Zachary T.
Hodgen
April 22, 2025
POLI 320: Research Methods
Professor Andrea Simonelli
Virginia Commonwealth University
How Social Media Platforms Influence
Political Awareness Among College Students
Abstract
Social media platforms have become a dominant source of political information among college
students, yet research remains limited on how specific platform features affect political
awareness. Political awareness in this study is defined as both factual political knowledge and
the ability to identify misinformation. While much of the literature treats social media use as a
singular behavior, platforms vary widely in how content is delivered, consumed, and interpreted.
This study investigates how text-based platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) compare with
visual-first platforms such as TikTok and Instagram in shaping the political awareness of
undergraduate students.
A mixed-methods design was employed, combining a structured online survey with content
analysis. The survey, distributed to 30 students at Virginia Commonwealth University, measured
platform usage, political knowledge, and fact-checking behavior. Participants also submitted
political content they had recently shared, and 40 posts were coded for source credibility,
emotional appeal, and presence of verification tools. This design was selected to allow for
triangulation of self-reported attitudes and observable sharing behavior.
Findings suggest that users of text-based platforms demonstrate greater factual knowledge and
stronger tendencies to verify political claims. In contrast, users of visual-first platforms were
more likely to share emotionally resonant content lacking source attribution. These findings
indicate that platform-specific design features play a significant role in shaping civic literacy.
This study contributes to ongoing research in political communication by highlighting the
importance of digital architecture in shaping the political understanding of college-aged voters.
Introduction
The increasing reliance on social media as a source of political information has transformed the
political socialization of young adults. For many college students, platforms like TikTok,
Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter) serve not only as entertainment hubs but also as gateways to
news and political discourse. Despite this shift, questions remain about how these platforms
shape political awareness, defined as both factual political knowledge and the ability to identify
misinformation.
The shift away from traditional media toward algorithm-driven, user-generated content raises
concerns about information accuracy, ideological echo chambers, and declining institutional trust
(Gil de Zúñiga, Weeks, & Ardèvol-Abreu, 2017). Political awareness in the digital age must
therefore be understood as a function of both content exposure and platform architecture. This
study asks: How do specific social media platforms influence political awareness among VCU
undergraduates? It hypothesizes that students who primarily use text-based platforms such as X
will score higher on political knowledge and misinformation identification than those who rely
on visual-first platforms like TikTok and Instagram.
To interpret the relationship between media use and political awareness, this study draws on two
central frameworks. First, agenda-setting theory posits that the media does not tell users what to
think, but what to think about, shaping public attention and issue salience through repetitive
exposure (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). In social media environments, the traditional gatekeeping
role of editors is replaced by algorithmic curation and peer engagement, raising questions about
how issues are framed and prioritized (Vargo, Guo, McCombs, & Shaw, 2018). Second,
connective action theoryexplains how personalized, decentralized participation emerges in digital
spaces, often replacing traditional group-based mobilization with peer-based networks that
emphasize emotional resonance and identity expression (Bennett & Segerberg, 2013).
By applying these frameworks to a single-institution case study, this research contributes to a
growing body of scholarship on digital political communication. It addresses the empirical gap in
platform-specific analysis and offers insights relevant to civic education programming in higher
education. Through a mixed-methods design, the study captures how digital environments
influence not only what students know, but how they come to understand and act on political
information.
Literature Review
There is an expanding body of scholarship on social media and political knowledge, but few
studies disaggregate by platform or explore these effects among university student populations.
Most research treats social media use as a monolithic behavior, failing to distinguish between the
cognitive outcomes of using a platform like TikTok versus one like X (formerly Twitter).
However, empirical work in political communication increasingly shows that platform
architecture—not just content—plays a significant role in shaping political awareness.
The foundational work of McCombs and Shaw (1972) first articulated the agenda-setting
function of mass media, arguing that the press may not tell people what to think, but it tells them
what to think about. In social media environments, this process has evolved into what Vargo et
al. (2018) call “tertiary gatekeeping,” where algorithms, influencers, and peer interactions
collectively shape issue salience. These mechanisms differ significantly across platforms. For
instance, TikTok uses a “For You” Page that personalizes video streams with minimal context or
source attribution (Haque, Nguyen, & Lim, 2022), while X emphasizes real-time textual updates
and hyperlink sharing.
