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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Russian Memories
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
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you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Russian Memories

Author: Olga Alekseevna Novikova

Author of introduction, etc.: Stephen Graham

Release date: April 8, 2017 [eBook #54507]

Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Al Haines

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RUSSIAN

MEMORIES ***
The Empress of Russia and Queen Alexandra
 RUSSIAN MEMORIES
BY

MADAME OLGA NOVIKOFF

"O.K."

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
STEPHEN GRAHAM

AND FIFTEEN
ILLUSTRATIONS

HERBERT JENKINS LIMITED

12 ARUNDEL PLACE HAYMARKET
LONDON S.W. MCMXVII

WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTD., PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND

 INTRODUCTION

BY STEPHEN GRAHAM

It is perhaps a little superfluous for one of my years to write an

introduction for one so well known and so much esteemed and admired as
Madame Novikoff. And yet it may seem just, if it does not seem vain, that a
full-hearted tribute should come to her from this generation which profits by
the result of her life and her work—the great new friendship between
England and Russia.

She is one of the most interesting women in European diplomatic circles.

She is a picturesque personality, but more than that she is one who has really
done a great deal in her life. You cannot say of her, as of so many brilliant
women, "She was born, she was admired, she passed!" Destiny used her to
accomplish great ends.

For many in our society life, she stood for Russia, was Russia. For the
poor people of England Russia was represented by the filth of the Ghetto and
the crimes of the so-called "political" refugees; for the middle classes who
read Seton Merriman, Russia was a fantastic country of revolutionaries and
bloodthirsty police; but fortunately the ruling and upper classes always have
had some better vision, they have had the means of travel, they have seen
real representative Russians in their midst. "They are barbarians, these
Russians!" says someone to his friend. But the friend turns a deaf ear. "I
happen to know one of them," says he.

A beautiful and clever woman always charms, whatever her nationality

may be, and it is possible for her to make conquests that predicate nothing of
the nation to which she belongs. That is true, and therein lay the true grace
and genius of Madame Novikoff. She was not merely a clever and charming
woman, she was Russia herself. Russia lent her charm. Thus her friends
were drawn from serious and vital England.

Gladstone learned from her what Russia was. The great Liberal, the man
who, whatever his virtues, and despite his high religious fervour, yet
committed Liberalism to anti-clericalism and secularism, learned from her to
pronounce the phrase, "Holy Russia." He esteemed her. With his whole
spiritual nature he exalted her. She was his Beatrice, and to her more than to
anyone in his life he brought flowers. Morley has somehow omitted this in
his biography of Gladstone. Like so many intellectual Radicals he is afraid
of idealism. But in truth the key to the more beautiful side of Gladstone's
character might have been found in his relationship to Madame Novikoff.
And possibly that friendship laid the real foundation of the understanding
between the two nations.

Incidentally let me remark the growing friendliness towards Russia which

is noticeable in the work of Carlyle at that time. A tendency towards
friendship came thus into the air far back in the Victorian era.

Another most intimate friendship was that of Kinglake and Madame

Novikoff, where again was real appreciation of a fine woman. Anthony
Froude worshipped at the same shrine, and W. T. Stead with many another in
whose heart and hand was the making of modern England.

A marvellously generous and unselfish nature, incapacity to be dull or

feel dull or think that life is dull—a delicious sense of the humorous, an
ingenious mind, a courtliness, and with all this something of the goddess.
She had a presence into which people came. And then she had a visible
Russian soul. There was in her features that unfamiliar gleam which we are
all pursuing now, through opera, literature and art—the Russian genius.

Madame Novikoff was useful to Russia, it has been reproachfully said.

Yes, she was useful in promoting peace between the two Empires, she was
worth an army in the field to Russia. Yes, and now it may be said she has
been worth an army in the field to us.

When Stead went down on the Titanic one of the last of the great men
who worshipped at her shrine had died. Be it remarked how great was
Stead's faith in Russia, and especially in the Russia of the Tsar and the
Church. And it is well to remember that Madame Novikoff belongs to
orthodox Russia and has never had any sympathy whatever with
revolutionary Russia. This has obtained for her not a few enemies. There are
many Russians with strong political views, estimable but misguided men,
who have issued in the past such harmful rubbish as Darkest Russia, journals
and pamphlets wherein systematically everything to the discredit of the Tsar
and his Government, every ugly scandal or enigmatical happening in
Russian contemporary life was written up and then sent post free to our
clergy, etc. To them Madame Novikoff is naturally distasteful. But as
English people we ask, who has helped us to understand "Brightest
Russia"—the Russia in arms to-day? And the praise and the thanks are to
her.

STEPHEN GRAHAM.

