l Faẓl denies to
Fatehpur Sikri the designation of Daru’l Khῑlāfa when Lahore was the capital
(Akbarnāma, III, 581); but he applies this designation to it as soon as Akbar left
Lahore (ibid., 722).

(16) Akbarnāma, III, 494.

(17) Ā’ῑn, I, 386.

(18) T̤abaqāt, III, 546. Apparently by mistake, the T̤abaqāt gives this figure not in
dāms but in tankas or double-dāms.

(19) Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, 399 and n.15 (rev. ed. 454 & n.15).

(20) Ā’ῑn, I, 222.

(21) See the explicit acknowledgement in the T̤abaqāt, II, 425.

(22) Cf. Irfan Habib, ‘The Manṣab System, 1595–1637’, PIHC, 1967, 243.

Page 33 of 37

(23) Akbarnāma, III, 671–2. cf. I. Habib, ‘Manṣab System’, 234.

(24) Ā’ῑn, I, 476. The fall of Asirgarh which may symbolize the final annexation of
the Khandesh kingdom took place in 45th R.Y. (1600–1). (Akbarnāma, III, pp.
780–1).

(25) Ā’ῑn, I, 455.

(26) Ibid., I, 145.

(27) Ibid., I, 148.

(28) Akbarnāma, III, 754.

(29) 2 vols., Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1867–77.

(30) I have consulted the British Library MSS, but have mostly worked with the
microfilms of the two MSS in the Department of History, Aligarh.

(31) See Chapter 4 of this book.

(32) Parganas are essentially territorial divisions; maḥals, revenue-units. All

parganas were maḥals; but the word maḥal was, in addition, applied to certain
specified sources of revenue, such as port or markets. Thus there might be a
pargana formed by a city and its environs; and, in addition, a maḥal-i sā’ir
comprising revenues from its markets. The word pargana is never applied to the
latter unit.

(33) Blochmann, in his printed text, replaced the tabular form of representation
by a continuous text, and in the process dropped the column headings. This
defect and some of the misinterpretations it led to were pointed out by Irfan
Habib, ‘Zamῑndārs in the Ā’ῑn-i Akbarῑ’, PIHC, 1958, 320–3.

(34) Besides short descriptions of forts (specifying whether these were of brick
or stone, for example), Abū’l Faẓl sometimes enters incidental remarks here,
referring, for example, to the geographical situation of a place (on a hill, or on a
river) or the existence of mines in the vicinity.

(35) W.H. Moreland, ‘The Agricultural Statistics of Akbar’s Empire’, JUPHS,

Vol.II, part I, 1919, 9.

(36) Add.7652, and Add.6552.

(37) Thus the Iqbālnāma-i Jahāngῑrῑ (Or. 1834, ff. 231b–232b) gives 41,91,07,870
dāms for Bengal and Orissa at Akbar’s death. This matches well with the
pargana total in the Ā’ῑn (43,07,94,875 dāms), the total of stated sarkār figures
(42,51,03,099 dāms) and the stated figure in the Ā’ῑn, less the jama‘ for the
Orissa sarkārs (42,77,26,681 dāms). Otherwise one would have to postulate an

Page 34 of 37

enormous decline in the jama‘ within ten years. Similarly, 25,43,70,461 dāms as
the jama‘ for Bengal would eliminate the impression of decline in the jama‘ in
Bengal between 1595–6 and 1632, as appears from the table in Irfan Habib,
Agrarian System, first ed., 400. The figure 42,77,26,681 dāms under Bengal
should be altered to 25,43,70,461 dāms; and the table on p. 328 of his book need
correction accordingly. (These corrections have been carried out in his revised
ed., 1999, 375, 456.)

(38) Irfan Habib, Agrarian System, p. 310 and n. (rev. ed., 355–56n).

(39) Akbarnāma, Bib. Ind. Text, 3 Vols., Calcutta, 1873–87. The translation by H.
Beveridge, Calcutta, 1897–1921, though painstaking, is not of much use for
interpretation of technical matters.

(40) W.H. Moreland, Agrarian System of Moslem India, 80–2.

(41) Br. Mus. Add. 27,247: The memorandum is reproduced on ff. 331b–332b.
The MS apparently represents an early draft of the Akbarnāma.

(42) Taz̤kira-i Humāyūn-o-Akbar, ed. M. Hidayat Hosain, Bib. Ind. Calcutta, 1941.

(43) Ed. B. De, Bib. Ind., 3 vols. (Vol.III revised and partly edited by M. Hidayat
Hosain), Calcutta, 1913–35.

(44) Ed. Aḥmad Ali and W.N. Lees, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1864–9.

(45) The Iqbālnāma-i Jahāngῑrῑ is in three volumes. Vol.I covers the reigns of
Bābur and Humāyūn, and II that of Akbar; Vol.III is devoted to that of Jahāngῑr.
The work was originally written in Jahāngῑr’s time, partly to supersede the
Akbarnāma by offering an account in more simple language and removing
references unfavourable to Jahangir. I have used the Nawal Kishore ed.,
lithographed, Lucknow, 1870, for Vols.I and II. Vol.III, also published in Bib. Ind.
Series, ed. Abdul Hai and Ahmad Ali, Calcutta, 1865, was written after
Jahāngῑr’s death, and is not of much use for our purpose.