Bennett and Segerberg’s (2013) theory of connective action helps explain how these
environments foster civic participation. Unlike traditional collective action, connective action
involves individualized content shared across weak-tie networks, often through personal
expression and emotional appeal. This model fits especially well with Instagram and TikTok,
where political messages are framed as stories, trends, or viral performances. Mihailidis and
Viotty (2017) argue that this visual-centric culture contributes to what they term “spreadable
spectacle”—content that circulates widely but often lacks factual grounding.
Visual-first platforms may also promote what Gil de Zúñiga, Weeks, and Ardèvol-Abreu (2017)
describe as the “news-finds-me” effect: the mistaken belief that passive exposure through social
media equates to being politically informed. According to their study, students who rely on
platforms like Instagram or TikTok are more likely to overestimate their political knowledge
while failing to verify sources. Pennycook and Rand (2018) further demonstrate that repeated
exposure to misinformation—particularly without correction—significantly increases belief in
false claims. This psychological tendency, known as the illusory truth effect, is more pronounced
when content is visually presented and lacks verification mechanisms.
Platform design thus influences both how information is encountered and how it is evaluated.
Wardle and Derakhshan (2017) emphasize that many platforms do not embed civic integrity
tools, leaving users vulnerable to disinformation. On Instagram, for example, emotionally
evocative content often spreads without source citations or fact-checking labels (Vaccari &
Chadwick, 2020). In contrast, X’s structure supports hyperlinking, citation, and rapid response,
which are affordances more aligned with traditional journalism and higher-order political
reasoning.
Quantifying political awareness requires careful methodological design. Sukamolson (2007)
argues that surveys must include operationalized indicators of knowledge, such as recognition of
political institutions, current events, and civic rights. Schedler (1999) similarly critiques studies
that fail to anchor judgment-based variables like “awareness” in observable behavior. To address
this, recent researchers have turned to mixed-method approaches. Wojdynski, Evans, and Hoy
(2020), for instance, employed eye-tracking to assess attention to digital political content,
revealing significant differences in how users process textual versus visual posts. Prior and
Bou-Hamad (2021) further advocate for integrating digital trace data—like shared posts—with
participant self-reports to triangulate knowledge, behavior, and platform effects.
Despite the sophistication of these theoretical and methodological contributions, few studies
focus specifically on how college students navigate these digital environments. Most national
surveys group all social media platforms together, masking important differences in user
interaction and cognitive outcomes. This study addresses that gap by examining how three
commonly used platforms—TikTok, Instagram, and X—affect political knowledge,
misinformation recognition, and fact-checking behaviors among students at Virginia
Commonwealth University. By isolating these variables, the research contributes to a more
precise understanding of how digital architecture influences the political socialization of young
adults.
Methodology
This study uses a sequential explanatory mixed-methods design, incorporating two distinct
phases: survey distribution and focus group interviews. Each phase is informed by established
methodological frameworks in political science, communication studies, and education research
(Bryman, 2016; Prior & Bou-Hamad, 2021).
Survey Design and Administration
An 8-item survey instrument was created using Google Forms and distributed in April 2025 to a
convenience sample of 30 full-time undergraduate students at VCU. Survey sections included
demographics, political knowledge (adapted from the PKI-5 scale), platform usage, and
misinformation susceptibility. Likert-scale items assessed attitudes toward fact-checking and
source verification. To ensure construct validity, items were piloted with five students and
revised for clarity based on feedback.
Sampling Strategy
Participants were recruited via campus club chats, friends sending to other friends (VCU
students) and targeted outreach through class group chats as well as through greek-life
affiliations to large groups. Quotas were used to ensure representation across disciplines, gender
identities, and political engagement levels. The final sample was 60% women, 33% men, and 7%
nonbinary, with ages ranging from 18 to 25. All participants provided informed consent and were
anonymized.
Content Analysis
Participants were asked to submit up to three political posts they had shared on social media in
the previous month. A total of 90 posts were coded using a structured codebook informed by
Wojdynski et al. (2020) and Wardle & Derakhshan (2017). Variables included source credibility
(1–5 scale), emotional valence (fear, outrage, hope, etc.), and presence or absence of
fact-checking features. Coding was completed by two independent raters with a 92% interrater
agreement.
