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in the education of their children. Besides this, $1,000, by the treaty
of the 14th of February, 1833, is to be annually expended, during
the pleasure of Congress, for the same object. A great number of
the Creeks, and of the Seminoles who are now merged in that tribe,
died on the way, or shortly after their removal to the Indian Territory.
The Cherokees have probably made the greatest advances in
civilization of any of the Indian nations on our western border. They
own numerous salt-springs, which are worked by themselves, and in
which they manufacture, it is said, one hundred bushels of salt,
daily. They also own two lead-mines. The eastern portion of their
country, which embraces the settlements, contains about 2,500,000
acres. They have a large stock of cattle, wagons, ploughs, looms,
and spinning-wheels; their lands are well inclosed with rail-fences;
and they have comfortable log-houses, with stone chimneys and
plank floors, which are well furnished. They have, likewise, seven
native merchants, and one regular physician.
Their settled country is divided into four districts, each of which,
every two years, elects two members of the national council, which
is called “The General Council of the Cherokee Nation.” They have
three chiefs, whose approval is necessary for the passage of a law;
though an act, notwithstanding their veto, may be passed by a vote
of two thirds of the council. They have, also, judicial, and other
appropriate officers. By the treaty of the 6th of May, 1823, it is
stipulated that the United States shall pay, annually, $2,000 for ten
years, to be expended, under the direction of the president, in the
education of their children, in their own country, in letters and the
mechanic arts; also, $1,000 towards the purchase of a printing-press
and types. By the treaty of December 29, 1835, the sum of
$150,000 is provided for the support of common schools, and such a
literary institution, of a higher order, as may be established in the
Indian country. To this is also added an education fund of $50,000,
making, in all, a permanent school-fund of $200,000, only the
interest of which is used.
From the last report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, it
appears that the Cherokees are steadily advancing in knowledge and
civilization. Many of them are said to be men of decided talents and
learning. The constitution and laws of the nation are printed and
circulated among the people. Education is popular among them, and
it is probable that they will adopt the suggestion of the agent in their
territory, and divide their lands into farms, as individual property.
Some unhappy feuds have existed, and, to a certain degree, still
exist among them, which have resulted in the death of two or three
of their prominent men, especially John Ridge and Elias Boudinot.
Their principal chief is John Ross, a man of fine appearance, of
considerable ability, and a gentleman.
According to the last report of the American Board of
Commissioners, the mission among the Cherokees consists of
eighteen persons. There are five churches, comprising two hundred
and thirty members, twenty-six of whom have been added within a
few months. The temperance society organized there reckons among
its members at least 1,560 Cherokees.
One of the most remarkable events in the history of this people is
the invention of a Cherokee alphabet, by George Guess, a native
Cherokee. In the account of the mission, this alphabet is said to
furnish, probably, the most perfect orthography in the world. There
has been a paper published in the Cherokee nation, partly in the
English, and partly in the native language, and edited with
considerable ability. Three presses are employed by the mission in
printing books, principally for this tribe, though some are struck off
in other languages. Since 1835, besides the Gospels of John and
Matthew, and the Epistles of John, there have been printed, at one
press, not less than thirty-two different works, nearly all of which
were above twenty pages each, making an aggregate of upwards of
2,000,000 pages. The whole number of pages printed among the
Cherokees since 1828, as appears by the last report of the American
Board, is 4,725,000.
Five schools, under the care of the mission, contain about one
hundred and sixty Cherokee children.
Some interesting cases of improvement have occurred among this
nation, on which, were there space for it, it would be pleasing to
dwell. The Cherokees bid fair, if no untoward events occur, to realize
the most sanguine expectations of their friends. Much sympathy has
been excited for them, at various periods, during the last thirty
years, and especially when they were driven from their loved homes,
and the territory guarantied to them by so many treaties; and words
of burning eloquence were called forth from some of the most
eloquent speakers in the halls of Congress, in depicting the injustice
and cruelty with which they have been treated. It is to be hoped that
the experiment they are now making may be permitted to go on to
its completion, without any further invasions of their rights and
happiness.
Besides these principal tribes, who are deriving benefit from
missionaries and schools among them, there are missionary stations
among the Pawnees, the Sioux, Shawanese, Ottawas, Potawatomies,
and other tribes. By treaty, large portions of land, or annual sums,
have been set apart for the purposes of education, agriculture, and
such other aids to their civilization as appear most desirable. The
aversion to labor among some of these nations is said to be
gradually wearing off, and idolatry and superstition are becoming
eradicated. They still retain their ancient forms of government by
chiefs.
The Stockbridge Indians, within the limits of Wisconsin, have
recently been admitted to the rights of citizenship, and during the
last winter (1843-44) the Ottawas within the State of Michigan have
petitioned the legislature of that State for the same privilege. Many
interesting particulars respecting the state of the schools and
missions among the several Indian tribes, and their present
prospects, may be found in the reports of the various missionaries
and agents of government, some of which are also appended to the
report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, annually submitted to
Congress.
