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Archaeological Overview and Assessment: Pullman National Monument Town of

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National Park Service
U.S. Department of the Interior

Midwest Archeological Center

Lincoln, Nebraska

Archaeological Overview & Assessment

PULLMAN NATIONAL HISTORICAL MONUMENT
Town of Pullman, Chicago, Illinois

Dr. Timothy J. Scarlett

and
Dr. Steven A. Walton

Technical Report No. 142

This report has been reviewed against the criteria contained in 43CFR Part 7, Subpart
A, Section 7.18 (a) (1) and, upon recommendation of the Midwest Regional Office
and the Midwest Archeological Center, has been classified as

Available

Making the report available meets the criteria of 43CFR Part 7, Subpart A, Section 7.18
(a) (1).

a
b
 ARCHAEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW & ASSESSMENT

PULLMAN NATIONAL HISTORICAL Monument

Town of Pullman, Chicago, Illinois

Dr. Timothy J. Scarlett

And

Dr. Steven A. Walton

Department of Social Sciences

Michigan Technological University

Houghton, MI 49931

Submitted to:

Dr. Timothy M Schilling

Midwest Archeological Center, National Park Service

100 Centennial Mall North, Room 474

Lincoln, NE 68508

18 December 2017

1
Management Summary

The Archaeological Overview and Assessment (Archaeological O&A, or simply O&A) is a Baseline
Research Report within the National Park Service’s Cultural Resource Management system. This report
presents basic research results intended to help support planning regarding and management of park
cultural resources, as well as supporting interpretive programming. The National Park Service defines an
Archaeological O&A as a report which “describes and assesses the known and potential archeological
resources in a park area. The overview reviews and summarizes existing archeological data; the
assessment evaluates the data. The report assesses past work and helps determine the need for and
design of future studies” (U.S. Department of the Interior: 25).

As an industrial factory site with associated community, the archaeological resources of Pullman
National Monument are evaluated here within the overlapping frameworks of Industrial Archaeology
and Industrial Heritage. The federally owned and managed property within this monument is a single
building within one part of the factory complex. The NPS is establishing collaborative relationships with
other landowners within the monument’s boundaries, including the State of Illinois, The Historic
Pullman Foundation, and many private residents. This study is accordingly focused on the Palace Car
works at Pullman, essentially the portion of the larger factory that included the majority of the works
concerned with producing Pullman’s famous sleeper cars. While the study points to how archaeological
research and management at the works can connect to the larger community within the Monument,
this theme will be expanded in the forthcoming Historic Resources Study and other publications and
project reports.

This report includes a short introduction to the history of the Pullman Palace Car Company, then turns to
a summary of the geological and environmental setting of the monument with focus on the
Monument’s potential to yield sites or artifacts related to ancient land use. Since the work process is the
core of analysis in Industrial Archaeology, the third chapter includes an analysis of the establishment of
the works and town at Pullman with a focus on the design and construction of infrastructure for
production at the palace car shops. Working from existing primary sources, the document examines
what is known about the design and evolution of the work process at the factory. Until researchers can
undertake more detailed analyses of the Tenneco Papers collection or new archaeological fieldwork, this
report includes the most detailed examination of the factory’s work process and its interrelated activity
areas.

The report then reviews archaeological resources, including a chapter reviewing previous archaeological
work within the monument’s boundaries and the research potential of known archaeological resources
within the factory site (buildings #1-#8). The final section makes recommendations for research and
management of the monument’s archaeological, historical, archival, and architectural resources, leading
toward the Historic Resources Study that is the third phase of the collaborative interaction between the
National Park Service’s MWAC, Pullman National Monument, and MTU’s Industrial Heritage and
Archaeology program.

2
Michigan Technological University and the National Park Service initiated this work in November of 2016
as part of the project entitled “Cooperative Agreement for Work with Pullman National Monument”
(Michigan Technological University Proposal #1609078, Task Agreement #P17AC00005). The agreement
was established within the Cooperative and Joint Venture Agreement of the Great Lakes-Northern
Forest Cooperative Ecosystems Studies Unit (NPS # P12AC31164, MTU Master Cooperative Agreement
#P12AC31164). This agreement will culminate in the production of a Historic Resources Study, to be
published on September 1st, 2019.

3
Contents
MANAGEMENT SUMMARY 2
LIST OF FIGURES 6
ABBREVIATIONS 8
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 8

1 INTRODUCTION 12
1.1 ORIGINS OF THE COMPANY TOWN OF PULLMAN, IL 14
1.2 THE TOWN OF PULLMAN AND ITS OVERLAPPING DESIGNATIONS 20
1.2.1 THE FACTORY COMPLEX 21

2 THE GEOLOGICAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING 23

2.1 TOPOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE: HOLOCENE LAKE LEVELS 24
2.2 CULTURAL CONTEXTS 31

3 ESTABLISHING PULLMAN, ILLINOIS 33

3.1 BEFORE PULLMAN 33
3.2 ORIGINS OF THE TOWN (WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE FACTORY) 34
3.2.1 PHILOSOPHY OF THE TOWN OF PULLMAN 37
3.2.2 FACTORY DESIGN ANTECEDENTS: THE PULLMAN PALACE CAR COMPANY WORKS IN DETROIT 38
3.2.3 LAYING OUT THE TOWN OF PULLMAN 41
3.2.4 THE SANITARY ANGLE 43
3.3 EVOLUTION OF THE FACTORY COMPLEX 44
3.4 WORK AT THE FACTORY COMPLEX 45
3.4.1 MANAGERIAL STRUCTURE AND RELATIONS 46
3.4.2 WORK PROCESS FROM TESTIMONIALS 48
3.4.3 WORK PROCESS FROM ORDER DOCKETS 53
3.4.4 WORK PROCESS FROM MAPS AND INVENTORIES 55

4 EVALUATION OF PREVIOUS ARCHEOLOGICAL WORK 62

4.1 2000 PULLMAN WATER TOWER EXCAVATION 62

4.2 2004 FACTORY EXCAVATIONS 62
4.3 2005-2008 PULLMAN TOWN EXCAVATIONS 65
4.4 2016 ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY 67

5 RESEARCH POTENTIAL OF KNOWN ARCHEOLOGICAL RESOURCES 68

5.1 AREA INVESTIGATIONS 68

4
5.1.1 OFFICE AND CLOCK TOWER BUILDING (BLDG 1), NORTH ERECTING SHOP (BLDG 2), AND REAR ERECTING SHOP
SECTIONS A AND B (BLDG 4). 75
5.1.2 SOUTH ERECTING SHOP AND 1907 STEEL CAR ADDITION (BLDG 3), FINISHING SHOP (BLDG 5), WOOD MACHINE
SHOP (BLDG 6), ENGINE HOUSE (BLDG 7), BOILER HOUSE (BLDG 8) AND REAR ERECTING SHOP SECTIONS C AND
D (BLDG 4). 76
5.1.3 OUTDOOR AREAS, INCLUDING TRACKWAYS, TRANSFER TABLES, STAGING AREAS, LAKE VISTA, AND OTHER OPEN
SPACE. 77
5.2 ENVIRONMENTAL HOTSPOT CONCERNS 79
5.3 CONCLUSIONS 80

6 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH AND MANAGEMENT 86

6.1 THEMES 86
6.2 NETWORKS OF LABOR 88
6.2.1 BIG DATA ABOUT WORKERS 88
6.2.2 DRAWINGS AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF ARTISANAL SKILL AND LABOR 89
6.2.3 BIOGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATIONS OF THE MAIN ENGINEERS OF PULLMAN 89
6.2.4 RACE AND LABOR 90
6.3 INVENTION AND INNOVATION 90
6.3.1 TRANSFER TABLE TECHNOLOGY 91
6.3.2 MATERIALS, EFFICIENCY, WASTE 91
6.4 LANDSCAPES OF LABOR 92
6.4.1 MOVEMENT AND EMBODIED LABOR 93
6.4.2 SOUNDSCAPES OF INDUSTRY IN INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY 93
6.5 ENVIRONMENTAL HISTORY OF PULLMAN’S INDUSTRIAL AND POST-INDUSTRIAL PHASES 94
6.6 CONCLUSIONS: FUTURE RESEARCH 95

REFERENCES CITED 97

5
List of Figures
Figure 1-1: The first Pullman reclining chairs. From the Joliet News Historical Edition, 1884 (reprinted in
(Anon. 1897b: 47). .............................................................................................................................. 13

Figure 1-2: The Pullman manufacturing and repair empire at its height (from Annual Report 1929, 2) ... 16

Figure 1-3: Annual Earnings, Dividends, and Assets for Pullman Co., 1880-1972 (Annual Reports) .......... 17

Figure 1-4: Total Number of Cars Constructed by Pullman, 1871-1940 ..................................................... 18

Figure 2-1: Estimated lake levels in four publications, plotted to 6,000 years before present with Lake
Michigan’s historical average level as well as the elevation of the Pullman factory site. .................. 25

Figure 2-2: Location of the Pullman factory in relation to the evolving lakeshore over time. From 14.5
KYA until 3.8 KYA, the site was underwater during high-water phases while the absolute low water
level is unclear. ................................................................................................................................... 27

Figure 2-3: Location of Pullman in relation to two visualizations of relict shorelines and beaches, dunes,
and other features. ............................................................................................................................ 29

Figure 2-4: Beach ridges and dunes around Pullman factory site. Detail from 1939 Surface Geology Quad
Map (Bretz 1939). ............................................................................................................................... 30

Figure 3-1: 1884 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Detroit showing the Pullman Palace Car Company’s
Works on Monroe Street (Sanborn Fire Insurance Company 1884: 60). ........................................... 40

Figure 3-2: Final Labor Accounting, Docket 2293, General Service Parlor Car for the PRR, 1898
(Smithsonian NMAH Archives Center, Pullman Collection, box 1, folder 26, p. 30) .......................... 54

Figure 4-1: DePaul University students excavating in the factory’s core, perhaps in the Engine House.
Presumably taken from the roof of the North Erecting Shop (Building 2). Photo courtesy of Scott
Demel, Northern Michigan University................................................................................................ 63

Figure 4-2: Sketch map of optical transit bearings with distances, calculated either by tape or from
transit readings. Scott Demel provided this sketch map from his portion of the excavation records.
............................................................................................................................................................ 64

Figure 4-3: Digging along Lawrence Avenue on the lawn of the Hotel Florence. Scott Demel provided this
photograph of excavation at the Hotel Florence. In Volume 1 of the DePaul University reports
(Baxter and Hartley 2011: 21), Jane Baxter identifies this as Lawrence Avenue. .............................. 65

Figure 5-1: Gas lines extracted from maps dated 1900-1910. ................................................................... 70

Figure 5-2: Sewer Lines, Privies, and Toilets, 1880-1955. .......................................................................... 71

Figure 5-3: Storm drainage lines, 1901-1955. ............................................................................................ 72

6
Figure 5-4: Plan of water system with hydrants, standpipes, wells, and cisterns, 1880-1955. .................. 73

Figure 5-5: Plan of drive shaft system for factory core, c. 1880-1905. There is no indication as yet where
the connecting shaft ran between the eastern and western drive shafts through the factory core. 74

Figure 5-6: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1888/1894 Sanborn Map, showing
relationship between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas. ........................................ 81

Figure 5-7: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1911 Sanborn Map, showing relationship
between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas. ............................................................ 82

Figure 5-8: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1938 Sanborn Map, showing relationship
between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas. ............................................................ 83

Figure 5-9: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon c. 1955 Building Plans, showing relationship
between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas. ............................................................ 84

Figure 5-10: Total Utilities Systems raw plot map with IEPA-identified environmental hotspots and
concerns identified from historic maps and records. This raw plot shows the chaotic nature of
utilities as drawn, rather than as schematic plots in Figures 5.1-5.5. ................................................ 85

7
 Abbreviations
• CA&StL Chicago, Alton, & St. Louis railroad
• CB&Q Chicago, Burlington & Quincy railroad
• IC Illinois Central railroad
• MC Michigan Central railroad
• NHL National Historic Landmark
• NPS National Park Service
• NRHP National Register of Historic Places
• NYC New York Central railroad
• PNM Pullman National Monument
• PPCCo Pullman Palace Car Company
• PRR Pennsylvania Railroad
• DC&MW Detroit Car & Manufacturing Works
• RRCo. Robinson, Russell, and Company

Preface and Acknowledgements

We would like to extend our thanks for assistance on this project to numerous people in the Chicago
area and well as at Michigan Technological University:

To begin, we wish to extend our most grateful thanks to two persons: Timothy Schilling and Nathaniel
Parks. Timothy Schilling has been our lead contact at the National Park Service’s Midwest Archeology
Center office. Dr. Schilling has been patient with work delays and responsive to all our questions,
through with his comments and suggestions, and a reliably collegial partner. As a community volunteer,
Nathanial Parks acted as a pro tem archivist of the Tenneco Papers in the care of the State of Illinois
Department of the Interior and dedicated eight intensive hours on a Saturday to help us unstack and
restack more than 178 boxes of documents. This allowed us to assess the materials identified in the
preliminary inventory and bring just a bit of that amazing collection into this report. This collection is
truly a gold mine of information about the Pullman factory operations, filing the historical holes in
source material at the Newberry Library and other archives and we are grateful for Mr. Parks’
assistance. Once the collection is eventually fully catalogued, these papers will be invaluable to the
future history of the Pullman factory complex. We hope the organizations will eventually realize their
vision to create an industrial heritage archive for the Lake Calumet region.

Several professional staff from the National Park Service provided assistance and support throughout
the project. Pullman National Monument’s Kathleen Schneider, Superintendent, and Sue Bennett, Chief
of Visitor Services and Community Outreach, both supported our efforts and we look forward to future
collaborations. Archaeologist Timothy Schilling served as our primary contact and collaborator on the
Archaeological O&A. Dr. Schilling and the staff at the NPS Midwest Archeology Center (MWAC) were a
constant source of assistance and support during the research. Many individuals in NPS provided
administrative and research support: Dawn Bringelson, Archaeologist and Agreements Technical
8
Representative; Bob Bryson, Associate Regional Director of Cultural Resources and former Center
Manager, MWAC; Tim Townsend, Historian, Lincoln Home National Historic Site; and Elizabeth Dean,
Administrative Support Assistant, MWAC. Paul Labovitz, Superintendent of Indiana Dunes National
Lakeshore, served as acting superintendent while we got the project started.

We thank the Pullman Museum and the Pullman State Historic Site and Industrial Heritage Archives.
David Schultz provided access to buildings and enabled access to the Tenneco Paper Collections. Mr.
Schultz is the Site Supervisor for both the Pullman and Douglas Tomb State Historic Sites, Illinois
Department of Natural Resources. The professional staff in the Illinois State Historic Preservation Office
provided comments at various points during this process. We are grateful for their assistance, including:
Rachel Leibowitz, Deputy State Historic Preservation Officer and Division Manager of Historic
Preservation; Joe Phillippe, Staff Archaeologist; and Ryan Prehn, Illinois Department of Environmental
Quality; During the project, these professionals struggled with the State of Illinois budgetary issues and
the reorganization/relocation of their agency to the Illinois Department of Natural Resources. A number
of people helped us access the Illinois Inventory of Archaeological Sites (at IDNR) and the related Illinois
State Archaeological Survey records (at the University of Illinois Urbana Champlain and the Illinois State
Museum): Michael Farkas, GIS and Database Coordinator, Illinois State Archaeological Survey; Jason
Kuhlman of the Department of Natural Resources, Office of Mines and Minerals; Erich Schroeder,
Associate Curator of the Technology Learning Center, and Michael Wiant, interim Director, both of the
Illinois State Museum. We appreciate everyone’s efforts to keep the project on track during difficult
times in the state.

During the preparation of this document, we were pleased to have the interest and support of many
Pullman community organizations. We look forward to closer collaborations with these individuals and
organizations during the Historic Resources Study. We must offer particular thanks to some of these
individuals, including Mike Shymanski of the Historic Pullman Foundation; Dr. Lyn Hughes and David
Petersen of the National A. Philip Randolf Pullman Porter Museum; and Paul Petraitis, historian and
Pullman resident, “co-curator” of the Pullman History Facebook Group (with Andrew Bullen). We are
also grateful to the Historic Pullman Foundation and the Pullman Community Organization.

Here at Michigan Tech, we owe a debt of gratitude to Don Lafrenier at the Geospatial Research Core
Facility and his graduate class in GIS for building the Pullman Geospatial Infrastructure, which has served
as the backbone of our mapping for the site. Gerard Spikeberg worked as a lab assistant, building much
of the HGIS infrastructure. We also thank Cooper Sheldon for his work as a research assistant and our
EndNote archivist, as well as Michael Bleddynn and Alice Margerum, who each accompanied us to the
archives to explore what we had to work with, we owe a great debt for their forbearance in the face of
our unknown knowns as we so rapidly dove into the huge amount of material preserved on Pullman.

Our university’s Sponsored Programs staff have been essential in facilitating our NPS collaborations and
handling the accounting processes. We are indebted to Kim Codere, Manager of Grants and Contracts.
In addition, we thank the efforts of Tracy LaPlante, Grants Accounting; Mary Yeo, Manager of Auxiliary
Accounting and Banking Operations; Bobbie Dalquist, Manager of Financial Information Systems, and
Leslie Turnquist, Billing Coordinator.
9
Several archaeological colleagues assisted us with research support and/or advice. Jane Baxter has
shared all of her previous work at Pullman, along with thoughtful advice and insight. We are in her debt.
Christopher Fennell of the Department of Anthropology at UIUC assisted with site file research before
we’d been granted access to the ISAS servers.