Moscow,
27th August, 1916.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

The late W. T. Stead in saying to Madame Novikoff, "When you die, what
an obituary I will write of you," was paying her a great compliment; just as
was Disraeli, although unconsciously, in referring to her as "the M.P. for
Russia in England." With that consummate tact which never fails her,
Madame Novikoff has evaded the compliment and justified the sarcasm.
Disraeli might with justice have added that she was also "M.P. for England
in Russia"; for if she has appeared pro-Russian in England, she has many
times been reproached in Russia as pro-English.

Of few women have such contradictory things been said and written,
things that clearly show the gradual change in the political barometer; but
her most severe critics indirectly paid tribute to her remarkable personality
by fearing the influence she possessed. In the dark days when Great Britain
and Russia were thinking of each other only as potential antagonists, she was
regarded in this country as a Russian agent, whose every action was a
subject for suspicious speculation, a national danger, a syren whose object it
was to entice British politicians from their allegiance. Wherever she went it
was, according to public opinion, with some fell purpose in view. If she
came to London for the simple purpose of improving her English, it meant to
a certain section of the Press Russian "diplomatic activity." The Tsar was
told by an English journalist that he ought to "be very proud of her," as she
succeeded where "Russian papers, Ambassadors and Envoys failed"; another
said that she was "worth an army of 100,000 men to her country"; a third
that she was a "stormy petrel." She was, in fact, everything from a Russian
agent to a national danger, everything in short but the one thing she
professed to be, a Russian woman anxious for her country's peace and
progress.

In Serbia there is a little village whose name commemorates the death of

a Russian hero, Nicolas Kiréef, Madame Novikoff's brother. In his death lay
the seed of the Anglo-Russian Alliance. Distraught with grief, Madame
Novikoff blamed Great Britain for her loss. She argued that, had this country
refused to countenance the unspeakableness of the Turk in 1876, there would
have been no atrocities, no Russian Volunteers, and no war. From that date
she determined to do everything that lay in her power to bring about a better
understanding between Great Britain and Russia. For years she has never
relaxed her efforts, and she has lived to see what is perhaps the greatest
monument ever erected by a sister to a brother's memory—the Anglo-
Russian Alliance.

Nothing discouraged her, and at times, when war seemed inevitable, she
redoubled her efforts. In all her work, she had chiefly to depend on her own
ardour and sincerity. It was this sincerity, and a deep conviction as to the
rightness of her object, that caused Gladstone to become her fearless ally.
Politically he compromised himself by his frank support of her pleadings for
peace and understanding.

For many years feeling ran too high in this country for a reasoned
consideration of Madame Novikoff's appeals. "Peace with honour" talk
became a meaningless catch phrase, otherwise it would have been seen that
it was "peace with honour" that she advocated, and has never ceased to
advocate, peace with honour, not to one, but to two great peoples.

Slowly the eyes of empire shifted from one continent to another, and
gradually Madame Novikoff found her voice commanding more and more
attention, until at last the Anglo-Russian Agreement paved the way for the
present Alliance.
 Her success is largely due to the methods she adopted. She gave and
received hard knocks, and she never fell back upon her sex as an argument
or a defence. She was fighting with men, and she fought with men's
weapons, and this gained for her respect as an honourable and worthy
antagonist. Even at the time when feeling was most strongly against her
work, there appeared in the newspapers many spontaneous tributes to her
ability and personality. The very suspicion with which she was regarded was
in itself a tribute.

Later when Russia and Great Britain had drawn closer together, there
appeared in the Press some of the most remarkable tributes ever paid to a
woman, from which in justice to her and the Press I venture to quote a few
of the many that appeared.

"If we were writing at a date which we hope is a good many years distant
of the career of Madame Olga Novikoff, we should begin by saying that she
was one of the most remarkable women of her time."—Daily Graphic.

"Whatever the reader's political predilections may be, he is unlikely to

dispute the claim of Madame Novikoff to rank as one of the most
remarkable women of her generation."—Daily Telegraph.

"No one will deny the right of Madame Novikoff to a record in history: ...
For nearly ten years her influence was probably greater than any other
woman's upon the course of national politics."—Daily News.

Madame Novikoff, "who for so many years held a social and political
position in London which few women, and no ambassador, have ever
equalled."—Observer.

"From beginning to end Madame Novikoff's record is clear and

honourable. There is not the slightest evidence of any intrigue on her part, of
any effort to use the statesman she influenced for underhand purposes, or to
work for or against any particular individual in her own country."—
Westminster Gazette.

"It is seldom that anyone sees such a fruition of his labours as does this
marvellous lady, who has worked all her life for one thing and almost one
thing only—an Anglo-Russian understanding."—Daily Mail.