From all these sources we derive the hope, that a more successful
experiment is to be made respecting the aborigines of our country
than has ever before been attempted, and that the time may soon
arrive when they shall be allowed to form a State of this vast
republic. The wrongs they have suffered demand the best reparation
which a Christian nation can make; and the prayer of many a pious
and sympathizing heart is daily breathed forth, that they may
henceforth be permitted, without molestation, to learn and practise
the virtues of peace, cheered and encouraged in every honest
endeavour to do well.
Such, then, as we have attempted to sketch it, is the history of the
aborigines of America. It is sad to reflect that so many pages of it
have been written, as it were, in blood, and that such multitudes
have perished in the vain attempt to resist outrage and oppression.
THE PROSPECTS OF THE WESTERN
TRIBES.
Columbus, speaking of the American Indians, said:—“I swear to
your Majesties that there is not a better people in the world; they
love their neighbours as themselves; their language is the sweetest,
softest, and most cheerful, for they always speak smiling; and,
although they go naked, let your Majesties believe me, their customs
are very becoming; and their king, who is served with great majesty,
has such engaging manners, that it gives great pleasure to see him;
and also to consider the great retentive faculty of that people, and
their desire of knowledge, which incites them to ask the causes and
effects of things.”
After the dark and bloody account we have given of the history of
the Indians,—especially those within the compass of our own
country,—we may smile at the flattering picture presented by the
discoverer of the New World. But we must consider that the natives
of the West Indies, of whom Columbus speaks, were the mildest
portion of the great Indian family; and, besides, at the time to which
he refers, they had not become exasperated by the repeated and
cruel wrongs of the Europeans.
In estimating the native capacities of the aborigines, and
especially their fitness for civilization, we must take into
consideration the long train of influences which has been moulding
them, for centuries, into their present condition. The history of Peru,
as well as that of Mexico, abundantly proves that a portion of them
had an aptitude for improvement, evinced by the progress they
made in various arts; and it may be added, that, under the
instructions of Eliot and Mayhew, even the tribes of New England,
regarded as among the most savage and irredeemable, made rapid
strides in Christianity and the peaceful arts of civilized life.
If, therefore, in our picture of these Northern nations, we have
been called upon to delineate them chiefly as warriors, revelling in
blood, and delighting in the terrific scenes of slaughter, pillage, and
conflagration, it must not be inferred that such is their intrinsic and
necessary character. An experiment is, indeed, now making, on a
large scale, and under favorable auspices, having for its object to
bring them into the family of civilized man; and in our view of the
present condition of the Indians in the United States, we have
exhibited the hopeful advances already made by some of the tribes
in refinement and the Christian virtues.
The question, then, as to the possibility of civilizing the Indians
within our borders, seems, at first view, to be favorably determined.
The subject is one of deep interest, and claims the attention of
enlightened minds throughout our republic. Our ancestors have
inflicted fearful wrongs upon this race; for centuries, their blood has
cried to heaven for vengeance. Nor is our own generation free from
similar guilt, or similar accountability. But besides the deep debt thus
incurred, and which, in this age of light, we should be earnest to
discharge in behalf of the remnants of these people, their numbers
are still considerable, and, from their own importance in this point of
view, they may well claim the attention of the philanthropist.
And there is still another aspect in which this subject becomes one
of deep interest. The tribes within the Indian Territory can now
muster fifty thousand warriors. They have a fine country, and, in the
aggregate, possess a considerable amount of property. Stretching
along our defenceless western frontier, they may render themselves
indeed formidable, whenever they choose to combine against us.
They have horses in abundance, and can transfer themselves, with
the fleetness of the Arab, from one point to another. They have fire-
arms, in addition to the spear, the bow and arrow, and the
tomahawk. They have, contiguous to them, the Camanches on the
south, and numerous other tribes on the north and west. These can
easily be made their allies, in case of need.
The position of these tribes is, therefore, one of great strength.
Let us now consider that their minds must be full of bitter
remembrances towards our people. The story of Philip, Sassacus,
and Logan may not have descended in their traditions to the present
day, but the general story of their race is familiar to them all. When
Keokuck replied to Governor Everett in the State-house in Boston, in
1837, he said he had been told by the old men of his tribe, that the
ancestors of the Indians once owned and occupied the lands to the
shores of the Atlantic. It must be a familiar fact to the Indians, from
the Mississippi to the borders of the Pacific, that they were lords of
this continent, and that the white man has dispossessed them of
their inheritance. They must not only know this general truth, but
they must also know and deeply feel the violence and injustice of
that process by which their nations have been wasted, and the
inheritance, which God, and nature, and their ancestors had
bequeathed to them, was wrenched from their hands.