The professional staff at several archives and libraries were helpful in our work, including Glenn
Humphreys, Special Collections Librarian, Librarian Roslyn Mabry, and other staff of the Chicago Public
Library. Staff at the Chicago Historical Society Archive Smithsonian Institution, the Library of Congress,
and Harvard University’s Baker Library all provided assistance. We thank Reneé Blackburn and Tyler
Allen for their research assistance. Dr. Blackburn reviewed the Pullman materials in the R.G. Dun & Co. /
Dun & Bradstreet Collections in the Baker Library of the Harvard Business School. Mr. Allen visited the
Smithsonian and the Library of Congress on our behalf.

Several archivists and librarians deserve special mention for their invaluable help. The Sanborn and
Rascher images that we georeferenced into our HGIS were provided courtesy of the Map and Geography
Library, Special Collections, University Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champlain. Several
individuals were tremendous help in this effort, including Jenny Marie Johnson, Associate Professor of
Library Administration and Map and Geography Librarian; Krista L. Gray, Archival Operations Reference
Specialist, Illinois History and Lincoln Collections; and Rimkus Kyle, Assistant Professor and Preservation
Librarian.

Several staff from the Newberry Library were of tremendous help with their collections of archival
material. Martha Briggs, Lloyd Lewis Curator of Modern Manuscripts was our initial contact and
tremendous help throughout our effort. We also wish to thank Alison Hinderliter, Archives and
Manuscripts Librarian in the Modern Manuscripts section; John Powell, Digital Imaging Services
Manager; Patrick Morris, Map Catalog Librarian; and JoEllen McKillop Dickie, Reference Librarian.

At the Art Institute of Chicago, we were assisted by several people who helped us access documents,
images, and maps. Nathaniel Parks, Tigerman McCurry Art and Architecture Archivist of the Ryerson and
Burnham Libraries, advised us on the research. We were also assisted by Autumn L. Mather, Head of
Reader Services; Joe Tallarico, Digital Imaging Photographer; and Stephanie Fletcher, E-
Resources/Reference Librarian. Although our contact was too late to be included in the present study,
Lori H. Boyer, Exhibitions and Collections Manager at the Art Institute of Chicago, provided assistance
tracking down loose ends in the collections of the AIC.

At Michigan Technological University’s J. Robert Van Pelt and John and Ruanne Opie Library, we thank
Erin Mattas, Research Support Librarian, and both Stephanie Reed and Kari Bellin-Sloat, Assistant
Librarians on the Resource Sharing Team. They helped us with database access and interlibrary loans
that were (and continue to be) essential the historical background work that contextualizes the archival
study with primary documents.

We are indebted to the volunteer staff of the Illinois State Railway Museum’s Pullman Library in Union,
Illinois. They spent time with us during which we explored their collection. They are volunteers doing a
wonderful job caring for the tremendous collection of Pullman drawings, photographs, and documents
10
transferred from Bombardier. The cataloged and uncatalogued documents at IRM’s Pullman Library
have great research potential. We thank Ted Anderson, Steve Hile, Nick Kallas, Bob Webber, and others
in their organization for both their time and their overall preservation efforts.

Daniel Liedtke, Curator of Collections at the National Railroad Museum in Green Bay. Conley opened the
museum’s private research library to us and our graduate students, a facility which will be invaluable in
Historic Resource Study. It was there that, as a research team, we had our first “up close and personal”
interaction with an excellent Pullman car exhibit about the car technology as well as the Pullman
Porters. Prof. John ‘Jack’ Brown from the University of Virginia kindly fielded questions about whether
anybody had ever studied or written about car erecting shops (he is the author of a recent important
work on the Baldwin locomotive works) He suggested a number of avenues of study that we will take up
in the next phase of this project.

11
1 Introduction
In answering a demographic questionnaire, the city supervisor replied to a question, “How many
public parks belong to the city?” by stating “The whole city is a park, but half a dozen open spaces
1
are elevated to parks.”

The name “Pullman” was synonymous with luxury rail travel for over a century in America and around
the world, and even today, when rail travel is for most a distant memory, the name still conjures an
image of a sleeping car with porters to care for the travelers. More historically aware people may attach
the name to the idyllic planned town by the same name that was to be a workers’ paradise in the age of
rapid industrialization; or to the famous strike of 1894 and its catalyst for the national recognition of
Labor Day later that same year; or perhaps to the famous African-American Pullman Porters and their
historic role in race and labor in America. Pullman—the man, the town, the rail cars—are all of this and
more, and the creation of the Pullman National Monument in 2015 recognized their individual and
collective place in American history. It is also worth being explicit that the Pullman story is one of the
history of technology, the history of urban planning, the history of labor and management, the history of
material culture, and the history of identities (not least of all race but also, class, skilled/unskilled, and
place-based identity still today).

The 1850s saw a modest revolution in the development of cars: taking their inspiration from barbers’
reclining chairs and trying to compete in luxury with steamship travel, rail car builders turned regular
day coaches into relatively luxurious sleeping cars. In 1858 the Galena Railroad added a sleeper on its
Chicago–Dubuque line, and in the same year the Chicago & Alton (i.e., St. Louis) line hired George
Mortimer Pullman and the Field brothers, Noman J. and Benjamin, cabinetmakers of Albion, NY, to refit
old passenger cars for long-distance travel. For 50¢, a traveler could pay to have his or her plush seat
converted into a more horizontal bed for the 6-8 hour journey (Pierce 1937a:61) (Figure 1-1). What we
take for granted today on airplanes, trains, coach busses, and even in our own living rooms was the new
and luxurious feature for increasingly long distance train travel, which to that point could be
backbreaking, uncomfortable, and quite literally nerve-wracking (Porter 1987). Pullman initially built the
chairs himself and soon graduated to constructing entire “palace” cars by 1863, which he then operated
for various railroads in the upper Midwest, starting with the Chicago, Alton & St. Louis railroad. Pullman
and his brother and business partner, Albert Pullman, realized that it was to their financial advantage to
not sell the cars to various railroads, but rather to operate the cars themselves, paying the railroad to
haul the cars from station to station, but then charge the passengers directly for their use. By 1868 the
business had grown so successfully that Pullman incorporated the Pullman Palace Car Company, though
he still at this time had the cars constructed in various other firms’ rail car erecting shops. The PPCCo.
took control of their own shops by buying a car plant in Detroit in 1869 and by the middle of the next
decade Pullman began contemplating building a whole manufacturing facility for the obviously
successful business from scratch. Thus was born the idea of the Town of Pullman on the prairie (well,
really marsh, but the prairie has always been more evocative of American progress (Smith 1994).

1
Chicago Public Library, Historic Pullman Collection, box 8, folder 7, “Demographic Questionnaire” (1885), p.
11.
12
 o:a:::cc~a-o ~J::'1"::D ..A.LTO~ R~... J:LRO~D ..
The Great Short Line between CHIC.11.GO and ST. LOUIS, CHIC.11.GO and K.11.NS.11S CITY anrl
ST. LOUIS and K.11.NS.ll.S CITY.
TJIE ONLY LINE RUNNING PARLOR, SLEEPING and RECLINING CHAIR CARS THROUGH WITHOUT CHA~GE or TR "'."i<,FEH.

Figure 1-1: The first Pullman reclining chairs. From the Joliet News Historical Edition, 1884 (reprinted in
(Anon. 1897b: 47).

By the 1860s (and even during the Civil War), the demand for more and more luxurious
accommodations for riding, sleeping, and dining spread throughout the rail industry. Seeing the
possibilities, in 1867 Pullman founded his own company for this now booming business of luxury rail
travel, the Pullman Palace Car Company (PPCCO). Sleeping cars with spring mattresses appeared by mid-
decade, and in 1868, Pullman took over three dozen guests—and not just any guests, for Pullman knew
the right people to impress: railway managers, paper editors, merchants and bankers—for an excursion
in his newest dining car, the “Delmonico”. The car cost $20,000 to build at the Chicago, Burlington, and
Quincy works in Aurora, IL (Pullman at this time was still subcontracting the construction of his cars) and
seated guests at black walnut four-top dining tables along the windows, with six each in the dining
rooms at either end of the car, with the kitchen in the middle. The goal was to effect a first-class hotel
dining room on rails, and by all accounts, it was a complete success. The bill of fare—printed in loving
detail by the papers—was sumptuous, and the car so well engineered that apparently not a drop was
spilled on the 45-mile run at 50mph. This Michigan Central put Pullman dining cars into service
straightaway, and by 1870 they were on virtually every major line in the country (Anon. 1868; Pierce
1937a:62).

This report concentrates on the features of the manufacturing and production facility at the core of the
Town of Pullman, a subject which has not been explored at any significant depth in the published
literature, and only superficially even by the Historic American Engineering Record (Historic American
Engineering Record 1976). Numerous studies have delved into the life of George Pullman,2 into the

2
Surprisingly there is only one book-length scholarly biography of Pullman: (Leyendecker 1992)
13
town,3 and especially the cars he built.4 It is also important to mention that much information on the
Pullman cars may be found in a pair of germinal reference works on railway rolling stock in general
(White 1988, 1993). This study examines primary evidence in the form of documents and photographs,
along with a survey of past archaeological work within and around Pullman National Monument, to
enable planners and designers to anticipate the archaeological resources that may be present under and
above ground at the factory site. The document also identifies research themes that will allow cultural
resource managers to make recommendations on assessing the significance of buried features and
artifacts and designing recordation strategies when archaeological materials are to be disturbed.

1.1 Origins of the Company Town of Pullman, IL

By the later 1860s, Pullman’s business had grown steadily and he needed more cars, suggesting clearly
to him that he needed to have his own production facilities. In 1870 he bought a car-building shop in
Detroit, MI, but within a decade, its capacity was too limited for the expansion that Pullman could see
coming, for even in 1880, the 600 men employed at the Detroit shops could only produce 114 cars per
year (Buder and Kulash 1967). Although people in Detroit expected those shops to expand, expansion
into the Chicago area was an obvious choice, with the city expanding rapidly after the Great Fire of 1872
and already the well-established hub of the Midwestern train network (Gutter 1872; Young 2005). The
question was in what manner Pullman might build the new shops, given the options available. Simple
business sense suggested that he build a moderate way outside of town for the purpose of economy.
But such considerations were not at all the only concern for Pullman. Suitable land and rail connections
would have been available closer in to the city of Chicago than was eventually chosen, though Pullman
realized that any sizable purchases of land that could be connected to him would set off waves of
speculation, thereby driving up the cost of adjacent land he wished to obtain at the time or in the near
future. In the end, he quietly purchased much of the land through a third party to head off that rampant
speculation, though it did materialize as soon as the news of Pullman’s grand scheme became public.

The Town of Pullman stands as an important exemplar in the nearly 2,500 company town experiments in
America in the later nineteenth and early twentieth century. Coming on the heels of the great Chicago
fire of 1872 and the both necessary and boundless opportunities in rebuilding the city, Pullman
conceived of a new start on a clean slate of the open land to the south of the city. While planned
communities centered on a factory have a long history in America (Garner 1992), only a few rise to being
truly industrial planned communities (Doughty 1986; Tone 1997). That Pullman stands both as one of
the earliest where the town specifically was built ex nihilo to serve the factory and only the one factory,

3
(Buder and Kulash 1967) and see (Buder 1967; Lillibridge 1953; Reiff 1997) and especially (Baxter 2012;
Morgan 1954)
4
(Barger 1988; Maiken 1992; Morel 1983; Welsh, et al. 2015). In these limited citations, we are omitting
numerous books and articles published by the Pullman Company itself. While informative, they serve more
as promotional material than analytical works; see (Reiff and Hirsch 1989) There is also an extensive
literature in the train aficionado community detailing individual cars or the rolling stock of individual
railroads (from the continental such as the PRR, NYC, or Milwaukee Road to the purely local), and even the
paint schemes of Pullman cars (Dubin 1997), that need not be considered here.
14
and a town where the company controlled all the housing and amenities.5 Pullman is also notable for
the design consistency and architectural planning that went into the town, as well as the integrated
utilities—especially sanitation and water—that connected factory and town. Other experiments of
company towns, whether utopian or not, typically had an existing town into which a dominant factory
(e.g., Roebling, NJ) or factories (e.g., Lowell, MA) were inserted. The counterexample, though not often
discussed in the same category as a the urban or peri-urban6 city might be mining towns, but as they are
extractive industries, parallels with the manufacturing at Pullman would be limited at best, even if the
socio-politics of company towns in both industries might bear comparison.

It should not be underestimated how deeply the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 seems to have shaken
Pullman’s confidence in the possibility of a happy marriage between labor, capital, and industry
(Pullman Incorporated 1970; Buder and Kulash 1967: 33-40). Along with other prominent businessmen
like Cyrus McCormack, Marshall Field, and Phillip Armour, Pullman himself became a member of the
daily committee of the Chicago Citizen’s Alliance, originally intended as a mutual fire protection aid
society, which by the 1870s offered its services to the police to make citizen’s arrests of any dissenters,
rabble rousers, and especially red-flag waiving agitators (Pierce 1937a:61). It became imperative to him
to develop an industrial community that would mitigate against the forces of unrest in his workers. At
the heart of it was the factory, though at this date the elements of welfare capitalism (i.e., industrial
paternalism) that would shape the town seems to have had little impact on the development of the
manufacturing complex itself.

5
In this case, that was never strictly true (Allen 1966; Crawford 1995; Dinius and Vergara 2011; N. White
2012).
6
I.e., Industrial “satellite cities” (Taylor 1915).
15
The PPCCO had an initial capitalization of
$1,000,000 (over $14B today). By 1870, with
headquarters in Detroit, Pullman had capital
assets of $8M, cars running over 15,000 miles of
track, and 3,000 men at work building cars at a
rapid rate; between 1883 and 1893, the capital of
the company increased by 250%, dividends
paying 6-8%, and growth at 18% over the year
previous in 1890. Similarly, the growth of
passenger-miles exploded between 1885 and the
end of the century (Pierce 1937b:112-115, 113-
158). Specialty diversification was Pullman’s main
success: there were the sleeping cars, of course,
but then also gender-segregated toilet facilities,
smoking cars, drawing-room cars, buffet-cars all
of course equipped with electric light and steam
heating. By the 1920s, Pullman had achieved a
truly global empire, with cars in service across
north and south America, Europe, Russia, and
Japan. It had 11 manufacturing facilities and 6
repair shops in the U.S., as well car plants in
France and one in Brazil (Figure 1-2). The
company was strikingly profitable from the very Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

beginning, returning a steadily increasing Figure 1-2: The Pullman manufacturing and repair empire
dividend even in poor years, and the company at its height (from Annual Report 1929, 2)
assets grew steadily until the Depression. (Figure
1-3). Between 1867 and 1884, the Pullman Palace Car Company paid out 71 dividends to its
shareholders, ranging from just under $30,000 to over $1.26 million per year, totaling in all for those 18
years a cumulative total dividend of just over $10 million, representing an annual return of between 3%
and 19% in various years, with an average rate of over 11%.7

7
“Memorandum Showing Cash Dividends Paid from Nov. 15, 1867 to Nov. 15, 1884, Inclusive,” (Chicago
Historical Society, Pullman Miller Collection, box 5, folder 1.)
16
At the same time, it was manufacturing thousands of cars a year, roughly in the proportion of 1 sleeper
for every 20 passenger cars, for every 300-800 freight cars (Figure 1-4); this should be contrasted with
their operations division, which operated thousands of sleepers on the rails in the first half of the
twentieth century, but only a few hundred parlor cars and a handful of dining or other cars (Figure 1-5).
And to put this all into perspectives, Pullman-operated cars were only ever a very small fraction of all
the passenger cars of any type in operation on American rails during the lifetime of their operation
(Figure 1-6). In other words, Pullman realized that in manufacturing, it was turning out the thousands of
freight cars that was fastest and most profitable, as building passenger cars, and especially opulent
sleepers, was slow and expensive. But on the other hand, he (and the managers after his death in 1897,
of course) also realized that it was operating the sleepers where the profits were to be had.