And now in the autumn of her life (it is impossible to associate the word
winter with so vital a personality) Madame Novikoff has seen her years of
work crowned with success. To-day she is as keen in regard to public affairs,
especially where her beloved Russia is concerned, as she was in the days
when her life was one continuous fight with the war-spirit. In the preparation
of these Memories I have seen something of her application, her industry
and her personality. In the past I have often asked myself what was the secret
of Madame Novikoff's remarkable success. But now I know. Time after time
when we have seen things from a different angle, I have found myself
accepting her point of view before I was even conscious of weakening.

Of all the compliments ever paid to Madame Novikoff, the one that
probably pleases her most is that which recently appeared in a London daily
written by a famous writer upon Russian life, who described her as "a true
Russian."

This is not an autobiography; for Madame Novikoff has always refused to

undertake such a responsibility. In the first place she thinks it would be too
long, and in the second too personal. "I have been talked about quite
enough," she will say, "without starting to talk about myself." In 1909 there
appeared The M.P. for Russia, edited by the late W. T. Stead, which told
much of her association with her distinguished friends, Gladstone, Kinglake,
Villiers, Clarendon, Carlyle, Tyndall, Froude and others. "These have been
taken," she says, "and I am left." But she has continued her work, and many
of her friends have told her that at this time, above all others, she should tell
personally something of her Russian memories. As she phrases it, "For forty
years I have been wandering in the Wilderness, and now I have been
permitted the happiness of entering the Promised Land. At last the gates
have been opened. We are now brothers-in-arms."

THE EDITOR.
 CONTENTS

EDITOR'S PREFACE

CHAPTER I
THE RUSSIAN SPIRIT
July 1914—Enthusiasm at Moscow—My Ambition Realised—England and Russia Allies—
A War of Right—Wounded Heroes—Russia's Faith in Victory—Our Emperor's Call—
England's Greatness—I am Introduced to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli—"The M.P.
for Russia in England"—Mr. Gladstone's Championship—An Unpopular Cause

CHAPTER II
THE AWAKENING OF RUSSIA

A New Era—My Brother Nicholas—Hadji Ghiray: Hero—Terrible News—A Heroic

Advance—My Brother's Death—Aksakoff's Famous Speech—Russia Aflame—A
Nation's Sacrifice—My Heart-broken Letters—Mr. Gladstone's Response—Mutual
Suspicion—My Visits to England

CHAPTER III
MR. GLADSTONE AND I STRIVE FOR PEACE
The Real England—The St. James's Hall Meeting—Remarkable Enthusiasm—Mr.
Gladstone's Speech—He Escorts Me Home—Newspaper Comment—Lord Salisbury
and General Ignatieff—Mutual Regard—The Turks Displeased—An Embarrassing
Tribute—The End of the Constantinople Conference—Mr. Gladstone Compromised—
War Declared—"What Will England Do?"—Bismarck's Policy—Prince Gortschakoff's
Opinion
 CHAPTER IV
MR. GLADSTONE
His Last Utterance.—His Fearlessness—-His Opinion of Russia and England—A Christian
Revolution—Cardinal Manning's Tribute—Gladstone and the Old Catholics—The
Question of Immortality—Mr. Gladstone's Remarkable Letter—A Delightful Listener
—His Power of Concentration—Hayward and Gladstone—Their Discussion—Miss
Helen Gladstone—We Talk Gladstone—The Old Lady's Delight—I Miss my Train

CHAPTER V
SOME SOCIAL MEMORIES
My Thursdays in Russia—Khalil Pasha's Death—Lord Napier and the Lady-in-Waiting—
Madame Volnys—My Parents-in-law's ménage—An Exceptional Type—Prince
Vladimir Dolgorouki's Embarrassment—The Grand Duchess Helen—A Brilliant
Woman—The Emperor's Enjoyment—The Campbell-Bannermans—A Royal
Diplomatist—Mark Twain on Couriers—In Serious Vein—Verestchagin—"The Retreat
from Moscow"—The Kaiser's Remarkable Utterance

CHAPTER VI
THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS I
A Pacific Emperor—An Imperial Fault—The Pauper's Funeral—The Emperor's Visit to my
Mother—My Dilemma—The Emperor's Kindness—He is Snubbed by an Ingénue—
The Emperor's Desire for an Alliance with England—Prince Gortschakoff's Rejoinder
—The Slav Ideal—Russia and Constantinople—Bismarck's Admiration—He
Discomfits a Member of the Reichstag

CHAPTER VII
"AS OTHERS SEE US"