The particular experience of many of them must also contribute to
increase their store of bitter recollections. The fate of Tecumseh is
familiar to many of them, for those still live who fought by his side.
The story of the Everglades, and the doom of Osceola, must be
often repeated by those who participated in the scenes of the late
Florida war. The bloodhounds, imported from Cuba to hunt them
down in the thickets, will be introduced to give effective coloring to
the picture of suffering, to embitter the feeling of indignation, and, if
need be, to rouse the soul to acts of retribution.
While, therefore, the tribes are now placed by treaty within the
Indian territory, and are adopting, by degrees, the arts of civilization,
under the auspices of the United States, it must be remembered that
they are there not willingly, and that they have carried with them the
long accumulated remembrances of their painful history.
“I yield,” said Weatherford to General Jackson, “by necessity, not
by choice. My warriors are dead; my people slain; it is vain to resist;
but if I had an army, I would still be in the field against you.” It is
with such a feeling that many of the tribes have retired to their
present abodes; and can we doubt that there is many a daring and
independent soul among them, that would rejoice in the opportunity
to balance the heavy reckoning which stands summed up in their
minds against us?
It has often happened that the wrath of man has been made to
work out the will of Providence. Who can tell that the time is not yet
to come, in which these Indian tribes shall wreak signal vengeance
upon us, and furnish another lesson to the world, in assurance of
the fact, that, in the history of nations, great crimes are usually
followed, sooner or later, by adequate retribution? It seems evident
that this concentration of the Indian tribes in the West must issue in
great events,—either in their civilization, and their final accession, as
citizens, to our republic, or in future struggles, in which their power
will be made the instrument of chastising our country for its former
course of injustice.
In this case, there is but one line of conduct for us to pursue, and
that is alike dictated by policy and right feeling. Let us do all in our
power to bestow upon these three hundred thousand Indians the
benefits of our own religion and civilization, and prepare them, as
speedily as may be, to come within the fold of our own government,
as members of the Union. Let us do this in atonement for former
aggression, as a measure of future safety, and as the obvious dictate
of common philanthropy.
Let us not permit the common suggestion, that the Indian is
incapable of receiving the benefits of civilization, to hinder us from
adopting this course. Upon what basis does this idea of Indian
character rest? Upon no better foundation, we apprehend, than
prejudice,—and a prejudice, too, inculcated, if not engendered, by
the desire of finding apologies for the harsh and desolating policy
which has been pursued toward the race. The Indians are
incorrigible,—therefore let them be swept away. This is the ready
logic of those who wish to possess their lands, or who desire to
excuse acts of plunder and aggression.
Let us not adopt conclusions too hastily in this important matter.
If, hitherto, many of the efforts to civilize the Indians have failed, we
must not thence infer that they have a nature which excludes them
for ever from the fold of civilization. May there not be some defect in
the means, some error in the mode, adopted to instruct them? and
cannot we better account for failure in this way, than by resorting to
a supposition which seems to impugn the wisdom and benevolence
of the Creator?
In considering the possibility of civilizing the Indians, the author of
the splendid work on “The History of the North American Tribes of
Indians,” &c., makes the following just and appropriate remarks: “We
consider the question to be, not whether the Indian intellect is
endowed with the capacity to receive civilization, but whether his
savage nature can be so far conciliated, as to make him a fair
subject of the benevolent effort. The question is, not as to the
possibility of eradicating his ferocity, or giving steadiness to his
erratic habits, but as to the practicability of bringing to bear upon
him the influences by which his evil propensities and his
waywardness must be subdued. The wild ass may be tamed into the
most docile of the servants of man; the difficulty is in catching him,
in placing him under the influence of the process of training.
Whenever the bridle is placed upon his head, the work is done; all
the rest follows with the certainty of cause and effect; in the contest
between the man and the brute, between intellect and instinct, the
latter must submit. So it is between the civilized and savage man.
The difficulties to be overcome are the distance by which the races
are separated, and the repulsion which impedes their approach.
There is no sympathy between the refinement of the civilized man
and the habits of the savage; nor any neutral ground, upon which
they can meet and compromise away their points of difference. They
are so widely separated in the scale of being, as to have no common
tastes, habits, or opinions; they meet in jealousy and distrust;
disgust and contempt attend all their intercourse, and the result of
their contact is oppression and war. And why? The repulsive principle
is never overcome; the attraction of sympathy is never established.
The parties do not gaze upon each other patiently and long enough
to be reconciled to their mutual peculiarities, and sit together in
peace until they become acquainted. The habit of enduring each
other’s manners is not established, nor the good-fellowship which
results from pacific intercourse, even between those who are widely
separated by character and station.”