Pullman Co. Financials, 1875-1950

ij $100 Corporate reorganization Apr. 30, 1927
$400

changes basis of Income

~
- Total Earnings :0
5350

$80
- Dividends Paid
$300
-Total Assets
$250
$60

S200

~
$40 $150 51
.:.
$100

$20
$50

so
so 1~65 1872 1893 1900 1907 1914 1921 1942 1949 1956 1963
-$50

-$20 t All daa cieiwd from Pullman Annual Rf'po,ts

~

-
~~
0
~
-
8,000 -5100
~
1l g- 6,000
§
z
Depression WWII
4,000
1900 1907 1914 1921 1928 1935 1942 1949

Figure 1-3: Annual Earnings, Dividends, and Assets for Pullman Co., 1880-1972 (Annual Reports)

17
 Total Number of Cars Constructed by Pullman Group
Pullman=for company use; Other=for all other RRs and individuals
Source: Newberry Library, Pullman Papers 04/01/02 (box 5, fol. 64)

25,000

• Other, Freight

• Other, Misc.
20,000
• Other, Sleeping

• Pullman, all types

15,000

10,000

I
5,000

0
1870
-- 11~11111 lill
1880 1890 1900 1910
II
1920
ILl1
1930
II

Figure 1-4: Total Number of Cars Constructed by Pullman, 1871-1940

Realtive Ratio of Cars Constructed by Pullman Group

Pullman=for company use; Other=for all other RRs and individuals
Source: Newberry Library, Pullman Papers 04/01/02 (box 5, fol. 64)

800
- Pullman, all types
700
- Other, Sleeping
600 - Other, Misc. / 10
.....
"'w 500 - Other, Freight/ 100

?~ 400
+-'
:::,
fr
:::,
300
0
200

100

0
1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940

Figure 1-5: Relative Ratio of Cars Constructed by Pullman Group

18
 Passenger Cars on American Rails, 1880-1960
(White 1978, tables B.2 ans B.4)
70,000
• Pullman Passenger Cars
60,000
• Other Passenger Cars

50,000

40,000

30,000

20,000

10,000

0
1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960

Figure 1-6: Passenger Cars on American Rails, 1880-1960

Types of Pullman-Owned Cars, 1900-1950

(White 1978, Table B.4)

12,000
• Misc.

10,000 • Private
• Dining
8,000 • Parlor
• Sleeping
6,000

4,000

2,000

0
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950

Figure 1-7: Types of Pullman-Owned Cars, 1900-1950

19
1.2 The Town of Pullman and its overlapping designations
The factory complex at the heart of the
Pullman National Monument National Park Service
Town of Pullman, IL, is subject to Boundary
U.S. Department of the Interior

multiple overlapping historical

designations at the city, state, and 103rd St
federal level. All of these overlapping
agencies have varying and limited Pullman Wheelworks

degrees of jurisdiction or types of

A. Phillip Randolph
Pullman Porter Museum
National Monument
involvement in Pullman (Figure 1-8). Boundary
! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Pullman National

e
! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

Historic Landmark District

! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

in
! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

il L
! ! ! ! !

The town of Pullman is a wholly

! ! !

! !
Pullman State Historic Site

e
! ! ! ! !

Ra
v e Av
incorporated subdivision of the City of
^ U.S. Fee

tern
Historic Buildings

ge Gro
!
or Landmarks
Chicago since 1889, extending from 103rd

W es
Residential

-
Cotta
St. on the north to 115th St. on the south,

and
Pullman Railroad
Fire Station
North Factory

folk
OFFICE: Lands Resources Program Center

and existing between Cottage Grove

REGION: Midwest Region
Wing PARK: Pullman National Monument

Nor
ALPHA: PULL
TOTAL ACREAGE: +/- 203.48
Administration
Avenue (and the Illinois Central railroad Building Pullman State
MAP NUMBER: 590/125,485
DATE: February 2015
Rear ^ Historic Site
600 0 600 1,200
right of way) on the west to Interstate-94 Erecting
Shops 111th St
Feet

and Lake Calumet on the east. Arcade Park Hotel

Florence
Bielenberg Historic Pullman House Foundation
Historic Pullman
Visitor Center Pullman Market Square
Park
Calumet River
Residents of Pullman have been fierce Stables Greenstone
Church

promoters of their community’s heritage. Historic

ILLINOIS

LLaa hhiigg
MM
Pullman Center

iicc
kkee aann
In 1960, a group formed the Pullman Chicago
§
¦
¨ Pullman
Civic Organization to advocate for the National
115th St Monument
community and their efforts inspired a `
^ Calumet
River
Vicinity Map
long series of recognitions. A number of
heritage agencies have listed the Pullman
historic site, declaring its significance. Figure 1-8: Overlapping boundaries of Pullman historical
districts (courtesy PNM)
Following a survey by the Historic
American Building Survey in 1967 (Historic American Engineering Record 1976), the State of Illinois
designated the town as a State Historic District in 1968 and the town was placed on the National
Register of Historic Places in 1969.

At the end of 1970, the Secretary of the Interior named Pullman a National Historic Landmark District,
which it then expanded in 1972. The NHL program is administered by the National Park Service as a
stand-alone program. That same year, the City of Chicago designated South Pullman residential area as a
Landmark District, adding North Pullman’s residential area in 1993. This listing recognizes the suite of
features in a district—buildings, other structures, and landscape elements—that together add up to a
historically significant area worth preservation and recognition. Structures within a NHL may be privately
or publically owned, and although there must be a preponderance of so-called “contributing” buildings
to make the NHL designation viable, the district may contain “non-contributing” structures so long as
they have not too strongly marred or altered the qualities for which the district is being recognized.
20
NHLs can be single structures or districts, and have been established to recognize sites where nationally
historic significant events occurred, prominent persons lived, or that more abstractly characterize a way
of life or iconic ideals important to our national identity. NHLs can also recognize exceptional examples
of design, construction, or archaeological significance. In the case of Pullman NHL, the site was noted for
its relation to industrialism, urban planning, civil rights, and the historically pivotal strike of 1894.

Most recently, President Barak Obama designated Pullman National Monument on February 19, 2015,
giving the National Park Service an active preservation and education role in the community, though it
should be noted that the NPS owns only the Administration Building (the “clock tower”) at the core of
the remaining factory complex. The State of Illinois retained ownership of the rest of the factory site and
the Hotel Florence immediately to the south, while the rest of the town remains privately owned. The
NPS and the State of Illinois work to reach agreement on the management of their respective portions
of the factory property. Private properties within the rest of the Monument are not regulated by NPS
law, policy, or rules.

The Monument was given the following mission statement in his proclamation:

Pullman National Monument fulfills the following purposes for the benefit of present and future generations:
to preserve the historic resources; to interpret the industrial history and labor struggles and achievements
associated with the Pullman Company, including the rise of and the role of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car
Porters; and to interpret the history of urban planning and design of which the planned company town of
Pullman is a nationally significant example. (Obama 2015)

The proclamation went on to highlight how the town was an “evocative testament to the evolution of
American industry, the rise of unions and the labor movement, the lasting strength of good urban
design, and the remarkable journey of the Pullman porters toward the civil rights movement of the 20th
century.” As such, the Monument now has a multifaceted interpretation mandate, and the NPS, the
State of Illinois, local museums and preservations groups, and the residents of Pullman will work to
make that a reality.

1.2.1 The Factory Complex

As the National Park Service took possession of the Administration Building at Pullman (Building #1),
they initiated a conversation with Michigan Technological University. That yielded this collaborative
effort to update what was known of the history of the building and the entire core of the Palace Car
factory complex, the rest of which is owned and managed by the State of Illinois. The Historic American
Building Survey had documented the Administration Building and Erecting Shops in 1967 (Historic
American Buildings Survey 1967). When a team from the Historic American Engineering Record arrived
nine years later (HAER IL-5), they captured 15 photos, seven drawings, and 183 pages of data about the
area’s historical and current conditions. While other publications have outlined the history of buildings,
they were derived from these sources and supplemented by research in other resources, such as
newspaper articles, and published academic histories. This survey complements and extends those
studies due to the added benefit of 50 additional years of cataloging of collections, but also the loss of
original architectural fabric in the factory. While all of the archives we visited had updated finding aids

21
and catalog information over those decades, the essential core documents in which people recorded
details about manufacturing were still not found in any archive.

This changed in the Spring of 2017 after the Chicago Area Archivists held a service day activity to a
create box-level inventory and condition reports of the 150 boxes in the Tenneco Company Collection
papers in the care of the Pullman State Historic Site. This collection includes many of the original
company documents about manufacturing. Working from that catalog, we were able to spend a single
day looking through the surviving records of Pullman Company’s manufacturing unit. These papers,
which will eventually be available to researchers and the public through the Industrial Heritage Archives
of Chicago’s Calumet Region, helped to extend our analysis of work at the factory. Our examination of
the Tenneco papers was rushed and nowhere near complete, so we still could not find several key
document types. As an example, the Newberry Library holds a remarkable collection of oversized and
bound volumes of maps and blueprints documenting change over time at the Calumet Shops. While
similar volumes existed for the manufacturing core, including the erecting shops, the blacksmith shop,
the wood machine shop, etc., these have still not been found.

22
2 The Geological and Environmental Setting
People exploited the resources of Lake Calumet and the Pullman area for millennia. The Chicago Lake
Plain had distinctive riparian and aquatic environments, with extensive marshland long known to have
very high net primary productivity and edible productivity that people utilized throughout time (Craig
1988). Given the transformation of the landscape at the Pullman factory site detailed in this report, it is
highly improbable that any undisturbed cultural resources remain sealed underneath the 1880
landfilling on NPS or State of Illinois property within or surrounding the sleeping car shops. We
summarize the geological and environmental history below, however, along with notes on the cultural
phases of land use because ancient peoples used this land extensively although no human settlements
are known to be located within the town boundaries.
Considering the larger context of the town’s landscape upon the lake plain, however, Monument staff
should note that people used the nearby Tolleston Ridge as a travel route thousands of years and Lake
Calumet would have offered many useful and attractive resources. Nearby landforms around Lake
Calumet may have attracted people, such as the smaller beach ridges with gravel and sand deposits that
were still visible as recently as the 1930s just north and south of the factory site. This chapter provides a
background to interpret the Monument’s geological history to visitors, explain different periods of land
use, and to point toward long-term landscape history of the site.
In 1988, Joseph Craig undertook a literature review of sites recorded by the Illinois Archaeological
Survey in the nearby Cook County Forest Preserve District lands. His subsequent settlement pattern
analysis indicated that alluvial bottomland locations without dense forest cover were the most utilized
environment on the lake plain, followed by the dune and beach ridge features with savanna forest.
These sites are generally close to useful marshland but are higher and drier. Conversely, the upland
prairie environments seem to have been least attractive to residents of the lake plain, and people used
locations in that zone for brief stays collecting special resources. The people of the Archaic (10,000 BP-
2,000 BP) concentrated on exploiting productive marshland habitats, preferring to locate on beach
ridges clear of forest. Woodland sites (2,000 BP-400 BP) showed more generalized use of different
geographic zones. The Mississippian-era settlers (900 CE-1400 CE) favored the river and stream valleys
for settlement in order to exploit the bottomlands more intensively (Craig 1988). These general findings
have held up to subsequent work (Lovis and O'Gorman 2006; Lurie 2009; Markman 1991).
We do not yet know the vegetative history or soil types in Pullman. Both the landforms and soils of the
Pullman area were shaped by the scouring force of glaciers and the changing levels of water in the lakes
they produced. As the glaciers advanced and retreated and lake levels fluctuated from high to low
levels, Pullman was alternately inundated and exposed for varying lengths of time as these processes
created the landforms and major sediment layers summarized below. In each case, as the water receded
to a lower level, soils would generate from the clayey material as it mixed with aeolian sediment and
that moved by surface runoff (Calsyn, et al. 2012: 13, 16-18). To be clear, the patterns related below are
very generalized and the site will have spent long periods underwater, as seasonal marsh, and as
forested bottomland sheltered between relict dunes to the east and west. Wetland environments like
this also shifted from wet-to-dry seasonally, annually, and over the decades.

23
Most of the City of Chicago, including the Lake Calumet area, is on Lake Plain topography that initially
formed under glacial Lake Chicago. Layers of grayish brown or gray clayey silt settled out from the lake
water, forming what became a broad and nearly level surface that sloped gently toward Lake Michigan.
The sediments around Lake Calumet are described as lacustrine silty clay (Thompson 1989) or “quiet-
water lake sediments dominated by well bedded silt that is locally laminated and contains thin beds of
clay. Also, local lenses of sand and gravel are not uncommon” (Sinars 1999: 2-7). The color derives
primarily from the oxidation state of iron compounds, and in low-lying and marshy areas where water
fills pore spaces within the soil all year. The lack of oxygen in these saturated sediments reduces the iron
in the clay and gives the sediment a grayish character. Where soils are better drained and oxygen
circulates, the clayey sediment tends to be brown. The low relief on the lake plain influences runoff and
water infiltration, particularly in areas where clayey soil collects, such as in depressions or flat areas
(Calsyn, et al. 2012: 16-18). Archaeological studies in Pullman have generally found that 20cm-60cm of
anthropogenic topsoils overlay clayey lake deposits, often described as gray in color (Martinez, 2016;
Baxter, 2011a-c). Sediment borings conducted for architectural assessment in the Office building
revealed about 3 feet of rubble and fill, but these borings did not distinguish modern rubble and fill,
historic fill, or buried paleosol (Knight and Pfingsten 2001).

Questions of water flow and oxygenation in the paleosols and sediment deposits are important because
the modern topsoil throughout Pullman purportedly sits above as much as 1.5m/5ft of fill dredged from
Lake Calumet in the 1880s. This is considerably more fill than anything found by the archaeological
studies above or the core samples taken in the factory complex. The fill was to raise the elevation of the
marshy ground and was intended to improve drainage, but because the clayey loam formed both the
ground and the dredged fill, the new fill did not facilitate water flow and the town required extensively
engineered subsurface drains. The relief of the original land cannot be known at this time because of the
extensive landfilling and modification, but the original topography could be systematically reconstructed
through sediment cores and monitoring of construction trenches throughout the monument. This would
aid managers to predict potential zones for types of pre-industrial land use.

The landscape formation of Pullman’s factory site was shaped by the clayey sediment, which many
people often explain by pointing to the brickworks use of the dredged material and discussions of
landfilling. The factory layout was also influenced by the locations of sand spits, dunes, and eroded relict
beaches, since the rail lines were routed over those gravel deposits. The sediments continue to shape
the lives of people in the Lake Calumet area because of the way the clays create chemical conditions
that enhance or retard the transport of industrial waste in the area after more than a century of
landfilling, shoreline reclamation, and lagoon design (Colton, 1988:212).

2.1 Topography and climate: Holocene Lake Levels

Since the end of the Pleistocene, lake levels have varied in the glacial lakes from lows at about 55 meters
ASL to highs nearly 195 meters ASL. Figure #2-1 shows estimation of lake levels over the last six
millennia, as presented in four different published studies from 1969 to 2004. As more studies have
been completed and techniques of estimation advanced, scientists have improved the resolution of
their reconstructions. While lake levels fluctuated, resulting in complex transgressions (land building)
24
 and regressions (land erosion), and while erosion and deposition rates in any location were very
sensitive to local conditions, there are some generalizations that can be made about the processes
acting upon the south shore of Glacial Lake Chicago and Ancestral Lake Michigan:8

Modern Pulses Algoma Nipissing II Nipissing I

183 / ----........
,/
(\
--
==
182

181
Ele\l l,ltion at Pulh t'lan Pre-Con truction ~
/
/
- y-- \
\
C: 180
1c1
-
>
0
ca
Q)
179

178 r .....r
/ __, / ,... ,- I/I;
--------- ~l\l
,......
~
~

-- ~ -.. . . ,I '\ r;M

.,../\/ r\ / ')
_\
I V ~
\\' '
~

w 177

176
~
~,
A

\
'
'i-'
I
r5i:
I, V

V
,..
' "' Histo cal Average 1818-1999)
\\
\
I
\
/
-500 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 4500 5000 5500 6000
- Baedke, et al. 2004
Calendar Year Before Present -
-
Lewis1969
Datt and Michelson 1995
- Larsen 1985

Figure 2-1: Estimated lake levels in four publications, plotted to 6,000 years before present with Lake
Michigan’s historical average level as well as the elevation of the Pullman factory site.

1. When lake levels changed frequently, the waters of the lake had less time to erode existing
deposits. Lake waves and currents thus formed smaller new beach structures like ridges or
erosion lines. As a result, longshore flows also carried much less sediment load during these
periods.
2. When the lake levels stabilized for a longer period, this allowed consistent erosion to form
pronounced “cut and fill” patterns that made terraces in older ridge deposits while allowing the
aggradation of new beach landforms like dunes and spits.
3. The littoral current generally pushed eroded sediment southward along both sides of the lake in
this region. The southward flow along the lake’s eastern coast turned westerly at the lake’s
southern shore, pushing sediment along. These currents eventually met in the area around
Stony Island, just north of what would become Pullman.

8
These generalizations are extracted from publications describing Ancestral Lake Michigan and Glacial Lake
Chicago, including water level changes, patterns of sedimentation over time, and relict beach locations.
Recent studies of formations on Lake Michigan and specifically along the southern shore include: (Baedke,
et al. 2004; Baedke and Thompson 2000; Booth, et al. 2007; Chrzastowski and Thompson 1992; Fisher 1999;
Thompson, et al. 2011) For general reference, (Schwartz 2005) explains the technical vocabulary of costal
geomorphology and related sedimentology.
25
 4. During stable periods, the enhanced erosion liberated more sediment into the littoral flow. This
sediment formed spits and lobes along with beach. When pushed up onto the southern shore,
the sediment formed berms and crests on the backshore, along with dunes parallel to the lake.
5. While we can indicate times when the Pullman site was totally inundated or always above the
lake level, the townsite was often flooded seasonally. As a result, archaeologists must
understand the site to have varied from seasonal wetland marsh to pulses of inundated and dry
land from the Nipissing through the modern period.
6. Ancient people tended to move through and reside on the areas of prairie-covered high ground,
such as relict berms and beach dunes and faces, which became routes of movement through
often otherwise marshy terrain. These locations generally did not flood and enjoyed fewer
pests. Documented Archaic sites cluster above Thorn Creek and the Little Calumet River, south
of Lake Calumet. Berms and dunes also extended north of Lake Calumet, so that the factory site
sits between the High Tolleston ridge to the west and a smaller ridge to the east (c.f. Figure 2-4).