"A Russian Agent"—"To Lure British Statesmen"—A Charming Tribute—The Press at Sea
—Wild Stories—A Musical Political Agitator—"An Unofficial Ambassador"—Baron
de Staal's Indifference—Prince Lobanoff's Kindness—Count Shouvaloft's Dislike of
my Work—Prince Gortschakoff and the Slavs—Baron Brunow and the French
Ambassador—English Sportsmanship—A Shakespeare Banquet
 CHAPTER VIII
JEWISH RUSSOPHOBIA
The Jews and the War—Their Attitude in 1876—Their Hatred of Slavism—The Problems
of Other Countries—English Sympathy—The Guildhall Meeting—The Russian
Government Blamed—Tolstoy and the Jews—My Jewish Friends—A Curious
Tradition—Self-protection

CHAPTER IX
ENGLAND AND THE GREAT FAMINE IN RUSSIA
My Russian Home—The Horrors of Famine—The Peasants' Heroism—Starving yet Patient
—The Society of Friends—I am Invited to Meeting—Magnificent Munificence—
Among the Starving—Terrible Hardships—Some Illustrations—Living in Dug-outs—
The Stoical Russian—Cinder Bread

CHAPTER X
MUSICAL MEMORIES

My Mother—Her Musical Friends—I Study with Masset—His Generous Offer—Litolff's

Visit—My Mother's Musicales Develop into a Conservatoire—Rubinstein's Anger—
His Refusal to Play for the Grand Duchess Helen—The Idols of the Musical World—A
Friendly Jealousy—My Stratagem with Liszt—Glasounoff's Kindness—the Musicless

CHAPTER XI
THE ARMENIAN QUESTION

A Fatal Treaty—Gladstone's Opinion—The Concert of Europe—The Unspeakable Turk and

His Methods—England's Responsibility—Mr. Gladstone's Energetic Action—Lord
Rosebery Resigns—Gladstone's Astounding Letter—"I Shall Keep Myself to
Myself"—"Abdul the Damned"—"A Man whose Every Impulse is Good"—The
Convention of Cyprus—Russia and England
 CHAPTER XII
THE SOBERING OF RUSSIA

Russian Dreamers—Fighting a Curse—First Steps—An Interesting Encounter—A Great

Reform—Its Acceptance by the Peasants—The Cabman's Interrogative—He Begs me
to Intercede with the Tsar—The Temptation of Drink—My Peasant Teas—The Drink
Habit—Our Courageous Emperor

CHAPTER XIII
MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIES
My Embarrassment—A Spy—I Am Easily Taken In—A Demand for Fifty Pounds—A
Threat—I Defy the Blackmailer—A Warning—Gladstone's Refusal to meet Gambetta
—My Husband's Dilemma—Russian Views on Duelling—Kinglake Challenges Prince
Louis Napoleon—My Brother's Views—Kinglake's Charm—The Value of an
Englishman—The Dogger Bank Incident

CHAPTER XIV
THE PHANTOM OF NIHILISM

England's Sympathy with the Nihilists—Cabinet Ministers' Indiscretion—Mr. Gladstone's

Incredulity—I Prove my Words—Mr. Gladstone's Action—A Strange Confusion—A
Reformed Nihilist—His Significant Admission—The Nihilist's Regret—The Death of
Revolutionary Russia—The Greatness of the Future—The Reckless, Impulsive Russian
—The Russian Refugees at Buenos Ayres—They Crave for a Priest

CHAPTER XV
RUSSIAN PRISONS AND PRISONERS
Our Convict System—Misunderstood in England—Siberia, an Emigration Field—A Lax
Discipline—Capt. Wiggins' Opinion—A Land of Stoicism—My Experiences as a
Prison Visitor—Divine Literature—Helen Voronoff's Work—A Russian Heroine—Her
Descriptions of Prison Life
 CHAPTER XVI
POLITICAL PRISONERS

Dostoyevsky's Call—His Retort to a Dandy—Russia and the Revolution—The Court of

Imperial Mercy—How Political Prisoners May Solicit Pardon—The Coach-driver's
Letter—The People's Belief in the Emperor—A Typical Russian Appeal—Military
Offenders—How They Have Justified the Emperor's Clemency—Political Prisoners
and the War

CHAPTER XVII
THE GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE AND PRINCE OLEG
A Remarkable Personality—The Grand Duke's Graciousness—His Tact and Sympathy—
The Wounded Soldier—A Censored Book—Prince Oleg and my Brother Alexander—A
Talented Child—A Strange Premonition—The Prince's Interest in Public Affairs—His
Studious Nature—The Prince Wounded—His Joy on Receiving the Cross of St. George
—He Becomes Worse—The End