Here the great obstacle to the instruction of the Indian tribes is
clearly stated; let this be removed, and we have little doubt that we
shall soon have to regard the current opinion of their obduracy as
founded in error. The circumstances in which these people are now
placed,—large bodies of them having made considerable advances in
many of the arts of civilized life, having adopted regular
governments, holding pacific intercourse with the United States, and
enjoying the ministration of zealous and faithful missionaries among
them,—are favorable to the making of one more experiment for their
redemption, and this, too, with the important advantage of a good
understanding between them and their teachers.
As to the capacity of the aborigines for civilization, we have little
doubt. We have already hinted at the successes of Eliot, Mayhew,
and the Moravians, in Christianizing some of the most savage tribes;
and it would be easy to add other facts of the same nature, and
tending to the same point. We could also set before the reader
numerous incidents, which show that the Indian character is by no
means destitute of the finest elements which belong to human
nature.
The affecting story of Totapia, a Choctaw mother, known to the
whites by the name of Jenny, related by the Rev. Dr. Morse in his
Report, exhibits a touching example of the strength and sensibility of
maternal affection in the Indian woman, which, in a Roman or
Grecian matron, would have been rendered immortal by the poet
and historian. She was the widow of a Choctaw, who, having slain
one of his own tribe, was pursued by the relatives of the deceased,
and put to death, according to the Indian law. After the death of her
husband, she settled near St. Francisville, in Louisiana, where she
lived reputably, with four or five children, of whom Hoctanlubbie, or
Soue, her son, was the eldest.
At the age of twenty-five, her son murdered an old Indian, for
which act, according to the unalterable law of the nation, his life was
demanded, and he was sentenced to die. The day of his execution
was fixed and had arrived, and the relatives and friends of the
murdered, with others, a mingled throng, were assembled after their
usual manner, and all things were ready for inflicting the sentence of
the law. At this moment of strong and mingled feeling, Jenny, the
mother, pressed through the crowd to the spot where her son stood
by the instruments prepared to take from him his life. She then
addressed the chiefs and the company, demanding the life of her
son, and offering in its stead her own. Her plea was this: “He is
young; he has a wife, children, brothers, and sisters, all looking to
him for counsel and support. I am old; I have only a few days to
live, at most; I can do but little more for my family. Nor is it strictly
just, it is rather a shame, to take a new chief for an old one.”
The magnanimous offer of the devoted mother was accepted, and
a few hours were allowed her to prepare for death. She repaired
immediately to the house of a lady, Mrs. T., who had been her kind
and liberal friend, and, without divulging what had occurred, said
she came to beg a winding-sheet and coffin for her son. Not
suspecting the arrangement of Totapia to preserve her son, the lady
acceded to her request. When asked in relation to the length of the
coffin and grave-clothes, the Choctaw mother replied, “Make them to
suit my size, and they will answer for my son.”
Soon after Jenny had left Mrs. T. for the camp, where all things
were ready for her execution, a messenger arrived in haste, and
informed Mrs. T. of what was passing in the camp, and that Jenny
was immediately to die. She hastened to the scene, with the
intention of rescuing her; but Jenny, the moment she saw her
carriage coming at a distance, imagining, doubtless, what her object
was, standing in her grave, caught the muzzle of the gun, the
prepared instrument of her death, and, pointing it to her heart,
entreated the executioner to do his duty. He obeyed, and she fell
dead!
We are not told how it happened that the son suffered his mother
to die for him, or whether he could have prevented it. It seems,
however, that he was despised for permitting it, and that his own
conscience goaded him. The friends of the old man whom he had
murdered taunted him, “You coward, you let your mother die for
you; you are afraid to die.” Unable to endure all this, he stabbed a
son of his former victim, but not until five years had elapsed since
the death of his mother.
He returned home with indications of triumph, brandishing his
bloody knife, and, without waiting for inquiry, confessed what he had
done. He told his Indian friends that he would not live to be called a
coward. “I have been told,” he said, “that I fear to die. Now you
shall see that I can die like a man.” A wealthy planter, whose house
he passed, he invited to see how he could die. This was on Sunday.
Monday, at twelve o’clock, was the day he appointed for his self-
immolation. Here a scene was presented which baffles all
description. Soue walked forward and backward again, still keeping
in his hand the bloody knife. With all his efforts to conceal it, he
discovered marks of an agitated mind. The sad group present
consisted of about ten men and as many females; the latter with
sorrowful countenances were employed in making an overshirt for
Soue’s burial. The men, all except two of his brothers, were smoking
their pipes with apparent unconcern. Several times, Soue examined
his gun, and remained silent. His grave had been dug the day
before, and he had laid himself down in it, to see if it suited as to
length and breadth.
No one had demanded his death; for all who were interested, and
felt their honor concerned in it, resided at a distance of thirty or
forty miles. The death-song was repeated, as was also the shaking
of hands. Both were again repeated the third and last time.