Figure 2-2 includes a series of maps illustrating how the landscape formed and evolved around the
Pullman factory site over the past 14,000 years. Figure 2-2a-2-2c shows the site’s location during high
water levels in the Glenwood Phases (14.5-12.2 KYA), Calumet Phase (11.8-11.2 KYA), and the Nisipping
Phases (4.7-3.3 KYA). The site is also shown in relation to three older and persistent landscape features:
Blue Island, Stony Island, and Thorton Reef. During the stable periods of high water in these phases,
beach erosion carried sediment southward and westward toward glacial Lake Chicago’s outflows
through the Des Plains and Sag Channels. Blue Island was above water in each of these periods. As it
interrupted the littoral flow, the island trapped sediment moving from both the North and the East,
joining with Forest Island. Two other bedrock outcrops in the area also influenced sediment transport,
Stony Island and Thorton Reef. Thorton reef was a shoal during the Glenwood and Calumet phases, such
that a sand spit connected to the reef and stabilized to create a lagoon during this time. By the Nipissing
phases, the reef had become a bedrock feature on dry land.

Between these periods of high water, there were low periods when the site was dry land, including the
Chippewa Phase that lasted more than 4,000 years, and the shorter Two Creeks, Algonquin, and Intra-
Glenwood Phases. Any paleosols that formed during those periods of low water were then inundated
and eroded, along with any related archaeological sites, as the lake rose again for the Nipissing I and II
phases.

The waves of Nipissing I and II formed the High Tolleston shoreline (Schoon 2006). As indicated in Figure
2-2c, the Pullman factory site is very near this high ridge, upon which the city eventually built South
Michigan Avenue, which passes approximately 900m/0.5mi from the factory site. In addition, another
stretch of the Tolleston shoreline formed as the west-flowing current formed a long spit of sediment
parallel to the relict shore of the Calumet spit. The new spit formed another lagoon, trapping water
between the two spits and beaches.

Figure 2-2d-2-2f shows how Stony Island began to influence the flow of littoral sediment as water levels
dropped toward current levels. During the Algoma Phase (Figure 2-2d), a spit of sand connected Stony
Island with the much larger Blue Island, entirely cutting off the southerly longshore current that had
26
come down along the lake’s western shore. Long sand spits then formed north of the area, as the water
flowed to the east around Stoney Island.

Meanwhile, to the south of modern Pullman, the westward flowing current on the lake’s south shore
had grown the long Tolleston Spit and enclosed the Calumet Lagoon, connecting it to the Sag Channel
outlet. But the Algoma Phase ended as the glacial ice to the north retreated enough to open a lower
outlet. The lake then drained to a level below the Sag and Des Plains channels. Water no longer exited

__
Ancestral Lake Michigan
Glenwood Phases, 14.5-12.2 KYA
_ ,, ._.....,,
Ancestral Lake Michigan
Algoma Phase, 3.8-2.5 KYA

1
195M/640FtASL 181 M / 594 Ft ASL
0rn.,..-cn_..,.,,_,,.c,n:z-

N N

Stony

Blue ""-:"·~
FactOIY

""~ \
,

A D

Ancestral Lake Michigan

Calumet Phase, 11 .8-11 .2 KYA
189 M / 620 Ft ASL
1 Ancestral Lake Michigan
Modern Phase, 2.2-1.5 KYA

1
179.5 M / 589 Ft ASL
0,• ....;,,..... ,:,0 ..- .... ,_(1..._ )

N N

Stony
lsl;md

"a Chicago

I""""

E _ Relict Calumet Spit

Ancestral Lake Michigan

Modern Phase, 1.5 KYA
179.5 M / 589 Ft ASL
1
:::::;:=-o::::r..::;:•....,_,,_,,
N

F _ Relict Calumet Spit

Figure 2-2: Location of the Pullman factory in relation to the evolving lakeshore over time. From
14.5 KYA until 3.8 KYA, the site was underwater during high-water phases while the absolute low
water level is unclear.

27
from the lake into the Mississippi river system, the outflow drainage stopped affecting currents, and
sedimentation rates around the area of Pullman began to increase.

By about 2,000 years ago, in the lake’s

Ancestral Lake Michigan
Modern Phase, the sediment had filled Modern Phase, 500 YA

1
I 178 M / 584 Ft ASL
over the Pullman factory site (Figure 2- 10

2e) and Stony Island became part of N

the mainland. The Calumet lagoon had
also filled in to the southeast and
formed the channel for the Little
Calumet River. About 1,500 years ago Blue
Island

(Figure 2-2f), a long spit built down

from the north to trap water in the
Lake Calumet basin while also pushing
the river west behind the current
beach crest, forming the Grand
G Relict Calumet Spit
Calumet River channel. The following
1,000 years saw the formation of Lake Ancestral Lake Michigan
Calumet and Early Wolf Lake as the Modern Phase, Current

1
I 176.5 M / 579 Ft ASL
10
waterfront almost aligned with the
modern shore. N

The final maps in Figure 2-2h-2-2i

Illinois
~--------,--Indiana

show the current major landforms,

with landmarks like Blue Island, Stony
Island, and the Thorton Reef, Lake
,------- __ _
............ ,,

Calumet’s historic and current outline,

along with the state border. In
addition, Figure 2-3 indicates the same
features but shows the location of the
-
Relict Tolleston Spit

H Relict Calumet Spit

Pullman site in relation to the
boundary between the North and
Figure 2-2 (cont.): The lake shore today with major features and
South Lacustrine Plains (Chrzastowski
flow boundaries, along with the site of the Pullman factory.
and Thompson 1992). North of that
line, the sediment that formed spits and land came in the southward littoral flow from the western
shore of the lake. South of the line, the lake flow brought the sediment from the east along the lake’s
southern shore.

28
Figures 2-3 and 2-4 plot the location of the Pullman site in relation to the landscape features known to
be preferred terrain for people during the past 12,000 years. Note the regression of the shoreline north
of Stony Island and the longshore current eroded existing beaches between modern Chicago and that
point, while the current formed new dunes and beaches to the south. The site is very close to the
Tolleston Shoreline and Lake Calumet. Of particular note, for the last 2,000 years, the site has been less
than a kilometer from the High Tollerston shoreline; between three major high-ground landscape
features (Blue Island, Thorton Reef, and Stony Island); and the Pullman land included other shorelines,
beach ridges, and relict dune features, several of which were used as rail grades between different
factory areas (Bretz 1939). Once in the water in Lake Calumet, the factory area is a short paddle from
the Little Calumet and Grand Calumet rivers and Lake Michigan.

Pullman Location with Relict Pullman Location with Relict

Beach Locations and Landforms Beach Locations and Landforms
Toleston Beach in Red, other ridges and locations in green. Toleston Beach in Red, other ridges and locations in green.
All locatons approximated from several published maps Drawing pots Figures 11 and 9 from study by
Timothy James Scarlett 8-30-2917

ee~
'Oe\~
N

LAKE MICHIGAN

0 5 10 Miles
I I
0
I I
5 10
I I
15 KM

Figure 2-3: Location of Pullman in relation to two visualizations of relict shorelines and beaches, dunes,
and other features.

29
 , __ ,.,.,.- .......

imi c ii11i tciY,u11dary iJl:Lwcc1 1

deposi ts
c
Ru l1 nd ari o~·J)~t";~~~-:·~~·~;;ot1it&de t~r- ---:-~
min od in 1890-flB, b11 L now la rg1;1 ly l~!:111
or co11 1pl clel~· c:~~~t oyorl or ob- ~
8
( 11', C. ,1/, fi-11, lJ. • . G,:ol . ,',·1m:1J11 Gr.of. ,1/ln•,

CM«,,•JoU-:"··"J.1'"/
Gln cinl :;triuc , o rien ted in d irection
t~~1, ·-.
9
1/~
~

'>t
Roc k q ua r rs
.x
Snncl orta,·c lpi t 1
Clay pit ~

t~

BY
J H A RLEN BRETZ
Seal _____].__

-~ -=""=======""'~iii=====i~~ = = = = == = ===o=o;ooFct:t
Contour iute:rval 5 f'e et

Figure 2-4: Beach ridges and dunes around Pullman factory site. Detail from 1939 Surface
Geology Quad Map (Bretz 1939).

30
2.2 Cultural Contexts
Settlers have used The Lake Calumet Plains and potentially the Pullman region since people colonized
the area in the Paleoindian era, 12,000 years ago. It is unlikely that pre-1880 cultural resources remain
within the factory footprint and surrounding area, primarily considering the construction of the site
detailed in this report. As we have indicated, it is very unlikely that intact archaeological remains will be
discovered from any of the pre-Pullman periods. For sake of reference, we include a simplified summary
of cultural periods relevant to the Pullman site (Walthall 1991; Yerkes 1988):

Period Time Period Pullman site primarily inundated or dry

Paleoindian 12,000–10,000 BP Inundated 14KYA-12.2KYA and 11.8KYA-
11.1KYA.
Short intraphase dry periods
Archaic, Early 10,000–8,000 BP Chippewa phase dry
Archaic, Middle 8,000–5,000 BP Inundated Nisipping 4.7KYA-3.3KYA
Dry from Algoma phase to present
Late Archaic/ Transitional 5,000–2,000 BP
Woodland, Middle 2,000–1,500 BP
Woodland, Late 1,500–400 BP
Mississippian 900 BCE – 1400 CE
Late Mississippian 1400-1540 CE
French Colonial 1634-1717 CE,
1717-1765 CE,
1765-1803 CE
American 1803 CE – present

In general, archaeologists have not done many substantial Cultural Resources Management-driven
excavations of proto- or prehistoric settlements within Chicago’s modern boundaries (Graff 2013: 18).
The research in preparing this document allows us to project some hypotheses about human use of the
Pullman region over time. We expect that humans occasionally used the Pullman area for gathering
resources during the past 5,000 years and that any sites in the area will be found to consist of temporary
resource gathering camps. During human use, the terrain would often have been a wetland between the
swales of the well-traveled High Tolleston ridge and the smaller relict beaches that run parallel to the
Lake Calumet shore. Although archaeologists don’t really understand the ancient human use of space in
this region, Rebecca Graff reported that civil engineer and prolific avocational archaeologist James
Marshall noted an extant mound located at 79th Street and Lake Michigan, likely built during the Late
31
Woodland (Graff 2013: 18-19). That site is approximately 6 miles or 10 kilometers from Pullman. People
living near that site would have a short canoe trip southward to harvest resources from Lake Calumet,
while people traveling overland along the Tolleston ridge might camp to harvest resources from the
area.

In portions of the community and factory sites that experienced less disturbance from post-1880 filling
and twentieth-century development, archaeological features may still survive, encapsulated between
the 1880s fill and the older paleosols that underlie them. In their collaborations, it will be important for
NPS and the State of Illinois to work with the community’s private property owners to try to learn more
about the region’s paleoecology and human activities. Any construction project within the monument
that requires digging can become a voluntary opportunity to map the paleosols and assess the depth of
landfilling, for example, to determine the measurement of ground slope of ancient surfaces, map
drainage patterns, and to extract samples to determine the variation of plant communities over time in
different areas. One potential area for field research, for example, would be the now empty rail grade
that ran alongside the foundry buildings and the freight car shops. That privately held land is currently
greenspace and may host buried features along the now-buried relict beach ridge. The NPS could also
partner with community heritage organizations to see if any antiquarian research was done during the
period 1880-1920, combing through the papers of known antiquarians that studied the ancient history
of Chicago and contacting descendants of people that lived in the town who may have collected things
found while digging around the neighborhood. While no records or correspondence about this is found
in the various archives of George Pullman’s papers or company records, there may be letters or other
records in the antiquarians’ archives of family papers. A more complete understanding of the evolving
landscape will allow community heritage groups to tell the complete story of human land use at
Pullman, and in the authors’ opinion, is the natural starting place for a robust environmental history that
makes Pullman National Monument a western anchor point for the developing Calumet National
Heritage Area.

32
3 Establishing Pullman, Illinois
During the mid-nineteenth century, the area around Pullman was generally an uninhabited marshy
flatland between the Illinois Central railroad and Lake Calumet. There were scattered farmsteads to the
north and considerable settlements to the south and west, but the 200 acres that became Pullman were
not previously occupied.

3.1 Before Pullman

There’s a certain mythology that Pullman was built, isolated, in the middle of the prairie, and to a
certain extent this is true. The land that became the town was marginal agricultural land in the mid-
nineteenth century, with a smattering of small farms across the largely flat landscape. A number of small
settlements predated Pullman’s purchase of the land and construction of the factory and town. The
town of Roseland (originally High Prairie) was a thriving settlement less than a mile to the west since
1849 (Rowlands 1987), and Kensington developed as a bustling junction on the Illinois Central and
Michigan Central just south of what would become Pullman (Figures 3-1 and 3-2). In the 1870s the
whole area was filling in with farming settlements and Pullman had to resort to some subterfuge of a
ghost land purchases through Col. James Bowen, Calumet & Chicago Canal and Dock Co. president
(people thought he was buying land for the canal), to avoid being blocked by the rampant speculation
that would easily have occurred, had real estate interests known what he was planning (Lewis 2008: 53).
All this allowed the Town of Pullman to pretend it was isolated in its own idyllic bubble with buffer
farmlands to the north and south (which also served as Pullman-owned market gardens for the town
and for sale to Chicago as well) and recreation grounds on the shores of the picturesque lake to the east.

Figure 3-1: Region of Lake Calumet in 1871 (Warner, et al. 1871: pl17)

33
 Figure 3-2: Region of Lake Calumet in 1879 with the eventual town of
Pullman shaded (Edwards 1879: pl12)

In reality, it was a mere twelve miles south of the Loop, about eight from the enclave of Hyde Park, and
with its own rail stop on a line directly into the city from the very first day. It is notable that George
Pullman and the other executives did not build their own stately homes in Pullman, but rather in the city
itself, finding the commute easy enough that they could return home in the evenings (Buder and Kulash
1967: 29-31).9 Thus, the town was well connected to the goods, materials, and labor of the bustling
metropolis of Chicago, whose population had just crested half a million as Pullman broke ground, even
while its moderate isolation insulated it, and more importantly in George Pullman’s eyes, its workers
from direct corruption from the city.

3.2 Origins of the Town (with particular reference to the factory)

Pullman was at once wholly separate from, yet tied to Chicago’s ‘Second City’—that is, the city as reborn
from the ashes of the great Chicago Fire of 1871.10 In 1870 a population of 300,000 fit comfortably
within a 35-square mile footprint. Only 300 people died, but the fire displaced 90,000, and the city got
back to work rebuilding. By 1880 Chicago had 500,000 people and more than a million by 1890, at which
time the city spread out over 185 square miles (Papke 1999: 1). While the core of Chicago rose phoenix-
like from the ashes, Pullman watched the struggles between capital and labor with a wary eye as he
built his sleeper car service.

9
George Pullman did maintain a room in the Hotel Florence for evenings when he was working or
entertaining late (Glessner House Museum 2012).
10
The term is from (Mayer, et al. 1969: ch. 3, “The Second City, 1871–1893).
34
When George Pullman decided to consolidate his railcar production business in a new factory and town
and move his main works to Chicago, he sought out an area of flat, open land that had good rail and
water connections for his raw materials and finished products. But perhaps more importantly, he
wanted an area sufficiently outside the corrupting influence of urban life so that he could build a model
town with workers who shared his vision of American life and industry, free of the radicalism that had
crippled the country during the Great Railway Strike of 1877.

Technically the land he bought was within the municipality of Hyde Park, though people had not built up
the southern or western ends of that community before Pullman was established. This tony suburb on
the south edge of the city was described in 1874 as the most perfect rus in urbe (“the countryside in the
city”), second only to Evanston, and the epitome of a first-class hotel, residences, drives, and “a first-
class society” (Chamberlin 1874 [rpt. 1974]: 352). To bring workers into such an area required a
commitment to controlling their movements (Buder and Kulash 1967: 41-42), and his purchase of many
hundreds of acres, more than he would ever need for housing and the factory served that purpose well.
Of course, that land also served as important agricultural land for foodstuffs for the town (as well as
more space in which to generate a profit as booming Chicago was always hungry for more produce close
to the city) and helped preserve the aura of isolation, even as they were sold off piecemeal over the
next decades.

In a test of Pullman’s isolationist philosophy that allowed him to retain control over the character of the
town and to a certain degree the behavior of its residents, when the streetcar came to town, Pullman
declined to connect to it. In 1893 an electric street railway ran from a loop in south Roseland west of
Pullman, up Michigan Ave. to 93rd, then east to Calumet Harbor and up Cottage Grove Ave. to 75th,
where it interconnected with other cable car and omnibus lines into the city. Although the town’s
population would have been an obvious draw for the streetcar company, somehow the Town of Pullman
was noticeably not connected to this transit system (Mayer, et al. 1969: 137). George Pullman originally
bought 4,000 acres but only used 600 for his factory and town, suggesting that he might have bought
extra land for expansion; alternately it could suggest that he wanted a buffer around his model factory
town to insulate it from the problems of the city and earn profit from workers’ lives. Even if the town of
Pullman tried to behave as it was an isolated utopia, it also had the benefit of being able to draw on all
the distribution networks from Chicago that allowed it that comfort. So, for example, they did not have
to deal with the problems of wholesalers or slaughter yards, as they had the whole of the Chicago Stock
yards less than 5 miles away. They simply referred any crime or injury, questions concerning Boards of
Health and inspections, or even cemeteries to Hyde Park or Chicago.