(46) Abū’l Qāsim ‘Firishta’, Tārῑkh-i Firishta, ed. Nawal Kishore, Kanpur, 1874.
Firishta says that his information came from an official (?) paper which had
come into his possession. He himself was writing c.1606–7.

(47) See Br. Mus. MS. Or. 1834. This MS contains Vol.II of the Iqbālnāma and the
statistics in question occur at the end of the volume. So far as is known, this MS
is unique in reproducing them. Internal evidence (such as the inadvertent use of
the term tanka for dām) suggests that it is no late insertion, although the MS
itself was transcribed rather late, probably early in the nineteenth century.

Page 35 of 37

(48) The ‘Journal’ of Hawkins was published by Purchas in his Purchas his
Pilgrimes; it may be read in MacLehose’s edition of that work, Glasgow, 1905,
Vol.III, 1–50. W. Foster has published it with some annotation in his Early Travels
in India, 60–121. Pelsaert’s ‘Chronicle’, originally in Dutch, has been translated
by B. Narain and S.R. Sharma as A Contemporary Dutch Chronicle of Mughal
India, Calcutta, 1957 (printed in D.H.A. Kolff and H.W. van Santen, De
Geschriften van Francisco Pelsaert over Mughal India, 1627: Kroniek en
Remonstrantie ‘S-Gravenhage, 1979). Its language and Hijra dates proclaim its
dependence on a Persian original.

(49) Dutch text, ed. Kolkff and van Santen, op.cit., English translation, with
annotation, by W.H. Moreland and P. Geyl, Jahangir’s India, Cambridge, 1925.

(50) The Letters Received, 6 vols., London, 1896–1902, were edited by F.C.
Danvers (Vol.I) and W. Foster (Vols.II–VI); the six volumes cover the period 1602–
17. The 13 volumes of the English Factories were edited by Foster, 1906–27, and
cover the period 1618–69.

(51) The edition I have used is that of MacLehose, Glasgow, 1905. Many (but by
no means all) these travellers’ journals are included in W. Foster (ed.), Early
Travels in India (1583–1619), London, 1927.

(52) American Treasure and Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650, Cambridge

(Mass), 1934.

(53) L’economie de l’empire Portugais au XVe et XVIe Siecles, Paris, 1969.

(54) The two basic articles by Lane have been published by Brian Pullan in Crisis
and Change in Venetian Economy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,
London, 1968, 25–58. Braudel’s classic work is the Mediterranean and the
Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, 2 vols., London, 1972–3. The
eastern trade, with its statistics, is studied by Braudel in Vol.I, 542–70.

(55) Steensgaard’s work first appeared under the title Carracks, Caravans and
Companies, Copenhagen, 1973. I have however used the University of Chicago
Press edition, 1974, under the changed title.

(56) ‘The Silver Currency Output of the Mughal Empire and Prices in India
during the 16th and 17th centuries’, IESHR, VI (1969), pp.85–116; and ‘Mints of
the Mughal Empire: a Study in Comparative Currency Output’, Proc. I.H.C.,
Patiala Session (1968).

(57) IESHR, XIII (3), 393–401.

(58) Cf. S. Moosvi, ‘The Silver Influx, Money Supply, Prices and Revenue
Extraction in Mughal India’, JESHO, XXX (1987), pp.47–94.