CHAPTER XVIII
BULGARIA'S DEFECTION AND PRISONERS OF WAR

Russia Blamed for the Balkan Muddle—Bulgaria's Treachery—Gen. Grant on the Russians
and Constantinople—Bulgaria's Dissatisfaction—The Reign of the Fox—The
Treatment of Prisoners of War—The German Method—The Allies' Failure—Lack of
Organisation—Insidious German Propagandism—Britain and Her Prisoners in
Germany

CHAPTER XIX
THE RUSSIAN PARISH
The Revival of Parish Life—The Ancient Russian Parish—A Peaceful Community—
Slavophils and the Parish—The Metropolitan and the Emperor Nicholas I—The
Independence of the Church—Father John of Kronstadt—A Blessing to Russia
 CHAPTER XX
RUSSIA AND ENGLAND

A New Era—The Russian Ideal—The Trick of Double Nationality—Lord Kitchener's

Legacy—The Armenian Inventor—The Kaiser and Double Nationality—The Future of
Prussia—Russia's Hope of Victory—Germany's Influence on Anglo-Russian Friendship
—Days of Suspicion—Lord Clarendon's Opinion—An ex-Cabinet Minister's Boast—
Russian Memories of England—A Glorious Future

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Empress of Russia and Queen Alexandra . . . Frontispiece

W. E. Gladstone (April 5, 1892)

Nicolas Kiréeff

Myself in 1876

Seminary for 125 School Teachers built by Alexander Novikoff at Novo-

Alexandrofka

Sr. Olga's School for Girl Teachers at Novo-Alexandrofka

My Son, Alexander Novikoff

Nicolas Rubinstein, Anton Rubinstein

The Clergy and Choir of Novo-Alexandrofka, 1900, on the Day of the

Consecration of the Church

Alexander Kiréeff
Church built by Alexander Novikoff on his Father's Grave at Novo-
Alexandrofka

Miss Helen Voronoff

The Grand Duke Constantine Nicolaévitch

St. Olga's School for Girl Teachers at Nova-Alexandrofka

Myself with my Faithful Max at Brunswick Place, N.W.

 RUSSIAN MEMORIES

CHAPTER I
THE RUSSIAN SPIRIT
July 1914—Enthusiasm at Moscow—My Ambition Realised—England and Russia Allies—
A War of Right—Wounded Heroes—Russia's Faith in Victory—Our Emperor's Call—
England's Greatness—I am Introduced to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli—"The M.P.
for Russia in England"—Mr. Gladstone's Championship—An Unpopular Cause

I was in Moscow when our Monarch's mighty voice sounded in defence

of little Serbia. I was driving near the Tverskoi Boulevard, when a shouting
crowd rushed past me, and burst into a neighbouring restaurant.

"What does it all mean?" I exclaimed. "Is it a riot? do they want drink?"

"Oh no," said the bystanders. "They only want to call out the orchestra
and make them play the national hymn."

I stopped my carriage.

The orchestra appeared, and played our God save the Tzar, while the
whole crowd, wild with enthusiasm, joined in.

Delighted and touched, I followed them. Most were singing and shouting
"Hurrah," some praying and making the sign of the cross, while the throng
continually increased.

Similar scenes occurred daily in various quarters of the town. One

evening, an idle crowd had assembled near St. Saviour's Church. A priest
appeared with a cross. The whole crowd fell on their knees and prayed. Such
moments one cannot forget—indeed one can only thank God for them.

People say that in Petrograd the demonstrations were still grander. It may
be so—but whenever the Emperor visits Moscow, and speaks there with his
powerful, animating voice, the old capital rises to unapproachable heights of
enthusiasm and to resolutions of unbounded self-sacrifice.

A few days later I realised that the great ambition of my life was about to
be realised, not only by an entente, but by an alliance between Russia and
the country that has given me so many friends and shown me such splendid
hospitality. Yet how differently everything had happened from what I had
anticipated after the signing of the Anglo-Russian Agreement. It was not the
gradual drawing together of the two countries that each might enjoy the
peaceful friendship of the other: but the sudden discovery that they had a
common foe to fight, a common ideal to preserve, a common civilisation to
save.

Years ago I wrote, "I want to be a harbinger of peace, of hope, of

prosperity to come," and yet here was my great ambition being realised to
the sound of the drum and midst the thunder of the destroying guns.

History was repeating itself. As in 1875, a Slav nation was being

oppressed, threatened with annihilation, and the great heart of Russia was
moved. I remember so well those days forty years ago when our Foreign
Office tried all it could to stop the reckless chivalry of the Russian people—
determined as all classes were to sacrifice everything, life itself even, for the
sake of their oppressed co-religionists, the Bulgarians.