In reality, the area was not really virgin prairie in 1880 when Pullman set out this vision. Just to the west,
the village of Roseland (originally called High Prairie before 1873) ran for a mile along the ridge between
what became 103rd and 111th St., centered on Michigan Ave. It had been settled by Dutch farmers as
early as 1849.11 By 1852 the Michigan Central RR had a passenger stop called simply “Calumet”

11
Unless otherwise noted, for this section, see the articles by Janice L. Reiff, on “Pullman,” “West Pullman,”
“Kensington,” and “Roseland,” in The Chicago Historical Society, Encyclopedia of Chicago, online at
http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/; accessed 26 June 2017.
35
(rechristened “Kensington” in 1872) at its junction with the Illinois Central and settlers arrived even
more readily into the area. By 1880, Kensington had about 400 residents (1,000 by 1889), a close-knit
group of German, Irish, Scandinavian, and northerners who serviced the railroads, and boardinghouses
and dozens of notorious saloons, giving the area the nickname of “Bumtown” (Stachmus, et al. 1984: v-
xvii). James H. Bowen, president of the Calumet and Chicago Canal and Dock Company,12 sold 4,000
acres of land to Pullman for his works and town in 1880. Kensington served as the nucleus of
construction for supplies and workers as the factory and town took shape and over the next decade the
two towns developed a certain symbiosis. And as soon as Pullman’s plan for his town became known,
other land speculators tried to capitalize on the project. A French developer from Cincinnati bought land
south of Roseland and Thomas Scanlan platted the village of Gano in 1883, marketing it to Pullman
workers who wanted to own their own homes and be free of the corporate control of life and house in
Pullman.

By 1892 the factory and community were established between the Illinois Central RR and Lake Calumet,
but they had also run a meandering spur from the Kensington Ave. interchange up to the east-west
potion of the Chicago and Western RR that ran just above 95th St., which in turn gave easy access to the
rail termini at South Chicago harbor as well as lines east (Manslein 1892; Mayer, et al. 1969: 125;
Reisenegger 1895). At this point, Pullman still sat relatively isolated from neighboring villages, with open
land to the north to 95th St. and only Cottage Grove as a thoroughfare to South Chicago. The insulated
communities of Riverdale and Blue Island sat a few miles to the south and southwest, respectively, but
the lands further south and curving east around Lake Calumet were entirely undeveloped, and though
there was continual housing development in the area known as Roseland, along S. Michigan Ave. from
95th south to about 130th St, it was all west of the Illinois Central; and the two tracts immediately west of
Pullman in this area remained empty (there is one curious strip of residential development that
connected 105th St from Cottage Grove over to S. Michigan Ave.).

Workers broke ground on 24 April 1880 for 600 acres of factory and town, two miles long by half a mile
wide, and the first resident moved in on January 1 of the next year. The erecting shops were up and
running by March, and by the spring the town housed 600 residents (Pacyga and Skerrett 1986: 429). By
the summer of 1885, they had built brick tenement houses for 1,450 families and another 60 frame
houses, and the city superintendent bragged in filling out a questionnaire for the city that none of
Pullman’s houses were overcrowded because they were owned by the company and such things were
attended to, and with regard to any municipal regulations about over occupancy, “None are needed.”
The town had grown to 8,603 people, about half native born, the other half European, including 764
children under the age of 5, 1,742 aged 5-15, and only 10 “[Nailez?] in the hotel” (answering a question
of how many Negroes or mulattoes in town) and no “Asiatics.”13 Pullman had managed to buy the land

12
Back in 1865, Bowen was the Republican State Central Committee Chairman who met George Pullman
while planning President Lincoln’s funeral train to Springfield and who incidentally who had suggested the
name change of High Prairie to Roseland and Calumet to Kensington, in both cases to “class up the joint”.
13
Chicago Public Library, Historic Pullman Collection, box 8, folder 7, “Demographic Questionnaire” (1885), p.
1.
36
for $75–2,000 per acre, and within a year the value of land in the area had jumped to $1,000–3,000 per
acre (Pierce 1937b:210). The city superintendent reported that when construction began, the land
sloped gently from NW to SE, ranging from 8-25 ft above the level of Lake Michigan.14 Little cutting and
filling was needed. They found the whole area underlain by about 15 ft of blue clay, and in the few areas
they had to fill, some 5 ft of clay was dredged from Lake Calumet to serve this purpose. They were
pleased that all the basements in the town (“made of the best cement”) were “dry enough to reside or
sleep in.”

A Chicago minister noted that Pullman was not really about “railcars and wheels”, but “stands related to
the question of how cities should be built and in general how man should live.” (Mayer, et al. 1969: 188)
A French visitor described Pullman as a town whose purpose was “to mould not only a body of
employees, but a whole population of workmen and their families to ways of living which would raise
their moral, intellectual, and social level.” (Mayer, et al. 1969: 188). One British newspaper, when
reporting of the 1888 national political conventions being held in Chicago and St. Paul, paused to tell its
readers of the wonders of Pullman:

There is a suburb of Chicago, not included in the city jurisdiction, which may be called a town sui generis. It is
named Pullman, from the inventor of the Pullman car, and cars (freight cars or luggage vans, that is to say)
are turned out from its workshops at the rate of one for ever fifteen minutes of the working hours. It is the
only town in existence built from the very beginning on scientific and sanitary principles. Before a brick or
stone was laid, perfect system of drainage and water supply were provided. The streets and open spaces
were then laid out on a clear and well-considered plan. About 4,500 workmen are employed by the Pullman
Company, who keep the streets and public places in order, and maintain schools for over 1,300 children. The
population is 10,000, and the town does not include a public house, or any place where liquor can be bought.
There are several clergymen, two or three policemen, four doctors, and one lawyer. (Anon. 1888)

3.2.1 Philosophy of the Town of Pullman

George Pullman was not a pure utopianist nor motivated primarily by philanthropy; every element of his
town was designed to turn a profit. Profits need not be exorbitant, but business “sense” demanded that
there be some profit, which was ultimately the root of the 1894 strike. But by 1888 his plan had come to
fruition and the world noticed. The city was a relatively late foray into the creation of a utopian
community, though by this time along the lines of what had come to be known as “practical
philosophy.” Early utopian and utopian socialist experiments had been tried at places like New Lanark in
Scotland, Brighton in the UK, and the Oneida Colonies (VT then NY) and Lowell, MA, in the U.S. Many of
these had industrial components, though each had its own characteristics: Lowell was fundamentally an
industrial town set at a cataract on the Merrimac River, but was built by numerous companies and thus
lacked any coherent vision, while the Oneida Colonies were experiments in social and spiritual
organization that only later turned to industrial production (e.g., Oneida silverware) to sustain
themselves. Pullman, on the other hand, is often considered to have been the first purposed-built
industrial utopian experiment.

14
Chicago Public Library, Historic Pullman Collection, box 8, folder 7, “Demographic Questionnaire” (1885),
pp. 13, 2-3.
37
An obituary for Pullman explained the run of the town’s history to 1897:

When the Town of Pullman was founded, its fame was spread to all quarters of the earth. It was described
everywhere as a magnificent piece of work in practical philanthropy. That the scheme was not entirely
satisfactory to those for whose benefit it was designed, that murmurs arose against the regulations enforced
to insure care and cleanliness, and that severe criticism was finally hurled against the entire plan, should not
detract from the acknowledgment of the high motive which influenced Mr. Pullman when he conceived it.
The deplorable strike at the Pullman Works in 1894 clouded his relations with the workmen and caused much
bitterness of feeling against him which time only can efface, but in all probability, this was intensified a
thousand-fold by the work of outside labor agitators who seized the opportunity to make themselves
prominent. (Anon. 1897a)

The city generally developed smoothly, but the resistance to the corporate paternalism was intense
from the beginning. When the question of annexation to the City of Chicago came up in 1889, a mere 8
years after the town took in its first inhabitants, the residents voted overwhelmingly to join Chicago over
the objections of Pullman himself as well as the managers of the Pullman Land Association (Pacyga and
Skerrett 1986: 392). The Village of Pullman was formally annexed into the City of Chicago in 1890, along
with all of the former township of Hyde Park, becoming Ward 34 (Pullman later became part of Ward 33
in 1910 and Ward 9 in 1912; (Styx 1988: 26).

3.2.2 Factory Design Antecedents: The Pullman Palace Car Company Works in Detroit
The Pullman company had been in operation for 23 years when the designers laid out the new factory
south of Chicago. Established rail car shops built George Pullman’s first sleeper cars on contract. In 1870,
the Pullman Palace Car Company bought the Detroit Car & Manufacturing Works (DC&MW) to manage
their own manufacturing facility. By purchasing existing shops, George Pullman did not need to design a
production facility or process himself, since he took control of both a facility and (presumably) most of
the existing workers. The DC&MW was originally Robinson, Russell, and Company (RRCo), who
supposedly established the first car works west of Albany when they repurposed a small pre-existing
shop on Gratiot Avenue. DC&MW then built shops on Croghan Street in 1856 (now Monroe Ave).
Sometime after that, the company moved their facilities to “the foot of Beaubien Street” and eventually
onto Monroe Avenue, near the Detroit, Grand Haven, & Milwaukee tracks. This may have been a
consolidation into the existing Beaubien St/Monroe Ave facility. RRCo merged with a group of other rail
car producers in 1868 to create the DC&MW. The Pullman Palace Car Company then purchased these
consolidated Monroe Street shops in the winter of 1870-1871, while the Detroit Car Company built an
extensive, but short-lived works at Adair Street in 1872. Burton, Stocking, and Miller explained that
Pullman wanted to expand the works on Monroe Ave by replacing the residential block on Macomb
Street, but the city’s Common Council refused the plan, which pushed George Pullman to develop his
plans for building in Illinois (Burton, et al. 1922: 537).

The PPCCo employees operated an existing factory with established and functioning work process,
which had been operating for nearly 15 years. Very little is known about these shops, but three
important documents provide information about the architecture and workflow of these shops. The
Sanborn Fire Insurance Company published maps of the works in 1884 (Figure 3-1) and 1897 (Figure 3-
2), roughly contemporary with the Rascher Company maps of the shops in Pullman, Illinois. In addition,
38
an 1889 bird’s-eye view depicted the works (Figure 3-3). While none of these images captures the works
when they were the exclusive manufacturing facility before the design and construction of the Pullman
shops, they provide clues regarding the general structure of the facility.

By 1884, the Detroit works are very similar to the design of the Pullman shops. The compact facility
occupies a large urban block with two long rows of buildings sharing common walls. From an aesthetic
perspective, the design shares some interesting commonalities with that of Pullman in Chicago. The
front row of buildings includes a tall central office building, three stories high, bounded on both sides by
tall, but single-story woodworking shops. The 1884 map does not identify any of these spaces as
“erecting shops” and instead as “woodworking,” “general woodwork,” and then variations on
carpentering, varnishing, woodwork, general finishing work, and painting which seem to be equivalent
to Chicago’s Erecting Shops.
There are some specialized shops, including Cabinet Work and Glazing 1st floor with Upholstering 2nd;
Planing and Sawing Mill with general woodwork on the 2nd floor; a Machine Shop for woodwork; Drying
Kilns; Pipe-Bending Shop; Tin and Plumbing Shop; and a steam-hammer equipped Forge Shop for iron.
The woodwork machine shop adjoined the Forge Shop. The factory has a dust and shavings collection
system, which blows into a vault not mapped on the property; this feature was replicated at Chicago
with the dust and shavings from the wood shop being evacuated directly to the 12 boilers for the Corliss
engine (Buder and Kulash 1967: 54). The two rows of buildings are joined by a “transfer track” that
seems similar to the Chicago work’s transfer table system, but interestingly this system connects directly
to a single siding on the Detroit, Grand Haven, and Milwaukee line (the Grand Truck RR by 1897). This
yard lacks any siding yard or roundhouse facility, suggesting that completed cars were immediately
removed from the works as they left the shops, transported either directly to customers or to a remote
storage yard.

39
Figure 3-1: 1884 Sanborn Fire Insurance Map of Detroit showing the Pullman Palace Car Company’s
Works on Monroe Street (Sanborn Fire Insurance Company 1884: 60).

Figure 3-2: 1897 Sanborn Fire Insurance Company map of the Pullman Palace Car Company’s works
on Monroe Street (Sanborn Fire Insurance Company 1897: 38).

40
 Figure 3-3: Detail of the Calvert Lithographing Company’s Birds eye view—
showing about three miles square—of the central portion of the city of Detroit,
Michigan (ca. 1889). Birds eye drawing is not to scale (Anon. 1889a).

3.2.3 Laying out the Town of Pullman

George Pullman retained the services of the architect Spencer Solon Beman after being impressed with
work he had done on another project, and invited him to Chicago to design the new factory and town.
That Pullman would hire Beman, who as far as we know, had no experience whatsoever designing
factories, remains a bit of mystery, though it should also give us pause to realize that in 1880 it did not
take a specialized engineer to layout a railroad erecting shop. To only slightly overstate the case, almost
any architect or engineer who could raise a one-to-three story building in brick and then successfully
roof it over with a clear-span truss (which in that age of railroad construction was a widespread skill)
might conceivably have been hired, and it may be as simple as the fact that Pullman was pleased with
Beman’s aesthetics that he felt him qualified (Woods 1999).

Beman arrived in Chicago in the spring of 1880 and went to work immediately laying out the town in
conjunction with landscape architect Nathan F. Barrett, railway engineer Max Hjorstberg (apparently
temporarily hired away from the CB&Q Railroad), and Benzette Williams, a sanitary engineer well-
known for solving the drainage problems of many cities in late nineteenth-century America and who
also went on to install the sanitation systems in other company towns like Morgan Park for U.S. Steel
(Alanen 2007; Jackson 1892). It is clear from descriptions of the building that they were all flying by the
seat-of-the-pants at times, even though each was relatively skilled in their own trade. As is clear from
the reminiscences of Irving K. Pond (1857-1939), a junior designer hired in March 1880 to assist with
developing plans for the town, the design team grew only after the site had been decided upon and
continued in a somewhat ad hoc fashion:

Late in March 1880, when I was for the second short period with Major [William Le Baron] Jenney, a call came
from the architect of the town of Pullman as later the place was named, for a draftsman who was also a
designer, to aid in the preparation of building plans and elevations. Mr. Solon Spencer Beman, a promising
young New York Architect with an excellent background and good offices, notably that of Richard M. Upjohn,
had come to Chicago but a few weeks previously to prosecute the Pullman work. He had been assisted by the
41
 car draftsman but needed help of a more architectural sort… [Pullman architectural tracer Will J. Dodd] had
15
in mind to procure the services of my roommate, Clarence Arey, of Michigan ’78 , who would come to
Jenney, as had I, to have a place from which to leap! Arey just procured what proved to be a permanent job
with another architect in was not available. I was the only foot loose person in Mr. Jenney’s office [and
although] I well knew my limitations and sought the advice of Mr. Jenny who was enthusiastic over the
prospect. (Pond, et al. 2009: 82-83)

Pond thought the job would be a short one lasting a few weeks, but in the end, he worked for six years
on the project. The factory and town went up conjointly, as land preparation and materials would allow,
but erecting the building was less straight-forward that expected:

The elevations for [the APWC] building from Mr. Beman’s on hand well along when I entered the office and I
was put on that job. After a week or two it was discerned that we were ready for the roof drawings and there
was no structural engineering draftsman available. I modestly suggested that I might design the roof trusses
on the side. The suggestion was gladly entertained; the job was successful when I became the head designer
of the structural engineering force which was soon established; maintaining that position and also that of had
architectural draftsmen, which office Mr. Beman seemingly took for granted what’s mine from the very first.
(Pond, et al. 2009: 84-85)

That Pond, a relatively unskilled structural engineer designed the trusses in the APCW Co. Building may
help explain why some of the truss forms in the surviving north erecting shop (Bldg. 2) demonstrate
relatively unusual features. But even that level of improvisation at the beginning was nothing compared
to how the free-for-all of design-build evolved over the next 12-15 months:

During the summer [of 1880], as soon as the site could be drained and buildings made habitable we moved
our offices from the city to a temporary structure near the Illinois Central tracks, a mile or so north of
Kensington, and then my architectural education really began. The building of a World’s Fair nowadays is
about the only thing comparable to what was going on in Pullman, especially in the years 1880 and 1881.
Although our force was augmented from time to time[,] the work, seemingly, was ever one jump ahead of
the Architect. Plans for all the buildings were finished sooner or later but in one or two instances, not until
after the building had been completed and occupied, and perhaps, measured. I laid out and detailed full size
trusses and other items of construction on the broad floor of the shop or church or theater or other
structure—generally from sketches worked up the office. As head draughtsman I was in demand all over the
“lot”. The carpenters would be calling from here, the bricklayers and stonemasons, there! Many a time the
proposition put to me was beyond my knowledge and experience and then I bluffed for time—I had a hurry
up call from another quarter and I would see them in the afternoon or next morning! But when I did see
them, as you maybe sure I always did, I had it at my tongues end [i.e., the answer was “on the tip of his
tongue” as we would say] or on my fingertips the correct solution of the problem. This process cost me many
a sleepless night, but it was worth it not only for the knowledge I acquired but for the respect I gained any
eyes of my fellow workers (Pond, et al. 2009: 85-86).