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performances, and without merit when they had done what they
could.
Late in the evening they went to the seashore, and sitting upon
a bank of clean sand near their flag-staff, looked upon the sea from
which they had made so providential an escape, and to which they
expected once more to commit themselves. A light breeze had been
blowing from the west all day, yet light as it was it had been
sufficient to raise the waves, and make them roar and break with
ominous violence upon the shore. This action of the breeze revealed
to them another fact, that two or three miles to the seaward there
was a long and apparently endless chain of breakers extending north
and south, as far as the eye could reach. They could see the large
waves gather, and the white tops sparkle with foam. Here was
another cause for thankfulness. Had the present wind been blowing
on the day of their accident, they could not possibly have crossed
that foaming bar; they would have been kept at sea, and been to a
certainty lost in the sudden squall that arose that night.
But the sight of these breakers was also a source of disquiet, in
view of their intended voyage. It was evident, as they supposed,
that they could not sail with safety, when the wind was blowing with
any freshness, either on or off the shore, on account of the rough
swell, caused by the first, and of the danger of being carried out to
sea by the last. They conversed long and anxiously upon this new
feature in their case; and then, by general consent, kneeled together
upon the sands, in conscious helplessness, and implored Him who is
the Lord of the seas, to care for them and direct their steps.
When they left the beach, the light of day was fading into the
hues of night; and several faint stars peeped timidly from the yet
illuminated sky. Mary and Frank retired to their room soon after
dark. The larger boys sat for some time, conversing upon their
situation and prospects, when observing the sky to cloud rapidly
with the indications of a sudden change of weather, they went to the
landing, made their boat secure as possible, and then laid down to
rest.
The wind soon began to sigh in the branches of the huge oak
above them. Each puff became stronger than the one before it. They
could hear the roar of the distant surf, bursting angrily over the
sandy barrier, and thundering on the shore. It was the beginning of
a hurricane. The boys sprang from their pallets, and dressing
themselves hastily, seized the ax and hatchet, and drove the tent-
pins deeply into the ground. While thus engaged, Nanny and her
kids came up, and showed a strong disposition to take refuge in the
tent. The dogs also gave signs of uneasiness, following them around
with drooping tails, whining and shivering, as they looked with half
shut, winking eyes, in the direction of the wind. These signs of terror
in their dumb companions only made the boys work faster, and do
their work more securely. They did not content themselves with
driving down the tent-pins; they took the logs cut for firewood, and
laid them on the windward edges of the tent, to prevent the wind
from entering below and blowing the canvas from above their heads.
Had they the time they would have laid the sails of their boat, which
they had hastily unrigged, above the canvas of the tent; but ere they
could accomplish this, the wind burst upon them with the fury of a
tornado. The grand old tree quivered to its roots, and groaned in
every limb. The tent fluttered and tugged at the ropes with such
force that the deeply driven pins could scarcely hold it down. It was
fortunate that it had been pitched under the oak, for the long lower
branches, which at ordinary times almost swept the ground, were
strained downwards so far, that with their loads of moss, they
formed a valuable barrier against the wind.
There was little sleeping for the boys that night. Scarcely had
they entered the tent before the rain commenced. It came in heavy
drifts, and was carried with such force that, notwithstanding the
protection afforded by the oak, it insinuated itself through the close
threads of the canvas, and under the edges of the tent. Mary had
been awaked by the hammering, and Frank was now roused by the
dropping of water in his face. When Robert entered their room to
see how they fared, he discovered them seated on a trunk, wrapped
in their father's cloak, and sheltered by that very umbrella which
Frank had been provident enough to bring. They rolled up their
bedding and clothes, and protected as best they could whatever
seemed most in danger from the wet. They sat on boxes and trunks,
and wrapped themselves in cloaks and blankets; but it was in vain;
they could not guard themselves at the same time from the rain
above and the driven water from below. They sat cold and shivering
until three o'clock in the morning, when the rain ceased and the
wind abated. Then they made a fire; and just before day were
enabled, by lying on trunks and boxes, to indulge themselves in a
short uneasy sleep.
The clear sun shone over the main land before the wearied
company awoke. Harold was the first on his feet, and calling to
Robert, they hastened out to see what damage had been done. Mary
also joined them, followed by Frank; for having dressed themselves
during the night, they had no further toilet to make.
In every direction were to be seen traces of the storm; prostrate
trees, broken branches, the ground strewed with twigs, and the
thickets and vines loaded with packages of moss, torn from the taller
trees. The sea roared terribly, and thick dirty billows came rolling up
the river.
Harold was about to mend the fire for Mary, who said she
wanted to drink something hot, as the best means of warming her
chilled limbs, when Robert, glancing at the tremendous tide in the
river, called to her quickly--"Do not waste one drop of this water in
the bucket; there is only a quart left, and no one can tell when the
tide will be down enough for us to obtain more." He ran to the bluff,
and the others observed him make a gesture of surprise, look hastily
around, and finally leap down the bank. He was absent only two or
three minutes, and then returned with a pale face and hurrying step.
"Harold!" said he, scarcely able to articulate, "OUR BOAT IS
GONE! Burst from her moorings!"
At this terrible announcement, every face whitened, and there
was a general rush for the landing. It was even so. The boat was
nowhere to be seen. The stake which had confined it had also
disappeared. Far as the eye could reach nothing was visible but
water--water, with here and there a patch of mangrove, higher than
the rest, and bowing reluctantly to the rush of the waves. They
looked anxiously over the watery waste, and then into each other's
agitated faces. It was clear that their prospect of speedily returning
home was hopeless.
"But perhaps," said Mary, who was the first to recover speech,
"it is not lost. It may have only drifted up the river; or it may have
sunk at the landing."
Robert mournfully looked, where he had already looked more
than once, and said, "Well, we can try. But what is the use?
something has been against us ever since we left home. Harold,
shall we search the river?"
Harold seemed lost in thought. His keen eye had glanced in
every direction, where it was possible the boat could have been
driven; then lessening in its fire, it gave evidence of deep
abstraction. Robert's question recalled him, and he slowly answered,
"Yes; but it is my opinion we shall not find it. You know I have all
along had the idea that we ought not to leave this island. It has
seemed to me, ever since the fish let go our anchor, that the hand of
God was in this accident, and that we are not yet at the end of it. I
am troubled, like the rest of you; but I have also been questioning
whether it is meant for our harm or for our good. I do not think it is
for harm, or we might have been left to perish at sea; and if it is for
good, I think we ought to submit with cheerfulness."
They conversed awhile upon the bluff, in view of the dismal
waters, then slowly turned towards the tent, which was now the only
place on earth they could call their home.