In that August thirty-eight years before (1876), Petrograd itself (always

more cautious and reserved than Moscow) showed an enthusiasm for the
cause of the Christian Slavs that daily gathered strength. It pervaded all
classes from prince to peasant.

The sympathy of the masses had been evoked by the atrocities,

committed in the usual unspeakable Turkish fashion, in Bulgaria. That
sympathy, however, bore chiefly a religious, not a political character, and as
in almost all great national movements our Emperor identified himself with
his people. Public collections were being made for the sick and wounded.

Officers of the Red Cross and ladies of the Court and society went from
house to house requesting subscriptions.

At railway stations, on the steam-boats, even on the tramways, the "Red

Cross" was present everywhere, with a sealed box for donations. Every
effort was made to animate feelings of compassion for the suffering
Christians, and to swell the funds for providing ambulances for the sick and
wounded.

And now in 1914 another great national emotion had swept over three
hundred millions of people. This was not a war of greed or gain; it was not
concerned with some insult levelled at Russia or the violation of her
frontiers; it was the result of a deep religious sense of justice in the hearts of
the people. It was what in England would be called "the sporting instinct"
which forbids a big man to hit another smaller than himself.

No power could have held back the chivalrous Russians from going to the
aid of threatened Serbia. All recognised that a terrible and fateful day had
dawned, and throughout the dark days of the autumn of 1915, the people
never flinched from the task they had undertaken. They were pledged to save
Serbia.

Russians believed, still believe and will always believe, in the sacredness
of an oath given in the name of God. Certain words indeed are not
meaningless sounds! To such sacred promises naturally belongs also the oath
of allegiance.

For centuries confidence and harmony reigned between all the Russian
subjects. Now, the blasphemous Kaiser was trying to abolish every moral
and religious tie. Could anything be more cruel and mischievous?

Everywhere it was the same. When I visited the wounded in my Tamboff

country place, our poor soldiers, in answer to my queries as to their wants
and desires, answered quite simply, not in the least realising the nobleness of
their feeling:
 "If God would only make us strong enough to go and punish the
infamous enemy. You do not know the harm done to our fields, our churches,
our brothers."

The tone of this and similar remarks was very striking. One of the
wounded was a Mohammedan. I do not know whether it is wise or not, but
the Mohammedans in Russia are treated exactly like other Russian subjects,
and they know that in serving Russia they may attain the highest military
positions, as did, for instance, General Ali Khanoff, and others of the same
creed.

Russia, as a whole, has an unlimited faith in victory. The Russian

Emperor's New Year's address echoed far and wide, like a clarion call,
through the ranks of the Imperial army and fleet. All doubts vanished beyond
recall, for the utterance of the Sovereign was more decided, definite and
determined than any that had gone before. Here are words that must ring like
a knell in the ears of exhausted Germany, trembling under the strain of her
last efforts.

"A half-victory—an unfinished war"—this was the hideous phantom

before which the hearts of our brave soldiers sank, and which, like a
ceaseless nightmare, disturbed the rest, even of our most illiterate peasants.
Far and wide, indeed, Russian hearts to-day thrill and respond to their
beloved Emperor's call:

"Remember that without complete victory our dear Russia cannot ensure
for herself and her people the independence that is her pride and her
birthright, cannot enjoy and develop to the full the fruits of her labour and
her natural wealth. Let your hearts be permeated with the consciousness that
there can be no peace without victory. However great may be the sacrifice
required of us, we must march onward unflinchingly, onward to triumph for
our country and our cause."

The air vibrated with the echoes of these splendid words—and the
bereaved mothers, sisters, wives, weeping in the loneliness and despair of
their broken hearts, look up and smile again, because Russia's blood has not
been shed in vain. The news travelled on the wings of the wind, and over
countless distant, unknown graves, it brought its message to our fallen
heroes: "You shall be revenged, brave warriors; your souls shall celebrate the
moment of triumph, together with your living brothers!"

It is good also to know that we are not alone in our determination, that
our Allies are with us, and share our views.

Therefore, if we assume that Germany's entire population numbers about

seventy millions, the outside limit for the numerical strength of her army can
in no circumstance exceed ten millions, this being already 14 per cent of the
whole nation, and a completely unprecedented percentage of the nation's
manhood. Such figures, indeed, represent an entire people in arms—a
people, however, that has taken upon itself the impossible task of measuring
its strength against that of three other mighty peoples, armed, also, to the
teeth. In this uneven struggle, Germany must ultimately, in spite of Austrian,
Bulgarian and Turkish help, meet her ruin, and bleed to death.