Immediately after, Soue stepped up to his wife, a young woman of
eighteen, with an infant in her arms, and another little child, two or
three years old, standing by her side, and presented to her the
bloody knife, which, till now, he had kept in his hand. She averted
her face to conceal a falling tear, but, recovering herself, with a
forced smile, took it. His sister was sitting by the side of his wife,
wholly absorbed in grief, apparently insensible to what was passing,
her eyes vacant, and fixed on some distant object. His pipe he gave
to a young brother, who struggled hard to conceal his emotions. He
then drank a little whisky and water, dashed the bottle on the
ground, sung a few words in the Choctaw language, and, with a
jumping, dancing step, hurried to his grave. His gun was so fixed by
the side of a young sapling as to enable him to take his own life. No
one, he had declared, should take it from him.
These preparations and ceremonies being now complete, he gave
the necessary touch to the apparatus, the gun was discharged, and
its contents passed through his heart. He instantly fell dead to the
earth. The females sprang to the lifeless body. Some held his head,
others his hands and feet, and others knelt at his side. He had
charged them to show no signs of grief, while he lived, lest it should
shake his resolution; as far as possible, they obeyed. Their grief was
restrained until he was dead; it then burst forth in a torrent, and
their shrieks and lamentations were loud and undissembled.
In the midst of the unnumbered wrongs which the Southern
Indians have received at our hands, it gives us pleasure to record an
act of justice toward an interesting Choctaw girl; while, at the same
time, the incident which led to it is pertinent to our present purpose,
which is, to show the amiable qualities which belong to the savages
even in the untutored state.
“The Committee on Indian Affairs, in the late House of
Representatives, reported a bill allowing a pension for life to Milly, an
Indian woman of the Creek tribe, daughter of the celebrated prophet
and chief, Francis, who was executed by order of General Jackson, in
the Seminole war of 1817-18. The subject was brought to the notice
of the Committee by the Secretary of War, at the instance of
Lieutenant-colonel Hitchcock, who communicated the particulars of
the incident upon which the recommendation to the favor of the
government was founded.
“Milly, at the age of sixteen, when her nation was at war with the
United States, and her father was one of the most decided and
indefatigable enemies of the white people, saved the life of an
American citizen, who had been taken prisoner by her tribe. The
captive was bound to a tree, and the savage warriors, with their
rifles, were dancing around him, preparatory to putting him to
death. The young Indian girl, filled with pity for the devoted prisoner,
besought her father to spare him; but the chief declined to interfere,
saying, that the life of the prisoner was in the hands of his captors,
whose right it was to put him to death. She then turned to the
warriors, and implored them to forbear their deadly purpose; but she
was repulsed, and one of them, much enraged, told her that he had
lost two sisters in the war, and that the prisoner must die. Her
intercession, however, continued; she persevered in entreaties, and
used all the arts of persuasion which her woman’s nature suggested;
and she finally succeeded in saving his life, on condition that the
young white man should adopt the Indian dress, and become one of
the tribe.
“It appears from the information communicated by Colonel
Hitchcock, that, some time after this event, the white man sought
his benefactress in marriage, but she declined, and subsequently
married one of her own people. Her husband is now dead. Her
father was put to death in the war of 1817-18, and her mother and
sister have since died. She is now friendless and poor, residing
among her people in their new country, near the Verdigris River. She
has three children, a boy and two girls, all too young to provide for
themselves, and, consequently, dependent upon their mother for
support.
“The Committee thought that the occasion presented by this case
was a suitable one, not only to reward a meritorious act, but also to
show to the Indian tribes how mercy and humanity are appreciated
by the government. The grant of a pension, with a clear exposition
of the grounds of its allowance, would have a salutary influence, it
was believed, upon savage customs in future. A bill was accordingly
reported, to allow to Milly a pension of ninety-six dollars per annum,
or eight dollars a month, for life.”
In connection with this detail, we may remind the reader of
Pocahontas, who, with proper education, had doubtless proved an
ornament to the most exalted station; and we may also relate, at
length, the story of Attakullakulla and Captain Stewart, to which we
have adverted in the preceding pages.
Fort Loudon, on the River Tennessee, was situated five hundred
miles from Charleston, and there were few towns between. It was
built in 1756, for the purpose of preventing the encroachments of
the French, who used to steal down from Canada, and annoy the
white English inhabitants, who were forming settlements in that part
of the country. At the same time, it was a safeguard against the
Indians, numerous tribes of whom lived round about. These Indians,
at all times savage and cruel, were particularly hostile to the whites,
and the more so as they perceived them forming establishments in
their neighbourhood.
In the abovementioned fort, at the time our account commences,
there were but few soldiers. This fact the Indians by some means
discovered, and they determined to make an attack upon it, and, if
possible, to massacre the garrison.