This sort of situation characterized the project from the beginning, it would seem, for when George
Pullman had retained the services of S.S. Beman and N.F. Barrett to design the buildings and landscape,
respectively, for Pullman, their initial discussions were apparently so remarkably grand that the men

15
Pond was Class of 1879
42
took them as “magnificent ideas” that were but “the chimera[s] of a fevered brain.” When Pullman then
showed up in New York some time later, asking to see the plans, Beman,

pleaded a previous engagement and asked if the next morning would answer just as well, how, when he
found that he was expected to deliver the plans, he worked straight through the night making an outline of
the ideas which he had thought were merely delirious dreams; and how, when the sketch was presented the
next morning, it was found to be faithful delineations of the 'dreams', requiring but a few changes. After
these were made, the plans were approved and Messrs. Beman and Barrett were commissioned to work
them out in detail, not only on paper, but on the shore of Lake Calumet (McLean 1919: 225).

Ultimately, the team of Beman and Pond for the building envelopes, the internal layout of Bissell and
external landscaping of Barrett, not to mention the track organization of Max Hjorstberg, brought to
fruition a manufacturing complex that would turn out thousands of cars over the next 80 years. And
indeed, the fast and simultaneous buildout meant that all the core buildings were standardized in size
and materials, leading to both economization in construction costs in the beginning, but also a great
interchangeability and flexibility in using the shops during their first phased of use (i.e. 1880-1907),
when they had to be modified to construct the new all-steel designs then coming into use (Bradley
2011; Pond 1934: 7). It is also worth noting that Pullman realized more economies by buying materials in
bulk, buying them in their raw state and manufacturing his own building materials—as, for example,
buying his own green lumber, air-drying it, and then building a wood and sash shop on site (which then
continued on to build casework and windows for the palace cars) to construct all the casement windows
for the town’s buildings (Buder 1967: 52)—as well as using his own employees for most of the
construction crew in that first year, before shifting them back to car building.

3.2.4 The Sanitary Angle

One feature of the model town of Pullman was largely lost in the post-1894 debates about industrial
paternalism, worker rights and autonomy, and corporate profiteering on the backs of the laboring
classes: the town was built to be a model of the new “Sanitary City” movement, and in that quest, it
largely succeeded. The overall story of the nineteenth-century revolution in sanitary engineering in cities
is well-known (J. A. Peterson 1979; Schultz and McShane 1978; Tarr 1979), and it is recognized that the
last 30 years of the century saw Illinois in particular (and especially with its complex yet flat hydrology in
Chicago) become a model leader in solving the sanitation problem (Davenport 1973).

Benzette Williams, formerly supt. of sewage for Chicago took on the challenge of draining the western
shore of Lake Calumet and putting in water, sewer, and gas mains for the city grid. It was in fact this
strong devotion to creating the sanitary city that initially captured the attention of the world media. The
second half of the nineteenth century saw a number of major cities starting to rebuild their
infrastructure, beginning with London in the 1840s (Goldman 1997; Hamlin 1992). Other cities followed
suit, but it was only in such lucky circumstances as Pullman, building on a tabula rasa (or, perversely, in
the case of a catastrophic fire like that in Chicago in 1871) that all new septic and water systems could
be easily installed anew. One is struck by the 1885 demographic survey, which asked about foul
waterways, stagnant ponds, refuse and rodent problems, and all the other ills of city life (all these sorts
of questions were pre-printed on the form), and the superintendent consistently was able to report

43
“none of these”, “not a problem”, “no pollution,” nothing that produced disease in the workmen, or
that any ills occurred “very rarely, so little that no record is kept of it” (that in response to inspectors
condemning meat or fish for sale), and in response to nuisance manufactories: “none whatsoever.”
Pullman used no well water or river water (it was noted in 1885 that the Calumet River, two miles to the
south, was “not becoming any cleaner”), but rather ran a 30-in iron main out to Lake Michigan, with
pumps at Hyde Park to provide all the city’s drinking and fire suppression water.16 The town had parallel
sewage systems, one for waste and a separate one for storm water runoff. Pullman even had Benezette
Williams design an elaborate “sewage farm” two miles to the south where all the town’s waste was
pumped to be used as fertilizer on the company farmland (Historic American Engineering Record 1976:
53-61). In fact, the year before his death, Pullman was awarded a plaque at the Prague International
Hygienic and Pharmaceutical Exposition for having the most perfect town in the world (Stachmus, et al.
1984: xvii).17

3.3 Evolution of the Factory Complex

The administration building and the original erecting shops—that is, the original west/front range of the
clock tower and its attached north and south erecting shop, and then the east/rear range consisting of,
from south to north, the rear erecting shop, the blacksmith shops, the finishing shop, the wood machine
shop, the engine house and boiler room—were apparently laid out and built within a year and were up
and running by April 1881 (Lindsey 1942: 39-40). Pond related that, the first permanent building to be
erected was “the Allen Paper Car Wheel Company (APCWCo.),” slightly further north of the main
buildings, “which for a long time made all the wheels for the Pullman sleepers” (Pond, et al. 2009: 85). In
either case, the complex went up very quickly with labor from Pullman’s own shops driving it forward
and materials flowing in from Chicago and beyond.18

The HABS report (1967, 2) credits S.S. Beman with the quasi-Romanesque exterior of the buildings, while
the interior layout was apparently done by T.A. Bissell of the Pullman Company itself. Bissell was at the
time the general manager of Pullman’s Detroit shops. Within a year, however, he had resigned to take
over the management of the Barney & Smith Manufacturing Co. car shops in Dayton, OH, which he had
purchased an interest in, possibly using his fees for having laid out Pullman. McLean (1919) reported
that it was rumored that he was offered the general manager position at the new shops, but declined.
Within a decade Bissell defected to the Wagner Palace Car Co. (which was itself later acquired by

16
Chicago Public Library, Historic Pullman Collection, box 8, folder 7, “Demographic Questionnaire” (1885),
pp. 6-7.
17
The particular early published report on the sanitation of Pullman has not yet been obtained: (Anon. 1885).
18
It is likely that Pullman benefitted from the timing of his endeavor in Chicago. The Great Fire of 1871 had
necessitated the growth of a massive building-materials industry in Chicago as well as a regionally-wide
network of material suppliers (for lumber, lime, etc.). Thus, by the time that Pullman broke ground for his
factory and town in 1880, there was a ready supply, and perhaps oversupply of materials on hand that
could easily supplement the materials that he made himself, notably the bricks, which were made from
locally-reclaimed clay from Lake Calumet.
44
Pullman) and was replaced at Barney and Smith by H.D. Spaulding, a 25-year veteran of car building
(Anon. 1881: 666; McLean 1919: 231).

While the IDNR had generated and now the Pullman Museum maintains indexes that include
construction dates on Pullman’s buildings, the exact evolution and order of construction of the factory
buildings is unknown because, before 1889, the Town of Pullman was part of the larger outskirts of Hyde
Park and no building permits were required (or at least none were filed). Even after the incorporation of
the area into the City of Chicago in 1889, no building permits for construction, demolition, or
modification were ever apparently filed with the City (Historic American Buildings Survey 1967: 3). While
we know that the paper car wheel shops were the first up and running in 1881, early photos of the
factory complex seem to indicate that most of the buildings were constructed simultaneously: at least
the front rank of the main office building with its north and south erecting shop wings and then the
second rank of what is now known as the rear erecting shop north to the Corliss engine building and
water tower, all the rail spurs and the transfer tables, and possibly some further ancillary buildings in the
northwestern corner of the factory area. Pond’s (1934; 2009) recollections also seem to suggest that the
architecture, infrastructure, and rail system within the factory complex were being built simultaneously
around each other, sometimes without a clear distinction between which department was responsible
for each element. Rather, the designers and laborers moved from one building to another and between
factory and town sites as work progressed.

3.4 Work at the Factory Complex

The daily rhythm of work and life in Pullman’s factory is not yet clear, yet understanding the
organization and evolution of work at the factory is essential to this assessment. Very few surviving
historical documents provide first-person accounts of daily work, and to date we have identified no
diaries or oral histories from the early period. Some work has been done studying the workers as a
group and their overall characteristics (Hirsch and Reiff 1982; Peterson 1992), though not their daily
activities in the plant per se. Similarly, there are a number of modern studies about worker and shop
organization in general (Biggs 1996; Bradley 2011; Brown 2001; Dinius and Vergara 2011), but in the
absence of specific records from the Pullman works themselves, their focus has not helped us with this
particular manufacturing complex any more than deciphering the insurance maps over time. There
remains only a tiny handful of secondary sources that get at small aspects of work within the Pullman
factory, and none that investigate the car construction process in any detail.19

19
Such accounts would have to be built up from period primary sources like railway journals and shop
magazines (Anon. 1896; Home Morton 1913; Oudet 1905; Pattinson 1922; Rusche 1929). Even then, details
might not reflect Pullman perfectly as it may well be the case that those kinds of shops, or those specific
shops, did not fit contemporary industrial trends. For example, there is no evidence that they had any
assembly line production (one would have expected to see some spatial rearrangement to facilitate a more
unidirectional flow throughout the property on the later Sanborn maps if this had been the case),
suggesting discrete work stations continued to be sufficiently efficient for them throughout the period. In
personal communication, University of Virginia historian and author Jack Brown (2001), confirmed that in
the railroad literature, secondary information on erecting shops for facilities other than locomotive shops
are non-existent.
45
The Pullman Palace Car Company’s corporate records are divided among a group of archives and
facilities, most notably the Newberry Library, the Pullman Library at the Illinois Railway Museum, the
South Suburban Genealogical and Historical Society Library, and the State of Illinois’s Tenneco
Collections. Smaller collections are held at the Chicago Historical Society, the Chicago Public Library, and
the National Archives. Of these various institutions, primary records that included details of production
of cars are mostly held as part of the Tenneco Collection, which is not yet available for detailed research.
Resources are available to study maintenance systems at the Calumet Works and other sites around the
country, as well as the working lives of porters, maids, and other operations staff. Primary voices about
production could not yet be revealed from documentary records.

We have assembled below different ways of examining the work process at the factory from existing
records, including documentary record types, photographs and maps, and testimonials. These provide a
framework within which managers can evaluate the significance of the physical evidence of daily life,
found in the archaeological remains of the buildings and intact features buried around them.

We have minimized the importance of the 1894 Pullman Strike in this report. That strike was about
Pullman’s refusal to lower rents on town housing when workers were faced with a reduction in wages
due to a general downturn in orders following the Panic of 1893. The Panic itself was caused by railroad
overbuilding and speculation of continued expansion, which then resulted in the collapse of a number of
banks and the retrenchment by most railroads in the country, leading to a collapse in orders for rolling
stock. As the dockets show below, since most of the skilled workers were paid by the hours spent on
each order (e.g., an upholsterer might put in 2 hours on job no. 2352, 6 hours on job no. 2311, and 1
hour on another job on a given day), when the orders dropped, there was simply no work for them to
do. One can understand, then, why Pullman’s workers’ wages collapsed; even while one criticized
George Pullman’s refusal to lower rents in order to preserve his 6% annual return on all sectors of his
business.20

3.4.1 Managerial Structure and Relations

The shifting relationships between workers and managers is a key problem to understanding the
evolution of the work process at Pullman. A full management history needs to be written using the
information in documents in the Tenneco collection, which when available, can be usefully compared
with administrative records at the Newberry and other archives. While George Pullman can be described
either as a “paternalistic capitalist” or a “welfare capitalist,” his management strategy was best
categorized as very typical of the late nineteenth-century approach known as “Systematic
Management.” As the company evolved after Pullman’s death, under both Robert Todd Lincoln and
John S. Runnells, the company’s mangers adopted some elements of Scientific Management (developed
by Frederick W. Taylor, among others, from about 1909 onwards; for the statement of the company
about its adoption, see (Husband and Runnells 1916)) as well as many of the progressive policies of

20
For the company’s statements on the Strike, see Anon. 1894; Ashley 1895; for labor’s position see
Carwardine 1894; Stead 1894; for the government’s position, see Nimmo 1894; United States Strike
Commission 1894. The secondary literature on the 1894 Strike is large, but for a good overview, see Hirsch
2003; Lindsey 1939, 1942; Papke 1999; Salvatore, et al. 1999; Stein 2001.
46
welfare capitalism. In that same era, philosophies of corporate governance were shifting toward the
view that large, publicly-held industrial enterprises served a public trust beyond the shareholder’s
interest (Heald 1970: 28-30).

George Pullman’s brash and uncompromising style was notorious, but his business operations have
made him (and his experimental town) a classic case study in Human Resources Management (cf.
Kaufman 2010: 38-43). But we do not understand Pullman’s engagement with systematic management,
a movement that arose as he was building the new works on Lake Calumet. Both large industries and
railroads had grown plants and operations that were larger and more complex than ever before, and
often geographically fragmented. This scale made work flows impossible to oversee or control,
production costs and inventory became increasingly difficult to track, trouble grew in materials
acquisition and tracking, and labor became harder to manage. Before there were academic responses or
organized movements, as with Scientific Management, managers created ad hoc solutions for
systematizing management. Managers experimented with ways to track production costs, establish
hierarchical supervision through middle managers, centralize accounting and quality control, and shift
toward incentive wage systems (Litterer 1963; Nelson 1974: 480-481). Systematic management also
brought attention to the “human element” of production, primarily in concerns for workers’ motivations
through incentive pay system and quality of life issues (Kaufman 2008: 66-71). Pullman’s company
included these traits and struggles with worker autonomy and their impressions of capricious and petty
middle managers contributed to labor strikes.

After Pullman’s death, the presidents that followed him would continue adopting systematic
management ideas. In 1916, System: the Magazine of Business printed a series of essays that Joseph
Husband had edited from narrations and writings by Pullman Palace Car Company president John. S.
Runnells. These essays explained how the Pullman company had transformed the management of
production during the transition from wooden to steel car production. Over a period of months, a
member of the managerial staff (perhaps Eugene Morris) worked with Carl G. Barth, one of Frederick W.
Taylor’s assistants, and recommended changes to increase efficiency. The reports recommended
selectively adopting some elements of Scientific Management that the leaders felt were appropriate for
a company of Pullman’s size and would work in their traditional Systematic Management practices.
Runnells referred to the new approach as a “common sense system” which he also called “The Pullman
System of Management.” The company rolled out new systems in different departments around the
plant and in 1913 began to introduce a general shift away from gang-system organization to a piece
work checking system. Previously, foremen would assign a job to a gang of workers, who would then
divide up the work themselves. Now the company was tracking production by person and by machine,
and claimed to be adjusting worker’s salaries up for highly productive labor—and presumably down for
the reverse (Chandler 1979).

Among the new systems that Pullman adopted over the period from 1907 to 1916, the repair shops
were revolutionized by instituting a decision-making process that put draftsmen in charge of when, if,
and how to repair broken machinery. The brass foundry instituted a timestamped paperwork system for
tracking work orders that allowed clerks in accounting, stores, and thirty other departments to compile

47
details about efficiency and cost as order forms, color coded tickets, cards, and tags were gathered by
the Stores department. This allowed managers to tabulate total material costs and total labor costs
along with the standard price for items being manufactured. Managers centralized tools into collective
tool rooms and from which workers could check out equipment and request sharpening or
replacements of broken tools, and where managers could track tool use. Finally, the company instituted
methods of “Progressive Car Building” where the old erection shops were reorganized. The work process
was reorganized, abandoning the older “ground-up” style of manufacture in static bays to which all
materials were brought. Instead the Freight Car shops were redesigned to include a moving production
line with specialized work stations for individual tasks. (Chandler 1979).

The management system increasingly embraced Welfare Capitalism as an alternative to George

Pullman’s original vision of a bucolic community that would repel the evils of industrial capitalism. By
1916, management was providing protective eyewear, gloves, and other safety equipment and clothing,
along with medical care. As late as 1923, the company’s Welfare Department provided for worker
safety, comprehensive medical care, locker rooms and cafeterias (or at least lunch rooms), toilets and
rest rooms. These programs affected the movements of workers and their lived experiences in the
factory. We do not yet know the fate of the latter-day social welfare programs, but with the steady
decline of passenger rail by the 1950s, the company moved away from these strategies and adopted
other management philosophies.

3.4.2 Work Process from Testimonials

Pullman’s factory was designed decades before the concepts of mass production or of the assembly line,
yet the production there was an important example of the growth of craft practices into what we would
recognize as full “industrial” production. Pullman employed scores of highly-paid master craftsmen to
create his luxury Palace Cars, but his staff also deployed jigs, fixtures, some standardization and forms in
order to achieve some economies of scale in this process. But the car industry, at least for sleepers,
parlor cars, and dining cars could never be a full mass production system. Each order—whether it be for
one car or two dozen—was its own unique thing: the car length, compartmentalization, layout,
amenities, and virtually every detail could be specified by the ordering railroad. Far from the days of
Henry Ford’s Hobson’s choice of “Any color as long as it’s black” (even if most Pullman cars were painted
in Pullman standard green), customers had virtually complete flexibility above the car trucks, and other
than that they had to be 4ft 8½in to match standard gauge, only the customer’s pocketbooks limited the
choices available.