We, in Russia, look forward to the future without fear. We stand united as
one man. All political strifes and disagreements are forgotten; there is no
division of parties, no discussion of any affairs of State except those
connected with the war. "War war, war, till victory, till triumph. There lies
our future, and so shall it be." With these words our Home Secretary,
Monsieur Khvostoff, concluded his recent speech to the members of the
Press Bureau. The same sentiments are echoed everywhere. We are
determined and hopeful, and ready for every sacrifice, because, to quote our
Empress Alexandra in her New Year's telegram to the Secretary of State, "A
war that has been forced on us by our enemies, and that has attained
dimensions unprecedented in history, naturally calls for immense sacrifices.
But I know that the Russian people will not hesitate before these sacrifices,
and will fight on nobly until the moment when God's blessing will bring to
the glorious warriors who are shedding their blood for their fatherland and
their Emperor, the peace that shall be bought by complete victory over our
foes."

By these words may English people discern the spirit of their Russian
friends, their faith in victory.

The difference between 1876 and 1914 is our attitude towards Great
Britain. Whereas forty years ago we suspected, even hated, her, now we see
her in her true colours. She is doing for Belgium what we once did for
Bulgaria, and from a sense of right and political honour. She could have
remained neutral, safe in her sea defences, devoting her time to capturing the
trade of the combatants. Instead of which she chose to risk all in honouring
her pledge. This fact brought Russia very near to Great Britain, and I hope
the years that are coming will see a better understanding in Great Britain of
the Russian Spirit.

And now something about myself. In 1873 Baron Brunow, the Russian
Ambassador in London, introduced me to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli in
the same evening. The one was to become a dear friend who was to give
powerful support to my efforts to bring Russia and England closer together,
whilst the other a few years later was to confer upon me the honorary title of
which I have always been so proud. "Madame Novikoff," he said, during the
Bulgarian agitation, when Mr. Gladstone and I were doing our utmost to
negative his pro-Turkish activities, "I call Madame Novikoff the M.P. for
Russia in England."

This remark was not intended to give me pleasure, although, now that my
years of work have ended successfully, it may appear, as Mr. W. T. Stead
said, "a flattering compliment."

At that time, however, Lord Beaconsfield was not feeling so cordial

towards me as to frame graceful compliments, and he probably knew that,
expert as he was in the art of flattery, nothing he could say would divert me
from the path of antagonism towards his policy that I had chosen for myself.

"Ambassadors represent Governments, M.P.'s represent the people," Mr.

Stead wrote, apropos Beaconsfield's remark, and I have always striven,
however unworthily, to represent Russia, the most peace-loving nation in the
world.
 W. E. Gladstone (April 5, 1892)

It was to the enjoyment of peace to my country that I first undertook my

self-imposed work, the bringing of Great Britain and Russia to a better
understanding that would result in their working together towards a common
end—peace. It is a strange trick of fate that the two countries should
eventually be brought together, not by peace but by war; but the workings of
Providence are inscrutable, and out of this great evil perhaps a still greater
good may come.

By the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1908 the two countries became good

friends, now they are allies. Britons are fighting in Russia under the Russian
High Command, and it is no secret that British sailors are fighting ship by
ship with Russian sailors in the Baltic; and with those who have fought
together for a common cause, friendship and understanding are inevitable.

It is strange to look back upon what have come to be known as the "jingo
days," when in the streets and music-halls was sung a ditty in which Britons
told each other—I quote from memory:

We don't want to fight; but, by jingo, if we do,

We've got the men, we've got the ships, we've got the money too.

and all this was levelled at Russia, because she chose to do what Great
Britain to her everlasting honour is doing to-day, avenging a downtrodden,
but uncrushed people.

There was one man who saw clearly and stood up fearlessly against the
popular clamour, and that was Mr. Gladstone. For twenty years he worked
with me loyally towards the end I had in view. He never faltered in his
denunciations of the unspeakable Turk and all his ways. From 1876 to 1880
the crisis was acute, and at any time war between Great Britain and Russia
was possible.

During the whole of this time Mr. Gladstone was doing his utmost to
counteract the evils of the Disraeli policy, and he was always in close touch
and constant communication with me. His support and unflinching
championship of what he thought to be the cause of right was to me a great
comfort. I was a woman in a foreign land, fighting against the prejudices that
I saw everywhere about me.

In the early part of 1876 ugly rumours were afloat as to wholesale

massacres of Bulgarians by the Turks. On June the 23rd there appeared in
The Daily News a letter from its Constantinople correspondent (Mr., now Sir,
Edwin Pears), and the attention of the House of Commons was directed to
the appalling allegations it contained. Mr. Disraeli, then Prime Minister,
treated the whole matter with airy unconcern, but the members on both sides
of the House were irritated rather than soothed by his manner.