CHAPTER XVI

A SAD BREAKFAST--SAGACITY OF DOGS--SEARCH FOR THE BOAT--EXCITING

ADVENTURE--A PRETTY PET--UNEXPECTED INTELLIGENCE
Once more the young people assembled in their tent; once more
they read the Scriptures, and knelt together in prayer. Their tones
were humble and subdued. They felt more deeply than ever their
dependence upon an arm that is stronger and farther reaching than
man's.
Their simple meal was soon ready, consisting of the most
tempting bits that Mary could select, as an enticement to their
reluctant appetites. They sat down, and endeavoured to appear
cheerful, but little was said, and less was eaten. Harold's face was
towards the marsh. Robert observed him fix his eye steadily upon a
distant point of land, where the opposite bluff of the river terminated
on the sea. He looked as if he saw something unusual, but after a
scrutinizing gaze of half a minute, turned away his eye, and relapsed
into thought.
"Did you observe anything across the marsh?" inquired Robert,
willing to relieve the silence.
"I thought I saw a little curl of smoke upon the point," he
returned; "but now suppose it was the steam from the bluff, drawn
up by the sun.
"Robert," he continued, "it is possible after all that we may find
our boat. If not sunk at the landing, it is certainly somewhere up the
river, in the direction of the wind. The tide has not yet begun to ebb.
If it has lodged in the marsh, we can best see it while the water is
high, and if it has not lodged, it may float back with the tide.
Suppose we set off at once to search."
Mary's reluctance to be left alone yielded to the necessity of the
case, and begging them to be careful of themselves, and to return
as soon as possible, she assumed a cheerful air, and tried to prepare
them for their departure.
The boys promised to return by midday, unless delayed by
finding the boat; and taking their guns and hatchet, together with a
luncheon in case of delay, they set out, accompanied by Mum. Ere
proceeding more than a few steps, however, Robert stopped to say,
"Harold, we shall not need the dogs. Let us leave them for
protectors to Mary and Frank. True, there is no danger; but they will
feel safer for having them at hand. Frank, bring me Mum's chain.
Here, Mum! Here, Mum!"
Mum came rather reluctantly; for dog though he was, he
appeared to apprehend the state of the case. Mary observing this,
exclaimed, "Cousin, I do believe that Mum understands what brother
says. Only see how disappointed he looks!"
"O, yes," returned Harold; "dogs understand more than most
people suspect. He probably heard Robert use the word 'chain'; and
he has heard it often enough to know what it means. But they
gather more from the eye and tone than from words. Mum, poor
fellow, I am sorry to leave you; for I know you love hunting better
than staying at home. But you know nothing of hunting boats, Mum;
so we want you to stay and help Fidelle to guard your young
mistress and master against the squirrels and opossums. If any of
them come you must bite them well; do you hear, Mum?"
The poor dog wagged his short tail mournfully, as much as to
say he would do his best; but at the same time cast a wistful look at
the guns. With a charge to Mary not to let Mum loose without
necessity, and to Frank not to approach the bluff except in the
company of his sister, the boys were once more on the move, when
Mary inquired, "But what shall we do if we see the boat coming
down the river, or if we need you for any other reason?"
"True, true," said Robert; "I am glad you suggested it. We will
load William's gun for you, and you must fire it for your signal. We
shall probably be within hearing."
Robert well knew that Mary was able to do what he proposed,
for her father had made it a part of his duty to instruct her, or cause
her to be instructed, in every art necessary to preserve and enjoy
life. For this purpose she had learned how to load and use the
several varieties of firearms--to manage a horse in harness and
under the saddle--and even to swim. Compared with most other girls
she was qualified to be quite a heroine.
With many adieus and kind wishes from both sides, the boys
finally set off. They struck directly through the woods for their old
fishing point, at the junction of the creek with the river. Standing on
the most commanding part of the bluff, they looked in every
direction, but no sign of the boat appeared. Then they turned their
steps to the southeast, following, as closely as they could, the bank
of the creek, though compelled oftentimes to make large circuits in
order to avoid the short creeks and bay-galls that set in from the
marsh. These bay-galls are wet spongy bottoms, shaded with loblolly
bays, and tangled with briers, and the edges are usually fringed with
the gall-berry bush--a shrub closely resembling the whortleberry,
and bearing a black fruit of the same size, but nauseously bitter.
Compelled to make great circuits around these miry bottoms, and
interrupted by a close growth of vines and trees, the boys advanced
scarcely a mile and a half to the hour. They left not a foot of the
shore unexplored; still no vestige of the boat appeared.