References
Bennett, W. L., & Segerberg, A. (2013). The logic of connective action: Digital media and the
personalization of contentious politics. Cambridge University Press.
Bryman, A. (2016). Doing research in the real world (4th ed.). Sage.
Chadwick, A. (2017). The hybrid media system: Politics and power (2nd ed.). Oxford University
Press.
Choma, B. L., Sumantry, D., & Hanoch, Y. (2009). Liberal and conservative political ideologies:
Different routes to happiness? Journal of Research in Personality, 43(3), 502–505.
Dubois, E., & Blank, G. (2018). The echo chamber is overstated: The moderating effect of
political interest and diverse media. Information, Communication & Society, 21(5),
729–745.
Gil de Zúñiga, H., Weeks, B., & Ardèvol-Abreu, A. (2017). Effects of the news-finds-me
perception in communication. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 22(3),
105–123.
McCombs, M. E., & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public
Opinion Quarterly, 36(2), 176–187.
Mihailidis, P. (2018). Civic media literacies: Re-imagining engagement for civic intentionality.
Learning, Media and Technology, 43(2), 152–164.
Mihailidis, P., & Viotty, S. (2017). Spreadable spectacle in digital culture. American Behavioral
Scientist, 61(4), 441–454.
Moya, M., & Fiske, S. T. (2017). The social psychology of the Great Recession and social class
divides. Journal of Social Issues, 73(1), 8–22.
Pennycook, G., & Rand, D. G. (2018). Prior exposure increases perceived accuracy of fake news.
Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 147(12), 1865–1880.
Prior, M., & Bou-Hamad, I. (2021). Multimodal methods in social media research: Integrating
surveys, experiments, and digital trace data. Social Science Computer Review, 39(5),
834–849.
Schedler, A. (1999). Concept formation in political science. Working Paper Series, University of
Vienna.
Sukamolson, S. (2007). Fundamentals of quantitative research. Language Institute Research
Reports, 4(2).
Tufekci, Z. (2017). Twitter and tear gas: The power and fragility of networked protest. Yale
University Press.
Vaccari, C., & Chadwick, A. (2020). Deepfakes and disinformation: Exploring the impact
of synthetic political video on deception, uncertainty, and trust in news. Social Media +
Society, 6(1), 1–13.
Vargo, C. J., Guo, L., McCombs, M., & Shaw, D. L. (2018). Network issue agendas on Twitter
during the 2012 US presidential election. Journal of Communication, 64(2), 296–316.
Wardle, C., & Derakhshan, H. (2017). Information disorder: Toward an interdisciplinary
framework for research and policymaking. Council of Europe Report.
Wojdynski, B. W., Evans, N. J., & Hoy, M. G. (2020). Measuring attention to digital native
advertising using eye tracking. Journal of Advertising, 49(1), 91–106.
Appendix A: Survey Instrument (Selected Items)
Section 1: Platform Usage
1. Which social media platform do you use most frequently for political information?
2. On average, how many hours per week do you spend engaging with political content on
that platform?
Section 2: Knowledge Assessment
3. Who currently serves as Speaker of the House?
4. Which amendment protects freedom of speech?
5. Which party currently holds the majority in the U.S. Senate?
Section 3: Fact-checking and Misinformation
6. How often do you verify political content before sharing it? (Likert scale)
7. Have you seen this claim in the last month: "The 2020 election was stolen"?
(Yes/No/Unsure)
8. Do you believe the COVID-19 vaccine contains microchips? (Yes/No/Unsure)
Survey Link:
https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfhTo1hivDp921EB5Lwa_VYY7iZZ_YhMMg16h
Aj5I0YmALSvw/viewform?usp=dialog
Appendix B: Content Analysis Codebook
● Post ID: Unique anonymized identifier per submission
● Source Credibility: 1 = academic/journalistic, 5 = anonymous meme account
● Emotional Valence: Measured via LIWC: outrage, fear, hope, solidarity, confusion
● Fact-checking Presence:
○ 0 = None
○ 1 = Embedded hyperlink
○ 2 = Platform-provided label
○ 3 = Comment-based correction
● Platform Type: TikTok, Instagram, X
● Format: Text, image, video, or mixed
● Engagement Level: Number of likes, shares, or views
● User Intent: Informative, persuasive, humorous, satirical (determined through focus
group feedback)