As a production process that long-predates the moving assembly line and full Fordist production, the
Pullman process was a combination of batch production and station work. The original erecting shops
consisted of ten-bays in each of the north and south wings. HABS (1967: 3-4) proposed the following as
a general description of the process, which we have here broken into smaller parts inserted some
corrections and commentary about terminology and offer alternate interpretations:

A freight or passenger car was started on one of the tracks with the assembly of its wheels and undercarriage.

48
In fact, these were temporary truck systems (Figure 3-1); the car was only put onto its running trucks
once it was nearing completion and then brakes and any other undercarriage apparatus were installed.
Not surprisingly, the mechanical systems evolved over time, but it still appears that components for
things like power in the cars (generators) or, later, air conditioning (compressors) were bought to the
frame as the car was built upon it.

This frame would then be rolled along the track and at consecutive locations have various operations
performed on it.

It is more likely that a number of operations—in fact a large majority of them—came to the car in one
position. In the original shops, at least two cars could sit on one track segment inside the building, so
moving one around another would be inconvenient. There are photographs of small delivery vehicles
with a small wagon train behind them delivering a wide variety of parts upon them, suggesting that it

Figure 3-1: Temporary wood-blocked trucks (Tenneco Papers, box 585406)

was delivering to multiple stations where cars of various sorts would have been in various stages of
production. But just as orders did come in for single cars that would entail fully individualized
construction details, they also came in from one railroad for a small batch of cars (2 sleepers or 4 parlor
cars or 12 baggage cars, for example), each bay or perhaps sets of adjacent bays could well have been
working on the same design, resulting in efficiency as workers with different skillsets moved among the
set of cars. HABS (1967) continued:

When the car had progressed the entire length of the track in one bay, it would be rolled outdoors at the east
end of the shop onto the tracks embedded into the pavement. Running alongside this pavement and at right
angles to it was a slightly depressed roadway with a series of rails running its length. Along this transverse rail
system ran several "trolleys" or long low flat cars with a pair of rails fastened to the top surface. These rails
were at the same level as those of the shop floor and east pavement. The partially completed car would be
rolled onto the trolley (which was aligned with the pavement rails) and the trolley would then be moved with

49
 its cargo to a second bay. The car would be pushed off the trolley and into the shop where the second series
of operations would begin.

They are here describing the two sets of transfer tables that were set to the east of each of the erecting
shops that allowed the cars to remain oriented E-W but then shifted N-S to any bay for any operation
that might be needed. Transfer tables were a somewhat revolutionary development in moving rolling
stock within a factory complex, as it greatly compressed the space necessary for extra track for shifting
cars and minimized the problem of having one car stranded behind one or many other cars that had to
be moved to get it out. While Pullman was not the earliest example of a linear transfer table, as
compared to the more familiar shunt system or roundhouse–turntable method of shifting cars from one
track to another, it is possibly the first rail factory complex built with them as the key to car mobility on
the property.

When the entire length of the second track had been covered, the car would again be rolled outside and onto
the trolley and moved to a third track. This process was continued until the car had been finished and the last
piece of brass trim and lacquer had been applied.

While we agree that it was easy and convenient to move the cars to multiple locations, the HABS
description implies that only one or a small number of processes occurred on each track and at each
station, and also that each car would visit every bay of the erecting shops. This is too much like a moving
assembly line, and the HABS report provides no contemporary evidence to back up that claim. From
examination of the layout of the buildings, the descriptions of each building’s contents and task, and the
photographic evidence of cars under construction that we have, it seems much more likely that each car
was assembled from the ground up in one place until it was structurally and mechanically complete,
then it was shifted to the painting shop for overall painting, and then (back?) to one more bay where it
was put on its road trucks, fitted out with furniture, cabinetwork, carpeting, and final detailing, including
all detail painting. A number of photos, for example, show individual painters hand-painting the car and
railroad names on the car while other workers finish out the interior.

Evidence from surviving fire insurance maps rather suggests that all the steps for the construction of a
car likely happened in whichever bay the frame started in until the car had to be moved for a process
that could not take place there. So, for example, a car might start in position 2 of bay 3, where the frame
was constructed, whether in wood in the early decades or later in steel. In the wooden car era, we have
the statement of the town superintendent’s wife, who noted that in the building of freight cars,

Lumber enters the south end of these shops from the lumber yards and is cut to proper lengths, planed,
mortised, bored and fashioned for use. In every onward step of its progress, and it never moves backward, it
received additional shaping and treatment till it reaches the erecting rooms, where the car builders take it
and build it into cars upon the tracks which have already been set in place (Doty 1974: 72).

Further, the work was staged so that all the erecting bays might “flip” in relatively symmetrical batches,
when possible, which was often the case when freight cars were in production (recall that the ratio of
freight to passenger to sleeper production in the first half century of Pullman was roughly, but
consistently, about 1:10:100). Doty (1974, 73) explained that in building 40 freight cars a day,

50
 they are erected in trains on parallel tracks, along which all the materials, with the trucks, are carefully
distributed the day before for the gangs of builders[:] 182,000 pounds of cast iron wheels…, 64,000 pounds
of car axles, 118,000 pounds of cast iron other than wheels, 115,000 pounds of wrought iron, [and 500-900]
bolts [in each car].

And the erecting shop was set up so that 80 cars could fit on the parallel tracks at a time, “so that while
forty are building to-day on part of the tracks, laborers are distributing lumber and iron for forty more
along the vacant tracks, this material to be built into cars on the following day.”

In other cases, we know that the steel frames were welded and riveted together on the ground outside
(Figure 3-2), and the roof assembled independently and dropped into place, as well as then the steel
vestibules built on to the ends, all before the car was lifted onto its trucks. Later photos of steel frames
for the aluminum-clad cars in mid-century indicate, for example, that they might be pieced together in
the bays and flipped for welding and riveting as was convenient before being set on temporary trucks
for the buildout of the frame.

Certainly, there were steps in the construction where moving the car to another station was desirable, if
not in fact necessary, such as the sandblasting and painting of the all steel frames (Husband 1917, 126-
127; though see (Limbrock 1953). But the very next steps of installing insulation in the wall and floor
cavities and then turned over to the steamfitters, plumbers, and electricians, these were more likely to
have been conceived of as they are in house-building—where the tradesmen come to the job, not the
other way around—as the cars were to have been moved to the steam shop, the plumbing shop, and
the electrical shop… for which there is no evidence of the independent existence of in the erecting shops
on period fire insurance maps. Husband (1917, 128) all but confirms this when he notes that, “As soon
as these gangs of workmen have finished, other workers fit into place the interior panel plates,
partitions, lockers, and seat frames, and the car instantly assumes a new and almost completed aspect,”
without mentioning that it moved to any other station. Similarly: “The car is now completed with the
exception of the fittings. A gang of men hang curtains in the doors and windows; the upholsterers
contribute the carpets, cushions, mattresses, and blankets; the various little fixtures are added, and the
car is finished.” Even before the final fitting out, he also provides an image of the workshop where
partitions were assembled on tables (Figure 3-3), well away from the cars and apparently on upper
floors of shops that the cars could never visit, again indicating that at least in the era of the all-steel car,
parts went to the assembly bays rather than cars moving from bay to bay.

51
 Figure 3-2: Assembling a steel frame, outside, off the trucks (Husband 1917, 126)

Figure 3-3: Assembling interior car partitions in an upper-floor shop (Husband 1917, 106)

52
After a touring the factory and interviewing George Pullman in 1890, French economist Paul De Rousiers
later extolled:

The planning of these workshops is remarkable, and every detail seems to have been considered., to cite
one point the buildings in which freight cars are built our series of vast sheds as broad as the cars are long.,
opposite each car a large bay opens on the iron way of a car as soon as it is finished, runs along the rails and
leaves the shop. All the timber that forms the car is cutlery required, size and it's got ready for fitting
together in a special department. When it is brought along the same rails to the sheds where the car is built.
Tiny little locomotives are running along the lines which are built in the spaces between the various
workshops…. Everything is done in order and with precision; one feels that each effort is calculated to yield
its maximum effect... One feels that some brain of superior intelligence, backed by a long technical
experience, has thought out every possible detail. Besides the fitting-shops that deliver the finished car,
there are many preparatory shops. The most important are the timber-shops, for wood is the raw material
most used in the making of every kind of car; then comes the metal-works, wheel and bolt shops, forges,
steel-works, etc., and then those which are more especially for passenger-cars, such as the hair-cloth
factory, etc., etc. It is easy to understand the wonderful material complexity of such an enterprise. It needs a
number of different kinds of factories which must be run for the common end. From the purely industrial
point of view, it is an interesting sample of the great American manufactories (Buder and Kulash 1967: 58;
Rousiers 1933: 264-265)

3.4.3 Work Process from Order Dockets

Although we have yet to find the surviving archival collections with explicit evidence of how a car was
tracked from order to completion and delivery during its construction, reconstruction of the level of
detail available can also be found in surviving order dockets where the final accounting of the costs to
the customer were recorded. We hope to discover a future collection that includes documents like
inventory control slips and worker time-tally cards. We know that workers in the early and middle
periods were not paid a flat rate for, say 8 or 10 hours of work a day, but rather recorded their hours
spent on each lot and summed them up in each pay period, and so on. Yet we can use existing
documents for insight into the management of the work process.

When an order came into the company, it was assigned a lot number which allows us to track a car of
that type through production and still identify it today. So, for example, Lot 1390 was taken May 12,
1887 from C.P. Huntington for one private car of plan type 515. The details were inscribed in a “list
book”21 and a delivery date was set, in this case list book G140 (many of these survive at the Illinois
Railway Museum in Union, IL) and 26 Jan. 1888. The logbook noted any specific details such as number
of identical cars in the lot, which could range from one to dozens, any identifying car numbers or names
for the customer (Huntington named his private car “Onronta”), its destination and routing rail lines to
get it there (here Weehawken, NJ, and via the Michigan Central and West Shore RR), and a cost
estimate. The range of costs is particularly striking, with private cars clearly being built at the very
highest of standards (Huntington’s was estimated to cost $13,450.80, about $350,000 today) while

21
In this case, Smithsonian Institution, National Museum of American History Archives Center, Dubin Pullman
Palace Car Company Materials collection (Acc. 181), “Record of Completion of Cars, 1887-1893".”
53
others orders reflect large orders of very inexpensive freight cars (for example, the CB&Q railroad
ordered 400 stock cars in January 1888 for an estimated total of only $430.22 [per car, it is presumed]).

Investigating a lot number docket reveals a great deal

of how the company accounted for each car’s features, ... so ...

as well as some suggestions of the division of labor and 7316 91 ,

workflow in constructing a car. As a case study, consider

lot 2293, an order for six general service parlor cars for DAY PIFCF . O. L.

92 46 L!il l.

the PRR, built over four months at the start of 1898.22 A

554 '78 142 14 554 '78
458 ?G Pain t.ers . 2762 b 8 1,37 64 2 752 5 8
3 00 P at.t'orc.

standard plan 1278 A-1 car, the price of the car was 209 45 lfood Ma.chin .. . 1250 12 2s1 z4 1·;bo '72
1 33 86 Conposition. 803 lt\ 04 25 803 16

broken down by “trucks”, body, extra equipment, and 0 52 56 Cab i n e t. 3915 Z6 31Z 2Z 3915 !36
Z6 7 73 !.aiquotcy. 2146 3 7 171 71 2110 ::;7

sundries. Each of those categories were in turn itemized 1.8 0 40 Cu.n,i ng. 1082 40 86 61 1082 40
430 41 Ca.r Builders. 1!34 66 244 7 77 260 :m Cb82 43

in exacting detail (also averaged per car in the lot if it 104. 4 1 Trit:!l.:lcra . 2 47 6C4 00 62 65 626 47
383 14 Inside F'inishe:ro . 116 41 :J183 40 229 88 2298 81

was for multiple units): trucks in this docket consisted 61 4Z Tinners . 368 5 7
108 25 Stea.t1 F'it.-ters . 24 08 625 4.'l 68 46 649 6::l

of a total of 6123 bd Ft of oak costing $162.27, a whole 261 00 U'phola terere . % ti4 1477 88 91 20 1571 12
26 52 Braas F iniahcro , 45 99 11::;: 12 4 60 159 11

series of castings (bolster chaffing blocks, bolster 56 10 El t1ct..ricians . 336 Gl

51 24 Glass . , 65 299 80 36 80 30 746

chafing plates, bolster spring caps, bolster spring seats, 8 35 Va.rd. 60 12 2 16 50 12

7 07 'Jra.n,ing.

Equalizer spring caps and seats, side bearings, transom I Z3ta 1 04 Oonera. l Lab or. 199223

~ 2zs14 _so

plates and so on right down to the 18lbs. of washers 6741693

-1-'"6 ~ Propn. 01· ocn . Shop Ex:ponoo . ~

costing 58¢. Total for castings averaging $63.95 per I 12696i 67 76180 00

car); forgings (nearly 4 dozen types itemized for almost 2 00 Switching.

58 Running & Testing .

12 00

$260 per car); and so on. The dockets ran to many ~

2 00 Linct.stror::i Bra.kn Roy alty.

Anti Teloocoping De v ice. _

12 00

600 00

dozens of pages and end with a summary of all labor ~

(Figure 3-4) and approval signatures.

Some items are itemized by quantity, others, notably

Figure 3-2: Final Labor Accounting, Docket
the larger parts and construction materials, by weight,
2293, General Service Parlor Car for the PRR,
so in the PRR’s cars, they accounted for axels weighing 1898 (Smithsonian NMAH Archives Center,
3180 lbs per car for a total weight of 19,080 lbs. costing Pullman Collection, box 1, folder 26, p. 30)
$314.82 and also for the “¾ Q” of sandpaper worth 7¢.
This incredible level of detail may let future researchers reconstruct some work processes, as for
example the breakdown of the finishing on these PRR cars: 210 lbs of “Penna Truck Color”, 1½ lbs of
white lead, 6 lb of putty, 12 gallons of red roof paint, 3 gallons of wheel paint, 1½ gal of turpentine, and
7½ gal of “Murphy’s Truck Varnish.” Similarly, the lumber used in the cars is accounted for in full detail,
broken out by species and type (structural, moldings, paneling, veneers), every single casting and forging
is itemized, often with size and finish details, as are all bolts, nails, screws, glue, pins, rods, and every
other part of the whole. One interesting feature noted in a number of dockets was that the purchaser
had the option of providing their own interior details such as curtains or lamps, as well as turning in

22
Ibid., box 1, folder 26.
54
scrap materials (brass, bar stock, etc.) to be used or recycled as a credit against the materials account
drawn up by Pullman.

Some labor costs are itemized as piecework (blacksmith’s labor for the forgings billed at $13.90, though
with no indication of time spent, showing that Pullman accounted much labor internally on a piecework
system), while most dockets include a summary breakdown for the lot:

Amt. [hrs?] Type Day Piece G.L. [totals]

6.39 Mill [$]38.34 [$]9.58 [$]38.34
3.00 Iron Machine 18.00 5.40 18.00
3.78 Paint 22.70 1.13 22.70
22.53 Truck 46.36 88.80 20.27 135.16
6.06 Gen. Labor 36.3823
41.76 [subtotals] 250.58
1340.83 [not specified, but overall hours?] 8045.02
174.31 Prop[ortion] of Gen. Shop Expense 1045.85
1515.14 [TOTAL] [$]9090.87

From this kind of evidence and other materials that have only been cursorily inventoried in the Tenneco
Papers and other archives, it should be possible to reconstruct the manufacturing organization and
workflow with some precision. Siting those activities on the ground will also be easy in a general way
using the fire insurance maps, though the detailed interior arrangement of each floor of the buildings
still remains a challenge, due to no separate floor plans having yet come to light and the limited number
of photos of the interior of the shops in general.

3.4.4 Work Process from Maps and Inventories

In the following sequence of maps, we interpret changes to the work process as determined by evidence
from the known maps and plans of the these eight of the factory’s buildings. Figures 3-4 through 3-7
show moments in time selected to express the evidence visible in the maps and historic documents24.
Generally speaking, the maps sometimes described the function of a building or a floor, but rarely more
detail than this. While detailed maps of the Calumet Shops are part of the Pullman papers held at the
Newberry Library, that archive does not hold records from the manufacturing division which would have
included blueprints and drawings of the factory core. While many of the manufacturing division papers
are included in the Tenneco Collection, as far as we know, that collection does not include bound sets of

23
Note that the general labor in the third column sums down to this entry.
24
The documents used to create these maps include the Rascher Company and Sanborn Company Fire
Insurance Maps (1888/1892, 1911, and 1938), the American Appraisal Company map and inventory (1924),
the United States War Department’s c. 1955 building plans, a series of topographic maps (1929, 1953, 1960,
1965, 1991, 1997) and aerial photographs (1952, 1959, 1962, 1963) from the United States Geological
Survey, and an aerial photograph from the Illinois State Geological Survey (1938).

55
drawings or blueprints for the manufacturing division. Finally, the buildings are numbered here using the
1955 number designations. On this map, that means that the North and South Erecting Shops numbers
are reversed, as became practice at the firm after the expansion of the southern shops to accommodate
steel car manufacture. In addition, since the Foundry and Iron Machine Shop were located off the IDNR
and NPS properties, that building is not included in these figures.