About eleven o'clock they approached the tongue of land on
which they had discovered the orange trees, and where they
proposed to quench their thirst with the pleasant acid of the fruit,
and afterwards to return to the tent. They had just headed a short
bay-gall, and were enjoying the first glimpses of the south river,
when they were startled by a trampling in the bushes before them;
and a herd of six deer rushed past and disappeared in the dark
bottom. Soon after a half grown fawn, white as milk, and bleating
piteously, was seen staggering through the bushes, having a large
wildcat seated upon its shoulders, and tearing furiously at its neck.
Robert's gun had been levelled, when the herd appeared, but they
passed too quickly for a shot; he was therefore all ready when the
fawn approached, and aiming not at it, but at the fierce creature
upon its back, both animals rolled together upon the ground. He
would have rushed immediately upon them, had he not been
restrained by the grasp of Harold.
"Not yet!" said he, "not yet! keep your other barrel ready, a
wildcat is hard to kill, and will fight until he begins to gasp."
It was fortunate for Robert that he was thus arrested, for the
cat was only wounded, and soon recovered sufficiently to limp away.
"Now give him your second barrel, Robert; give it to him in his
shoulder." Before he could do so, however, the cat slipped into the
hollow of a neighbouring tree.
"He is safe now," said Harold; "we can kill him at our leisure.
But keep your eye on the hole, and be ready to shoot, while I attend
to this fawn."
When Harold took hold of the beautiful little creature, he
discovered that the wounds were very slight. The ball had
penetrated the back of the head and stunned it, without touching
any vital part, and it was beginning to recover; the wounds made by
the wildcat were only skin deep, and could easily be healed.
"Shall I bleed it for venison?" asked Harold, "or save it as a pet
for Mary and Frank?"
"O, save it by all means," replied Robert, whose sympathies had
been from the first excited by the piteous, childlike tones of the
fawn. "Save it for sister, and let us make haste to finish this beast."
"Then lend me your handkerchief," said Harold; "mine alone is
not sufficient for both collar and cord."
Robert approached him for the purpose, when he observed the
cat creep slyly from his hole, and hobble away with all haste. "Quick,
Harold," cried Robert, tossing him the handkerchief, "tie the fawn,
and follow me," then dashed through the bushes in pursuit.
"Take care, you may get too near," Harold shouted; but Robert
was already lost to sight behind the underwood. By the time the
fawn was secured, Harold heard him hallooing about one hundred
paces away, and going rapidly in that direction, saw him watching
the convulsive throes of the wild creature as it lay gasping on the
ground.
Harold looked on and pleasantly remarked, "You will soon get
your name up for a hunter, if you keep improving at this rate. That is
a splendid cat! What claws and teeth! Let us see how long he is."
Putting his hands together at the thumbs, and spreading them out to
span a foot, he ascertained that it measured two feet nine inches
from the nose to the root of the short tail; and that, standing with its
head erect, it must have been fully two and a half feet high. Its
teeth and nails were savage looking things.
"I am glad he did not fasten those ugly looking things in my
leg," said Robert; "but I was so excited by the pursuit, that I rushed
at one time almost upon him. He had stopped behind a bush; all at
once he sprang at me with a growl, showing his white teeth,
bristling his hair, and glaring at me with his large fierce eyes. He
dodged behind another bush, and when I next saw him he was
gasping and convulsed as when you came up."
"It would have been a desperate fight, if he had seized you,"
remarked Harold; "you would have borne the marks to the end of
your life."
Returning to the fawn, which struggled violently on their
approach, they soon succeeded in allaying its terror by gentle tones
and kind treatment. It yielded passively to its fate, and consented to
be led wherever they chose.
The oranges were delicious after their long walk, and now
excessive thirst. A few minutes served to rest their weary limbs, and
they had just begun to discuss the propriety of returning to the tent,
when the fawn pricked up its ears with the signs of renewed alarm,
a neighbouring bush was agitated, and ere they could fully grasp
their guns and spring to their feet, Mum came dashing up at full
speed.
The boys were much surprised, and were afraid some accident
had happened. Mum, however, showed no signs of anything wrong;
he came up wagging his cropped tail, and looking exceedingly
pleased. He cast a hungry look at the fawn, as though his mouth
watered for a taste, but he offered no interference. On close
inspection, Harold observed a string tied round his neck, to which
was fastened a little roll of paper. He hastily took it off, and calling to
Robert, they read these lines in pencil:
"Come home quickly. I see some one across the river; he is
waving a flag. Mary."