With a caution that was infinitely to his credit, for I know from our talks
how deeply he felt, Mr. Gladstone waited the report of Mr. Walter Baring,
the British Commissioner, which confirmed in all their revolting detail the
rumours of the slaughter of harmless Bulgarians, men, women and children.
Convinced that the evidence was uncontrovertible, Mr. Gladstone plunged
into the fray, first by publishing his pamphlet, The Bulgarian Horrors and
the Question of the East, and later by urging an understanding with Russia
that would render this wholesale slaughter of a Christian people impossible
in future.

In Russia there was only one thought in the people's minds—war, which
no human power could have prevented. The nation insisted that they should
be allowed to stand beside their co-religionists and fight in defence of their
freedom.

As for myself, those were busy days. I saw around me nothing but
suspicion of Russia, perhaps even of myself: but I had a noble example set
me, if one were needed, by Mr. Gladstone. Ours was a fight for Christianity
and civilisation. Every hour of my day and sometimes far into the night was
occupied. I rushed fearlessly into print, as I have done for the last forty years
when I felt that my pen might serve the purpose I had in mind. In those days
editors were less hospitable towards me than they have since become. Mine
was an unpopular cause, I wrote as a Russian patriot, which meant that I
sometimes showed a tendency to injure British susceptibilities. "But what
matter that?" I asked myself with Jesuitical satisfaction. "The end is good,
and it is the end that matters." I think there are very few of my friends in
England to-day who will not echo my words.

The day on which I write these words is the Russian Flag Day, the second
since the war broke out. In the streets are English and Russian girls and
women selling small flags, for the most exorbitant sum they can extract from
the purchasers, "to help Russia."
 When I look back upon those days of gloom, when Mr. Gladstone used to
come and see "the Russian agent," "the M.P. for Russia in England," and talk
anxiously about the near future, and whether the storm would pass or break,
it is with gratitude and expressions of heartfelt thanks to the people who
have so often shown me hospitality and in time began to listen to my words.
They must have found some difficulty in avoiding the words I showered
upon them; for I frankly confess I lost no opportunity of "rushing into print."

CHAPTER II
THE AWAKENING OF RUSSIA
A New Era—My Brother Nicholas—Hadji Ghiray: Hero—Terrible News—A Heroic
Advance—My Brother's Death—Aksakoff's Famous Speech—Russia Aflame—A
Nation's Sacrifice—My Heart-broken Letters—Mr. Gladstone's Response—Mutual
Suspicion—My Visits to England

It is not only easy, but delightful at this moment to write in dear England
about Russia and Russians, about our institutions and customs, confessing
even our drawbacks when they have to be explained. But, alas! some thirty
or forty years ago such was not the case.

I wonder if it will interest English people to follow the life of a Russian,

who, like myself, has felt the effect of these different currents.

We must remember, that, if at this moment, everything English is not only

appreciated in Russia, but even enthusiastically admired, things were quite
different at the time when I began writing pro-Russian articles in England.

Yes, indeed: the Russian feelings in the years '76, '77 and '78 were
permeated with severe bitterness against Disraeli's English policy so hostile
to Russia.
 Find and study the Russian papers of these years. They will show you
how all the Russian Press, and in fact the whole country, was convinced that
Turkey would never have refused to introduce the reforms asked by Russia
in favour of the tortured Slavs if it had not been for England's cruel support
and advice.

The whole of Russia at that time was seething with indignation and
resentment.

In the year 1876 in all our papers, and in every mouth, were variations on
the same theme:

"England is the principal cause of all our sacrifices and losses. England's
obedient slave, Turkey, refuses all our most legitimate demands in favour of
our co-religionists, our brethren by race. Turkey's insolent opposition is
England's doing. Besides, the Russian Government hesitated to present her
Ultimatum to the Sultan—not being prepared for war."

And so it really was. Russia then was as pacific and unprepared for
fighting as she was at the beginning of the present gigantic Armageddon.
Russia imagined that everybody understood that she was not coveting new
acquisitions, and was quite unprepared for war, which was true enough—
indeed she seemed as if she never cared to be prepared. She lived in a fool's
Paradise, insisting on universal peace as at The Hague Conference, and as if
the whole world were composed of "the friends" (better known as
"Quakers").

The present diabolical war has taught us many good lessons, including
the necessity for prudence in the future. It will also teach us to develop our
own endless resources without depending on foreign help, which is always
paid for not only at usual, but at monstrous prices, such as those which now
exist at Petrograd and Moscow.

But hostile as Russia was in 1876 to any kind of war, yet, when the
Balkan troubles commenced, crowds of poor Russians, preferring death to
peace at any price, rushed to that country, concealing even from their
relatives and friends their determination to support the Slavs,
notwithstanding the complete unpreparedness of the latter. That was perhaps
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