The plan was conducted, as usual, with much secrecy and
cunning, and, before the soldiers were aware, the fort was
surrounded by a large number of savages, thirsting for their blood.
The fort was strong, however, the gates were shut, and the Indians
found it impossible to enter. But they could watch it. They might,
perhaps, in time, force the garrison to surrender, because their
provisions could not last always. A guard was, therefore, constantly
kept round about, and so vigilant were they, that not a single white
man durst venture abroad, nor could any come to their assistance.
For a time, the provisions in the fort held out; but, at length, the
soldiers were obliged to resort to the flesh of their horses and dogs,
which, by reason of scanty food, had dwindled away nearly to
skeletons. For two long months, they bore up under the pressure of
confinement and stinted fare. The enemy that surrounded them,
they well knew, were at all times ferocious; but they would be
doubly so now, having become exasperated by watching for so long
a period.
The soldiers had stout hearts and good courage; but, at length,
they told the officers that they could hold out no longer. Upon this,
the latter came together, and, after due consultation, it was agreed
to surrender, and to obtain the best terms of capitulation from the
Indians they were able.
There was one man among them whom the Indians esteemed,—
Captain Stewart. He was accordingly selected to inform the enemy
that they had held out sufficiently long, and were willing to
surrender, provided they could make suitable terms. The Indians
replied, that they might march out with their guns and a little
powder and shot, but that the fort must be surrendered that very
day; adding, that they would accompany them to Fort George,
where their white brethren lived.
As these were better terms than they expected, the English
officers did not hesitate to accept them. They marched out
accordingly, and speedily set out upon their journey for Fort George.
It was noon when they left the fort, and night before they halted.
Wearied with their toilsome march, they soon laid themselves
down to rest. Just as they were doing this, they perceived that the
whole body of Indians were leaving them. The object of this
movement they were unable to explain; but, well knowing the
cunning and artifice of the savage warriors, they could sleep no
more. A few, perhaps more weary than the others, dozed
occasionally for a few minutes; but the painful state of anxiety, in
which they were, made their sleep short and unrefreshing. Several
hours passed in this state of suspense; but, as no Indians came near
them, they began to indulge the hope that the enemy had left them,
to return no more. They, therefore, generally laid themselves down,
and one after another, sunk into a sound sleep.
About the dawn of day, one of the men, who had been placed as a
guard, came running in great haste to inform them that a large body
of Indians were secretly approaching. The alarm was instantly given,
and the men were ordered to stand to their arms. The summons,
however, was so sudden, and the terror so universal, that not a
single soldier had his gun loaded when the tremendous war-whoop
broke upon them. The onset of the savages upon this comparatively
feeble and unprepared band was so furious that resistance was vain.
Some were killed, and the rest were taken prisoners. Captain
Stewart had his hands tied behind him, and, at the head of the
others, was led back to the fort.
On their arrival, an Indian chief, taking Captain Stewart by the
hand, conducted him to his own hut, unbound his arms, and fed him
from his own bowl. This was Attakullakulla. A few days after, the
Indians held a great council as to the disposal of the prisoners. The
chiefs were all present, and, though some differed for a time from
others, they finally agreed to send for Captain Stewart, and inform
him that they were about to attack Fort George. “You and your
men,” said they to him, “will accompany us. You will fight with us.
This is the result of our talk. You must do more,” added they. “Write
to the captain of Fort George; tell him of our coming; tell him, that,
if he surrenders the fort peaceably, it is well; if not, we will strip his
friend Captain Stewart, and burn him before his eyes!”
Captain Stewart, finding no alternative, sat down, and, in the
presence of the savages, wrote the letter required; but he thought
within himself, that, before he would fight against his brethren, he
would undergo the pains even of savage torture. On returning home,
he said to Attakullakulla, “You are my friend; you have shown your
friendship in the hour of danger and of trial. Now can you show it
again? I cannot fight my brethren. I must escape, or I must die.”
Attakullakulla replied, “I have been your friend once; I will be so
again. You must not fight your brethren. The red men must not kill
you. Come with me, and I will take you far from the reach of the
bloody tomahawk.”
Before the next morning, Attakullakulla and Captain Stewart were
far on their journey in the depths of the wilderness. By day, they
travelled with great expedition, and at night slept upon the open
ground. The sun and moon served as guides to the sagacious Indian
chief; and as they kept on, over hills and mountains, valleys and
rivers, Captain Stewart wondered where their journey would end. On
the fourteenth day, they saw fires at a distance, and they knew men
were near. They soon met a party of soldiers, who informed them
that they were in Virginia, and that this was the camp of Colonel
Bird. They told them to go on further, where they would see the
colonel himself. When they came up with this officer, Captain
Stewart introduced himself and his Indian friend to him. He was
delighted to hear of the captain’s escape, and was much pleased
with the friendship which the Indian had shown to the white man.