CHAPTER XVII

MARY AND FRANK--EXAMINATION OF THE TENT--SMOKE SIGNALS--DEVICES--

BRUTE MESSENGER--RAPT--BLAZING THE TREES--VOYAGE--DISASTROUS
EXPEDITION--NEWS FROM HOME--RETURN TO THE TENT

When Robert and Harold left the tent that morning, to look for the
lost boat, Mary and Frank watched with anxious eyes their retiring
forms. It was painful to be left alone in that vast solitude. But the
act was necessary, and Mary resolved to bear it with cheerfulness. In
order therefore to withdraw their minds from their situation, she
proposed to Frank to join her in exposing to the sun those articles in
the tent which had been wet by the rain.
Among these was a bundle of William's. "Poor William!" said
Frank, "I wonder what became of him. Don't you think, sister, he
was drowned?"
"I do not know, buddy," she answered with a sigh; "though I
presume not. William was a good swimmer, and near shore. O, I do
wish we could hear from our dear father, and he could hear from us!
See here, Frank." She pointed to a valise-trunk. "This is father's, it
contains his razors, and all the little things that he uses every day. I
wish I could open it, and air everything for him; both top and
bottom seem to be wet."
She tried the various keys in her bunch, and to her delight
found one that fitted the lock. Some of its contents were quite
damp, and no doubt they were saved from serious injury by her
affectionate care. In it she spied a morocco case, which proved quite
useful in the end; it was a case of choice medicines. Mary was
careful to disturb nothing, except so far as was needful for its
preservation; for, though her father had no concealments that she
knew of, this was his private property, and she held its privacy
sacred. After drying everything in it, they were replaced as before.
This work had occupied them about two hours, when Frank,
whose eyes were continually directed towards the sea, with a
lingering hope that he might see his father sailing after them,
exclaimed, "Sister, is not that a smoke across the river?"
From the bluff where, three miles distant, the opposite bank of
the river overhung the sea, a bluish vapour was curling upward. It
was evidently a smoke. Mary gazed at it with feelings both of hope
and distrust. Who made it? What did it mean? She ran for the spy
glass, drew it to its focus, steadied her trembling hands against a
tree, directed it towards the point, and almost instantly exclaimed,
"Some person is there. I can see a signal flying, like a handkerchief
tied to a pole. But who can it be? If it is one of our people, why does
he not come over? O Frank, how I wish brother and cousin Harold
were here."
"Let us fire off the gun, sister," Frank replied, "that will bring
them back."
They took the gun, loaded by Robert for the purpose, and fired
it repeatedly. Mary then took another peep through the glass, and
cried out--"He sees us, Frank, whoever it is; he is waving his flag. He
must have heard our guns, or seen their smoke. I wonder I cannot
see him. O, yes, there he is, lying on the ground, or half lying. Now
he has put down the flag, and I can see him dragging himself along
the ground by one arm. What can it mean? O, when will brother
Robert and cousin Harold come back!"
Mary's impatience made the time seem very long. She employed
herself in every way that she could devise for an hour, and then,
turning to Frank with a bright look, clapped her hands joyfully, and
said, "I have it! I'll bring them back! I mean to send a runner after
them. I can do it--O, yes, I can do it!"
Frank looked troubled. "How can you?" he inquired. "I am the
only one you have; and I am sure I cannot find the way any more
than you can."
"No, not you, nor myself," she said; "but one that I know can
find them, and can take a note to them too." She opened her trunk,
took out a piece of paper, pencilled upon it the note recorded in the
last chapter, tied it tightly with a string, which she fastened around
Mum's neck, and said, "Here is my messenger! He will find them, I
warrant." Then loosening the chain, she said, "Hie on, Mum! hie on!"
Mum looked at her inquisitively, and was evidently in doubt
what to make of her command. She called him to the track of the
boys, pointed to it, followed it for a few steps, and encouraged him
to proceed, when the intelligent brute took the meaning, and with a
whine of joy sprang away at a rapid trot.
The boys reached the tent about one o'clock, leading the fawn
by the two handkerchiefs. They had been strongly tempted more
than once to leave it behind, tied to a bush, or to free it entirely, as
it somewhat retarded their movements; but having already taught it
the art of following, it came after them with rapid strides, and for
the latter half of their journey they had not to pull it in the least.
Mary and Frank heard their distant halloo, and ran to meet them.
They were delighted with the new pet, and spent a moment in
patting its snowy sides; but the interest excited by the person across
the river absorbed every other consideration. As soon as Harold saw
the smoke still faintly rising, he said, "I saw that smoke this
morning. It was so faint I could scarcely discern it darken the sky,
and took it for mist. That person has been there all night."
Robert had by this time adjusted the glass, and each looked in
turn. They could see nothing more than a little smoke. Mary
described the position in which she saw the person lying, and
dragging himself along, after the guns were fired. "Then," said
Harold, "I will let off another gun; and do you, Robert, place yourself
so that you can see whether he notices it."
Robert laid himself flat on the sand, rested the glass upon a log
of wood, that both he and it might be steady, and said, "Now fire!"
About a quarter of a minute after the discharge he exclaimed, "I see