“This,” said he, “is true friendship, which shows itself in action, not in
words.”
When Attakullakulla said he must depart that night, the two
officers begged him to remain with them for a few days. But the old
man said, “No.” Finding that he could not be persuaded, they loaded
him with presents of all kinds, and, bidding him farewell, saw him
depart for his home. On his return to his tribe, he met some soldiers,
who told him they had been sent from Fort George, the place which
the Indians were going to attack. They said that the captain of Fort
George had received their letter, and had heard that they were
coming to fight him. But he desired Attakullakulla to inform his
brethren that they must not come to Fort George, for there was
much powder and ball buried in holes around the fort, to blow up
any enemies who might venture too near; and that, if they dared to
approach, they would certainly be blown in pieces.
Attakullakulla promised the soldiers that he would tell the Indians
of this, and again proceeded on his way. On reaching Fort Loudon,
he called the chiefs together, and told them of the message the
white man had sent to them. They were much frightened when they
heard of the powder and shot, and blessed the Good Spirit that he
had not permitted them to attack the fort, as they must all have
been killed.
But to return to Captain Stewart. Now that he had himself
escaped, he began to think of the poor soldiers whom he had left in
captivity. For a time, he could hear nothing of their fate, and was in
doubt whether his escape might not have led to the massacre of
them all. But, at length, he had the pleasure to know, by means of
one who had escaped like himself, that they were alive, though still
in captivity. Upon this intelligence, he collected such articles as he
thought would be acceptable to the Indians, beads, buttons, red
belts, &c., and begged him to divide them among the chiefs, and to
ask that their white prisoners might be sent to him in return. The
presents proved acceptable to the Indians, and, in the fulness of
their joy, they said they must send something in return to their
friend, Captain Stewart; but for an appropriate present they were
quite at a loss. Attakullakulla told them he could help them out of
their difficulty, and now informed them of the request of Captain
Stewart. To this they unanimously assented, and forthwith
communicated to their prisoners that they were at liberty.
The joy of the prisoners need not be told. Under the guidance of
the man whom Captain Stewart had sent with the presents, they
were conducted in safety to Fort George, where they had the
pleasure to meet, once more, their friend and benefactor, Captain
Stewart himself, and to thank him, in person, for his kind
remembrance of them in the land of their captivity.
These, and numerous other instances that might be cited, show
that boldness and cunning are not the only qualities of the Indian,
but that, in possessing the nobler attributes of kindness, generosity,
and friendship, he may often challenge our respect and admiration.
Of the capacity of the Western tribes for civilization, it indeed seems
that there can be no reasonable doubt.
What, then, is to be done, to aid them in taking advantage of their
present condition for improvement? Let our government pursue
toward them a conciliating policy; and, while maintaining their
present relations, do all in their power to secure the confidence and
good will of these tribes.
One of the greatest difficulties lies in conquering the love of war
and the chase, a passion, which, once indulged, is apt to engross
the whole soul. The tame pursuits of agriculture seem tasteless, if
not revolting, to those who have been accustomed to mingle in the
stormy excitements of savage life. But this difficulty may still be
overcome. Let the master spirits of the tribe be taught that the war-
path is no longer the road to distinction, and they will soon seek it in
some other way. To use the words of the author before quoted on
this subject,—“The season for political competition not having yet
arrived, the only means of distinction would be wealth; and the glory
of accumulating the bloody trophies of the battle-field would be
exchanged for the boast of broad fields and numerous herds. The
few, possessed of prudence and foresight, or desiring eminence,
would see at once the advantages of agriculture, and would become
farmers. The example would be salutary, and one after another
would desire to possess the comforts and independence which
crown the labors of the husbandman. The best and most influential
men would be the first to lead the way in this reformation; and
every man who became a farmer would be a powerful advocate of
the cause, because it would be his interest to diminish the number
of the idle and non-producing, who must depend on the public for
subsistence, or disturb the peace by crime and violence.
“To hasten this result, to hold out a reward for industry, and to
provide for a more advanced civilization than that which we have
been contemplating, it should be provided, that, whenever an Indian
should have actually become a farmer, and should, for a specified
number of years, have tilled the soil, a tract of land should be
granted to him, the title to which should be a life-estate to himself,
and a fee simple to his descendants. By this provision, portions of
land would be converted into private property, and the remainder
might be vested in the nation, whenever they should have a
government capable of properly disposing of it.
“In this way, the Indian might be allured by his interest, and led to
self-elevation. We would deprive him of his natural liberty only so
long as should be necessary to bring about that lucid interval in
which he would become sensible of his true condition, and apprized
of the means held out for his redemption; and we would leave it to
himself to seek out his own further advancement in his own way. In
this, we should pursue the plan of Nature. The primitive nations
were not precociously instructed by their Creator in the whole circle
of human knowledge; but it was left for them and their descendants
to discover gradually the wealth and resources of the world
beneficently given them, and to increase in learning by an easy and
healthful gradation.