him! He is lying upon the sand beneath the shade of a cedar. I see
him move. He rests on one arm, as though he were sick or hurt.
Now he drags himself as you describe, sister. There is his flag flying
again. He uses only one arm. The other hangs down uselessly by his
side. Who can it be? I wish he was in the sunshine, for then I could
see his complexion. But I am sure it is not a white man."
"O, it is Riley!" said Frank. "I know it is Riley come after us. Now
we can go home again."
Harold took the glass and used it as Robert had done. The
person had by this time put down the flag, and was reclining
languidly against some support behind him. Harold saw him grasp
his left arm with his right hand, move it gently, and lie back as
before. "That person is badly hurt," he remarked. "Instead of helping
us, he wants us to help him. It must be some one who was cast
away in the storm last night. Oh, for our boat! Robert, we must go
over and help him. We can make a raft. It is not three miles across.
We have the oars and paddle of our boat, and we can surely make
that distance and back this evening, by hard work. Let us see if
there is not timber enough near at hand for a raft."
They looked at a fallen tree not far distant, and wished it were
only near the river bank. "But what do I say?" said Robert. "The
palmetto, which I felled for the cabbage, is sixty or seventy feet
long, straight as an arrow, and what is better, just at the river side."
Off they went with ax, hatchet, and nails. Mary called after
them to say, that if they would show her the way, she and Frank
would follow them with something to eat.
"Do, cousin, if you please," said Harold. "I, for one, am hungry
enough. We will blaze a path for you as we pass along. Do follow us
soon."
"Do you mean that you will chop the trees as you pass?"
"Yes, yes. We will chop them so as to show the white wood
beneath the bark. That is called a blaze. You cannot mistake your
way."
The work of blazing the path scarcely detained them at all; an
experienced woodsman can do it with a single blow of his ax as he
moves, without stopping. Many of the trees were cut so as to show
little more than the mark of the hatchet. Coming to the fallen
palmetto, the boys cut it into four lengths, one of twenty, two of
seventeen, and the remainder of ten feet long. It was easy work;
the palmetto is a soft wood, and every blow of the ax, after going
beneath the hard surface, made a deep cut. Then with the aid of
levers, they rolled the logs to the water's edge; they pinned them
together, sharpened the bow for a cutwater, and fastened some
cross pieces on top for seats, and as receptacles for the thowl pins.
While thus engaged, Mary and Frank, guided by the blazed
trees, and attracted by the sound of the ax, came with a basket full
of provision, and setting it before them, remarked, "I am sorry we
have no water yet to offer you, but here are some of the oranges we
brought the other day."
It is almost incredible what a deal of work can be accomplished
in a limited time, where a person works with real vigour and good
will. The boys were themselves astonished to find that shortly after
three o'clock they were seated on their raft, with Mary and Frank
aboard, rowing rapidly towards the landing at the tent. A glance now
at the spring showed that they could supply themselves with water,
and while Harold scooped out a basin, and dammed it against the
occasional overflow of a wave, Robert went with Mary and Frank to
the tent, from which he brought down the guns, a jug for water, the
spy-glass, and the morocco medicine case, of which Mary had told
him, and which he supposed might be needed by the sick person.
Once more Robert and Harold embarked, leaving the younger
ones on the shore. "Do not be alarmed," said they, seeing the tears
start into Mary's eyes at the prospect of another separation. "Make a
good fire on shore, and put your trust in God. We will try to return
before dark; and we hope to bring you good news from home. If the
person yonder is a messenger from Tampa, we will let you know by
firing two guns; look out, and listen for them about five minutes
after you see us land." With a silent prayer to God from each party
for safety and success, the voyagers waved adieu to the others, and
were soon moving through the water at the rate of more than two
miles the hour.
However earnest they were to relieve the person apparently in
distress, the boys did not approach the opposite shore without
caution. They knew themselves to be in the land of savages, who
were exceedingly ingenious and patient in their schemes of violence.
Each took in turn the glass, when relieved by the other in rowing,
and directed it upon the point to which they were going.
Approaching within a quarter of a mile of shore, they rested upon
their oars, and deliberately surveyed both the person and the place.
They could distinctly see him reclining against the cedar, and
beckoning with his right hand.
"Harold," said Robert, "that is a negro, and I do believe it is
Sam, the carpenter. O poor fellow! how badly hurt he appears to be.
I wonder what can be the matter!"
They pulled along very fast, and when within a hundred yards of
shore stopped and looked again. "It is Sam," said Robert. "All's right!
Let us push on now!"
Running the raft ashore, and making it fast to their ax, sunk in
the sand for a stake, they hurried up the bluff. There indeed lay
Sam, badly hurt and unable to move. They ran to him, and were
about to throw their arms around him, when he beckoned them off
imploringly, and said, "Stop! stop! for marcy sake don't shake me
hard. Huddie[#] Mas Robbut! Huddie Mas Harrol! Bless de Lord to
see you once mo'e!" the tears streaming down the poor fellow's
face.

[#] Howdye.

"Dear old Sam!" said the boys, "we are so glad to see you. But what
is the matter?"
"O, I am kill!" he replied; "my arm and leg bote got broke las'
night. You got any water?"
"Plenty--plenty. We brought it for you," and they both ran for
the jug, but Harold was foremost, and Robert returned.
"Mas Robbut," Sam asked, "wey de children?"
"We left them at the tent yonder. They were the first to see you;
and they fired the guns that you heard."
"Bless dey young soul," he said, "I do lub 'em."
"But how is father?"
"Berry well--berry well--O Lord my leg!--'sept he in mighty
trouble 'bout you all."
"Here is the water, Sam," said Harold returning, "let me hold the
jug while you drink. There, don't take too much at first--it may hurt
you. How is uncle?"
Sam told him. While they were conversing, Robert ran to the
raft, brought from it his gun, went to the most conspicuous part of
the bluff, and waving first a white handkerchief, until he received an
answering signal from Mary and Frank, fired the two barrels at the
interval of several seconds.
"Please mossa, let me hab some mo'e water?" Sam asked; then
taking a hearty draught, he said, "Bless de Lord for dis nice cool
water! It is so good!"
They inquired of him the nature and occasion of his accident. "It
was de boat las' night--Riley's boat," said he. "It kill him and cripple
me. We come to look for you all. De win' blow and de sea rise; and
me and Riley went to draw the boat higher on sho', w'en a big wave
lif' de boat and pitch it right into Riley's breast. It kill him I s'pose--I
nebber see him no mo'e. W'en I come to my senses, I bin lie right
on de beach, wi' my arm and leg broke, and de water dashin' ober
me. I drag myself up here las' night, by my well arm and leg; but if
it hadn't bin for de win' I nebber bin git here at all--it lif' me up like a
fedder."
"That is talking enough for this time, Sam," said Robert; "you
are too sick and weak, and we have no time to spare. Let us carry
you to our tent, and there you may talk as much as you will. Is there
anything we can do for you before we move?"
"Only to give me a little mo'e water." He had already drunk a
quart. He also pointed them to a certain spot, where they found
Riley's rifle and its equipments, together with an ax and several
gourds. These were transferred to the raft; and Harold said, "Come,
Sam, tell us how we can help you. The sun is fast going down, and
we have a long way to go. Mary and Frank don't wish to be left in
the dark, and are no doubt looking for us to start."
"De childun! Bless 'em!" said Sam. "I do want to see dey sweet
face once mo 'e. But I 'fraid it will kill me to move. See how my arm
and leg swell a'ready."
After much demurring, Sam consented to attempt the removal;
and though he groaned and shuddered at the thought, it was
effected with far less pain than he expected. They spread his blanket
beside him, helped him into the middle of it, lapped and pinned its
edges over a strong pole with splinters of cedar, and taking each an
end of the pole, lifted him gently from the ground, and bore him at
full length to the raft, where they had previously prepared a couch
of moss.
The sun sunk into the waters ere they had gone half a mile; but
the boys pulled with a hearty good will, and moreover with the
advantage of a little wind in their favour. It was dark when they
landed, or rather, dark as it could be with a bright moon nearly at
the full. Robert took occasion while at the helm to re-load his two
barrels with powder, and repeat the signal agreed upon. As the
darkness deepened they could see afar off the figures of Mary and
Frank standing upon the beach, before a fire which they had made
as a guide to the voyagers, and listening apparently to every thump
of the oars. Long before words could be distinguished, Frank's clear
voice rang over the waters in a tone of inquiry. The two boys united
their voices at a high musical pitch, and sung out, "Sam! Sam!"
repeating it at intervals until they perceived from the tones of the
children on shore that the name had been heard. Presently Frank's
voice shouted shrilly, "Howdy, Sam?" Poor Sam tried to answer, but
his voice was too weak. Robert and Harold answered for him. Mary
would have called out too; but the truth is she was crying for joy,
and was not able to utter a word.

CHAPTER XVIII

NIGHT LANDING--CARRYING A WOUNDED PERSON--SETTING ONE'S OWN LIMBS

WHEN BROKEN--SPLINTING A LIMB--REST TO THE WEARY

It was a picturesque scene as the raft drew near shore. The soft
moonlight upon the bluff--the faint sparkle of the briny water broken
by the oars--the lurid light from the resinous fire--the dark shadows
and excited movements of Mary and Frank--formed altogether a
group worthy of a painter's skill.
Frank could scarcely be restrained from rushing through the
water to welcome the new comer; but when he heard how weak he
was, and in what bad condition, he waited in quietness. Harold took
him in his arms, and Robert made a stepping place for Mary with the
oars, and they both shook hands with the poor fellow, and told him
how sorry they were to see him so badly hurt.
Leaving Harold and Frank at the raft, Robert and Mary hastened
to the tent to prepare a place for the invalid, that he need not be
disturbed after being once removed. They lit a candle, piled the
trunks in a corner of the room, and taking most of the moss that
constituted their beds, laid it in another corner, remarking, "We can
easily obtain more; or we can even sleep on the ground tonight, if
necessary, for his sake."
"I wish we had an old door, or even a plank long enough for him
to lie upon, as we bring him from the raft," said Robert, "it would be
so much easier to his broken bones, if they could be kept straight.
But the blanket is next best, and with that we must be content."
By the time the transfer was completed, the boys were
exceedingly weary, having been disturbed all the preceding night,
and engaged in vigorous and incessant effort ever since they arose
from their short sleep. They sat for half an hour revelling in the
luxury of rest. Sam appeared to suffer so much and to be so weak,
that they discouraged him from talking, and took their own seats
outside the tent, that he might be able to sleep.
"What have you done with the fawn, sister?" inquired Robert,
willing to divert their minds from the painful thoughts that were
beginning to follow the excitement of hearing from home.
"O, we fed it with sassafras leaves and grass," said she, "and
gave it water. After that we sewed the torn skin to its place upon the
neck, and it appears to be doing very well."
"You are quite a surgeon, cousin Mary," Harold remarked. "I
think we shall have to call you our 'Sister of Mercy.' If, however, our
handkerchiefs are still tied to it, I will suggest that it may be best for
it, as well as for us, that you make a soft pad for its neck, and put
on the dog's collar."
"We have done that already," she replied. "I thought of it as
soon as we returned to the tent and saw the dog's chain. But as for
my being a surgeon, it requires very little skill to know that the
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