“The attempt to civilize the roving bands by reason, by the mere
force of truth, or by any abstract sense of duty, has always been,
and will continue to be, abortive. The physical impediments must
first be removed. Among white men, Christianity, literature, and the
arts have never flourished during a period of anarchy or civil war. In
those countries where the peasantry are oppressed, and have no
rights, property, or education, they are degraded and ferocious; and
if the passions of their savage nature are not developed in deeds of
courage, it is because they are bridled by the strong arm of power. If
we trace the nations of Europe from their former state of barbarism
to their present moral elevation, we shall find the same causes to
have always operated. The first step has always been the acquisition
of permanent habitations, and the consequent love of country and of
home. Domestic comforts warmed into life the social virtues. The
possession of property followed, and then personal and civil rights,
one after another, were conceived. Then emancipation from their
chiefs ensued, and political rights began to be demanded. The state
of war became inconvenient. It was now the interest of the honest
and industrious to protect themselves against plunder and violence;
and the deeds of murder and robbery ceased to be heroic.
Commerce between nations softened prejudice, produced the
interchange of commodities, encouraged the arts, and enlarged the
stock of knowledge. And lastly, hand in hand, came education and
religion.
“The ministers of the gospel and the schoolmaster have been
powerful agents in these changes, but they have never marched in
the van. They form an efficient corps in the main body; but their
business is, to secure and improve the acquisitions which bone and
muscle, and skill and courage have obtained. As the rifle and the axe
must first subdue the forest, before the husbandman can cultivate
the soil, so must the strong arm of the government produce peace,
enforce obedience, and organize a system of civil rights and
restraints, before the mild precepts of the gospel, and the fructifying
streams of knowledge, can be made to pervade the wilderness, and
teach the desert to blossom as the rose.”
With these suggestions we dismiss this subject, in the hope that it
will attract the serious attention, not only of the government, but of
the people of the United States; and that a course will be pursued,
in respect to these remnants of the American tribes, alike dictated by
prudence, justice, and general benevolence.
FOOTNOTES
[1] For an account of these, see “Manners and Customs of the
Indians” in “The Cabinet Library.”
[2] In the “Lives of Famous Indians,” we have offered a few
suggestions on this subject. If the reader perceives some
repetition of facts in this article, to be found in that just
mentioned, he will consider that it is a part of our design to
render each volume of the “Cabinet Library,” complete in itself.
[3] For an account of the operations of the missionaries in
Paraguay, see “Lights and Shadows of American History.”
[4] See “Lives of Famous Indians.”
[5] For an account of Cofachiqui, see “Lives of Famous
Indians.”
[6] See “Lives of Famous Indians.”
[7] For the details of Smith’s life, see “Curiosities of Human
Nature,” and “Lives of Celebrated American Indians,” article
“Pocahontas.”
[8] For the life of Philip and an account of the war, see “Lives of
Famous Indians.”
[9] For an account of Brant, see “Lives of Famous American
Indians.”
[10] See Life of Brant, in “Lives of Famous American Indians.”
[11] See “Lives of Famous Indians.”
[12] For the particulars of Pontiac’s life, see “Lives of Famous
American Indians.”
[13] See “Lives of Famous American Indians.”
[14] See “Lives of Famous American Indians.”
[15] See “Lives of Famous American Indians.”
Transcriber’s Note
Original spellings, including any variations (i.e. skillful and
skilful), have been retained, except in the cases of the following
typographical errors.
Page 23, “firmanent” changed to “firmament.” (had sailed out
of the crystal firmament)
Page 25, “spices” changed to “species.” (abounding with
species and odoriferous trees)
Page 92, “no” changed to “not.” (not part of Pizarro’s plan)
Page 98, “divsions” changed to “divisions.” (Each of these
great divisions)
Page 105, “moistture” changed to “moisture.” (his men from
the extreme moisture)
Page 145, “earnage” changed to “carnage.” (fearful scene of
blood and carnage)
Page 162, “Apalachians” changed to “Appalachians.”
(Cherokees, Appalachians, Catawbas)
Page 163, “souththern” changed to “southern.” ( desolating
the southern frontiers)
Page 210, “skocking” changed to “shocking.” (are too
shocking for detail)
Page 238, “everglades” changed to “Everglades.” (Here, in
the Everglades)
Page 259, “ove” changed to “over.” (and triumph over their
enemies)
Page 259, “throngh” changed to “through.” (rushed through
the crowd)
Page 289, “instructers” changed to “instructors.” (build
school-houses and provide instructors)
Page 298, “vengeace” changed to “vengeance.” (cried to
heaven for vengeance)
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