Figure 3-4 shows the operation at during the early period of operation. The office building is in use as an
office on the second floor, while some of the first-floor space has been dedicated to storage. All three of
the erecting shops (Buildings 2, 3, and 4) have similar layouts for similar work flow for wood car
production, as explained above. Building 4 includes a series of storage areas along the covered passage
that separates the eastern and western portion of the Rear and New Erecting Shops. These storage and
activity areas include gas fitting, marble works, paints and oils (storage?), and steam fitting. This building
also includes the only privy identified on the early map. Identified as a privy, this may have been built
and used for a period before the sewers were installed. The 1901 “deep sewer” plan map showed
plumbing connected to this privy location. The Finishing Shop has varnishing and painting on the third
floor, which is connected by bridges to the Wood Machine Shop (Building 6) so that millwork can be
brought directly into building 5 for finishing. The wood machine shop presumably has three floors for
woodworking machinery turning out elements that can be delivered to the erecting and finishing shops.
Finally, the Boiler and Engine houses form the showroom for Pullman’s grand Corliss Engine and power
the subsurface drive shafts throughout the factory.

By 1925, Building 3 has been converted to produce steel cars and wood cars are now primarily worked
upon in the repair shops (Figure 3-5). The main office is still managerial space, but also includes
dramatically expanded drafting facilities and storage space for drawings. Building 2 had been converted
into a machine shop with pattern storage, but the company has converted space in this building to
administrative functions like accounting and purchasing. The expanded steel passenger car shop
(Building 3) is filled with jigs, templates, and dies for pressing and forming metal parts for cars and then
spot-welding them together. Building 4 had become the steel car erecting shop, equipped with similar
tools as Building 3. In the Finishing Shop, now the body and roof pieces are fit to car frames although
some metals pressing and forming happened here also. The second and third floor are still dedicated to
working and finishing wood elements. The first floor of the Wood Machine Shop is being used for
pattern storage, but the 2nd and 3rd floors are still woodworking areas. These woodworking shops also
shut down by 1938 as less and less word elements are used in cars. Since the power system had been
replaced by electricity in 1907, initially to power the welders, the steam engines throughout the factory
are scrapped out thereafter in 1911. The Boiler House was adapted to warehouse iron with additional
wood working on the 2nd and 3rd floor.

56
 PULLMAN CORE INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS, ca. 1886
11 11.
TRANSFER PIT 2

: :
8
BOILER
HOUSE

• 6
WOOD MACHINE SHOP
: 4
ERECTING SHOP

7 5
ENGINE HOUSE FINISHING SHOP
: :

I TRANSFER PIT 1

:
2 1 3
ERECTING SHOP ERECTING SHOP
OFFICES
: '

NORTH
~--~
SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET
•••••
0 ft 100 ft 200 ft 300 ft 400 ft

1: OFFICES (3 floors) 5: FINISHING SHOP (3 floors)

• Storage and Ware Room 1st, Executive Offices 2nd, Ceiling and Glass • Varnishing and painting on third floor.
Painting & Headlining 3rd. • Elevator by 1886.
• Elevator.
6: WOOD MACHINE SHOP (3 floors)
2: ERECTING SHOP (1-1/2 floors) • 500 HP engine on 1st floor, 1886 and 1892.
• Shop for assembling 40- to 65-foot long Palace Sleeper cars, perhaps two
per track in each bay, totaling up to 80 cars at one time. SMOKESTACK
• 40 cars built per day, while lumber and supplies distributed to open spots • Brick, 185 feet tall.
for the next day’s 40. According to Doty (1974: 73), “118,000 lbs of cast
iron other than wheels, 115,000 lbs of wrought iron, [and 500-900] bolts” 7: ENGINE HOUSE (2-1/2 floors)
went into each car • Held Corliss steam engine, 2,500 horsepower.
• Driveshaft from Corliss engine ran in trench below floor. • Steam engine powered machinery factory-wide.
• 25 HP steam engine in northwestern corner by 1892.
8: BOILER HOUSE (3 floors)
3: ERECTING SHOP (1-1/2 floors) • Held 12 steam boilers and 2 steam pumps.
• Shop for assembling 40- to 65-foot long Palace Sleeper cars, as above. • Coal storage along north wall (1st floor).
• Driveshaft from Corliss engine ran in trench below floor. • Lumber storage on 2nd floor, “Coal R. Filling R.” on 3rd.
4: ERECTING SHOP (1-1/2 floors)
• Shop for assembling 40- to 60-foot long Cars
• Work tasks, storage, and activity areas include gas fitting, marble works,
paints and oils, steam fitting.
• Privy located in southern and northern ends of building.

Figure 3-4: Map of factory processes ca. 1886

57
 PULLMAN CORE INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS, ca. 1925
1111 1111
TRANSFER PIT 2

STORAGE &
8
WOOD-
WORKING
6 FINISHING
4
WOOD MACHINE SHOP
SHOP STEEL CAR ERECTING SHOP

7 5
PATTERN
STORAGE : : :

TRANSFER PIT 1

2 1
TRUCK SHOP
MAIN
OFFICE
3
STEEL PASSENGER
CAR SHOP

SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET

+ NORTH
-~-711
•••••
0 ft 100 ft 200 ft 300 ft 400 ft iurn
1: MAIN OFFICE (3 floors) flanging jigs. Dies for pressing, forming, blanking, notching, piercing, slot-
• Office space underwent major renovations in 1921, including the Purchas- ting, punching, and flattening metal for Pullman Standard parts and parts
ing and Accounting Departments (1st floor); Superintendent’s, General Me- for other cars.
chanical Engineer’s, and Production Manager’s offices (2nd floor). • Fireproof transformer room by 1938.
• Engineering Department had offices throughout the building. Drafting
rooms, blueprinting rooms, Photostat room, and drawing vaults were on 5: FINISHING SHOP (3 floors)
the 2nd and 3rd floor as well in the clock tower’s two floors. • Iron working (1st floor) in 1911, included both Body and Roof Fitters in Sec-
• Elevator (1911, but not shown 1938). tions B and C by 1924.
• In 1924, more than 56,000 engineering drawings stored on 2nd floor. Kept • The first floor included a wide array of welding, flanging, and forming jigs for
in furnishings like a nine-drawer pine-wood blueprint file 26” x 36” x 35” top and corner hoods, side door frames, trap door frames, window frames,
high and Art Metal Steel files of many sizes. and car steps.
• Varnishing and painting on 2nd and 3rd floors, including a Paasche Air
2: TRUCK SHOP (1-1/2 floors) Brush Company spray outfit, 8’ wide and 6’6” deep, in Section A.
• 1911 Machine Shop in Section C (1911) converted by 1938 to lumber stor- • Additional woodworking (2nd floor).
age 1st floor with a pattern shop on the second floor of Sections B and C. • Elevator, no sprinkler system in 1911.
• By 1924, the Purchasing, Accounting, and Auditing Departments occupy
two floors and the balcony in Section A and a telephone exchange was 6: WOOD MACHINE SHOP (3 floors)
installed there by 1938. • Machines included Greenlee Bros. & Co. powered self-feed rip-saw, a Lon-
• Ladies Dining and Rest Room in Section A run by Welfare Department don Berry & Orton 22” swing special column face lathe, and a J. A. Fay &
• Small steam engine removed by 1911. Egan Co #3 horizontal double spindle radial chair borer.
• Storage 1st Floor, wood working 2nd and 3rd in 1911. Dining room added
3: STEEL PASSENGER CAR SHOP (1-1/2 floors) on 3rd floor by 1924.
• Wide enough to build the 80-foot long, heavy steel cars. • 1924 inventory shows workers using the second floor for storage of hard-
• All four sections included dozens of dies for slotting, punching, notching, wood templates for band and trim saws, boring machines, shapers, and
blanking, forming, and piercing sheet and stock steel. Sections A and B carvers, and also including wood carving molds made of plaster of Paris.
also included a cast iron hood forming mandrel and sash rest capping • By 1938, office space defined on 1st floor and painting on 3rd.
tools, along with a portable spot welding outfit. • Supplemental steam engine removed by 1911.
• Besides standard passenger cars, New York subway cars were made in this
building. 7: PATTERN STORAGE (FORMER ENGINE HOUSE)
• Roof and Bottom Fitting occurred in Sections C and D, so the work areas • Electric power replaced steam power in 1907; Corliss engine scrapped in
included jigs for assembling, drilling, molding, and forming steel car ele- 1911.
ments such as the deck and lower deck, end frame, car line, door header, • Elevator added by 1932.
top hood, side post, scoop panel, and cap. Most of the dies in Section D
were specific to sheet metal work. 8: STATIONARY STORAGE AND WOODWORKING (FORMER BOILERHOUSE)
• Section A also included a dining area/break room run by the Welfare Dept. (3 floors)
• Templates stored in Section B. • 1911 Iron Warehouse on the 1st floor was replaced by Stationary Storage
by 1924; Woodworking 2nd and 3rd during this period.
4: STEEL CAR ERECTING SHOP (1-1/2 floors) • Machines in use and storage include a Chas. E Francis Co. 42” x 96” heavy
• Steel car assembly, with Body Fitters in Sections A and C and Roof Fitters duty open side hydraulic veneer press.
in Section D. • By 1932, Basement and 1st floor used for Steel Storage and 2nd floor used
• Fitters worked with an array of assembling jigs and dies, including for side for Pattern Storage.
frame and side post, sash rest, vestibule corner post, hood, and lower deck

Figure 3-5: Map of factory processes 1925 58

 PULLMAN CORE INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS, ca. 1955
TRANSFER PIT 2

8
BOILER
HOUSE
6 PAINT & 4
WOOD MACHINE SHOP VARNISH ERECTING SHOP
SHOP

7 5
ENGINE HOUSE

r--------------------------7
I TRANSFER PIT 1
L __________________________ I

2 1
ERECTING SHOP
OFFICES
I
3
ERECTING SHOP

NORTH .....
SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET
•••••
0 ft 100 ft 200 ft 300 ft 400 ft

1: OFFICES (3 floors) • Four shop floors with separate darkroom and x-ray room in Section D.
• All executive office space and storage vaults. • Toilets, steam heat, sprinklers, power throughout.

2: ERECTING SHOP 5: UNUSED (FORMER FINISHING SHOP) (3 floors)

• Sections B and C included 2 stories, dedicated to drafting space, offices, • Freight elevator.
and vaults. • By 1945 sprinklers throughout.
• Section C was 1 story, including offices, toilets, and a vault.
6: STORAGE SPACE (FORMER WOOD MACHINE SHOP) (3 floors)
3: ERECTING SHOP (1-1/2 floors) • Accessible to transfer table and railcars can enter building.
• U.S. Army Ordnance sub-assembly work took place here during World War II. • Electric lighting and power, sprinklers throughout.
• Welding facilities for 120 operators per shift.
• Track conveyor system for production line. 7: LABORATORY AND OFFICE (FORMER ENGINE HOUSE) (2-1/2 floors)
• Power distribution substation attached, steam heating, compressed air, toi- • First floor includes separate laboratory and office rooms.
lets and locker rooms. • Steam heat and sprinklers throughout.
• Three 2-ton overhead cranes and jib cranes, two turn tables.
8: UNUSED (FORMER BOILER HOUSE) (3 floors)
4: MACHINE SHOP (1-1/2 floors) • 2nd and 3rd floor connected by bridge to Building #9.
• U.S. Army Ordnance Production took place here during World War II. • Toilets and sprinklers throughout.

Figure 3-6: Map of factory processes 1955

59
 PULLMAN CORE INDUSTRIAL BUILDINGS, ca. 2017
TRANSFER PIT 2

BOILER
HOUSE
PAINT &
WOOD MACHINE SHOP VARNISH
ERECTING SHOP
SHOP

ENGINE HOUSE

TRANSFER PIT 1

2 1
ERECTING SHOP
FORMER
OFFICES

ERECTING SHOP

SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET

+ NORTH
0 ft
·········-100 ft 200 ft 300 ft 400 ft

1: PULLMAN NATIONAL MONUMENT (FORMER OFFICES) 5: FINISHING SHOP

• 3 floors and clock tower owned fee simple by National Park Service in 2016. • Demolished between 1952 and 1959.
• Burned due to arson in 1998, rebuilt by IHPA in 1999-2005. • Foundation and ground floor surface may remain intact.
• Subfloor features associated with plumbing and utilities very likely.
2: ERECTING SHOP
• 2002-2003 roof removed on Section A of building, replaced by 2004. 6: WOOD MACHINE SHOP
• IHPA purchased the building in 1991. • Demolished between 1952 and 1959.
• Foundation and ground floor surface may remain intact.
3: ERECTING SHOP • Subfloor features associated with plumbing and utilities very likely.
• IHPA purchased the building in 1991.
• Burned and demolished in 1998. 7: ENGINE HOUSE
• Foundations and floors remain intact. • Demolished between 1952 and 1959
• Subfloor features associated with plumbing and utilities very likely. • Rail siding laid overtop after demolition.
• Foundation remains intact, buried under rubble imported from off site.
4: ERECTING SHOP
• Section D of the building was torn down between 1952 and 1959. 8: BOILER HOUSE
• IHPA purchased the building in 1991. • Demolished between c. 1953 and 1959.
• Fire gutted the building in 1998 and Section C was subsequently torn down. • Rail siding laid overtop after demolition.
• Section A and B’s walls and trusses remain; the roof is gone. • Foundation remains intact, buried under rubble imported from off site.

Figure 3-7: Map of factory processes 2017

60
Sometime after the War Department completed its inventory, several buildings were torn down,
including Buildings 5, 6, 7, and 8, all of which had been removed by 1959 (Figure 3-7). In addition,
Section D of Building 4 had also been removed by this time. The State of Illinois’s Historic Preservation
Agency (now the Illinois Department of Natural Resources) purchased the property in 1991 with an eye
toward heritage use of Pullman’s resources. A disastrous arson fire in 1998 burned buildings 1, 3, and 4
and might have damaged the roof in Section A of building 2. Building 3 was demolished after the fire,
along with Section C of building 4. Sections A and B of Building 4 were left standing in ruin, while
buildings 1 and part of 2 were repaired between 1999 and 2005.

Around 1955, the War Department drew a set of building plans as it prepared to transfer the plant back
to civilian industrial use (Figure 3-6). Both buildings 1 and 2 were used as office and drafting space
during the Korean Conflict era. Buildings 3 and 4 produced ordinance during the World War II and also
perhaps also during the Korean Conflict. Buildings 5 and 8 were unused at the time, while building 6 was
dedicated storage space. Building 7 was also largely empty, but included separate laboratory and office
spaces.

61
4 Evaluation of Previous Archeological Work
A series of archaeological research projects have been completed within the boundaries of Pullman
National Monument. Of those projects, one set of excavations occurred on the grounds of the factory
core considered in this study, one investigated the nearby Pullman Water Tower, and five have
examined different residential and commercial properties in the town. In this section, we briefly review
these projects and relate them to the resources under consideration in the factory core.

4.1 2000 Pullman Water Tower Excavation

In 2000, Dan O’Rourke and Kevin McGowan reported on a project undertaken by the Department of
Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Chicago, The Public Service Archaeology Program of the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champlain, and the University of Chicago undertook a Phase I survey of
the remains of Pullman’s famous water tower. An expansion of the University of Chicago Press’s
warehouse was impacting the property and community objection led to an archaeological
documentation project. The project staff examined approximately 70 x 100 m of excavated area that
included the foundation of the water tower and three large debris piles from demolition. The water
tower’s foundation was built of limestone block, was buttressed, and measured 35.5 m on each side.
Staff documented three of the four foundation walls and a portion of the fourth, since a large section of
the south wall had been demolished during the expansion project. Documentation included measured
drawings of the foundations interior surface, locating pipes of various diameters, variations in building
material, and the depth of fill. The crew identified and documented a surface foundation north of the
Water tower that they identified as a nearby boiler house post-dating the Pullman-era. Staff also
monitored the removal of fill from the water tower foundation to expose the Phoenix column bases and
the sewer vault. After documentation of the vault, the site was backfilled with clean sand. The follow up
analysis included efforts to match the pipes and features with historic maps, including the 1888 Rascher
and 1901 Doty maps, along with the City of Chicago’s current sewer maps. The study included a review
of S. S. Bemen and the water tower, including how the tower worked with the town’s fire suppression,
drinking water, and sewage system. In addition, the report recommended that additional excavation for
construction be allowed to go forward, but that an archaeologist should monitor that work to map and
document the locations and size of sewer and water pipes as they were uncovered. It is unclear if any
additional reports were prepared from subsequent work.

4.2 2004 Factory Excavations

In 2004, Scott Demel and William Middleton ran a DePaul University-sponsored excavation in Pullman,
including some extensive testing at the factory site with some additional tests on the grounds of the
Hotel Florence. Drs. Demel and Middleton were both temporary faculty at DePaul University and they
both departed the university before an excavation report was complete. In 2007 and 2008, Dr. Jane
Baxter and Dr. John Burton studied the collection of artifacts from this excavation campaign as DePaul
initiated the process of transferring the collection back to the landowner and permit-issuer, the State of
Illinois. As part of that process, Jane Baxter wrote a report summarizing what she could about the
collection of artifacts in the absence of any excavation paperwork. That report (Baxter 2011b) concluded
62
that the majority of the artifacts recovered had been deposited following the demolition of the factory
buildings in the mid-twentieth century. But she also observed that the majority of the metal artifacts
were “fragments of hand tools, industrial machinery, and architectural and building elements” (Baxter
2008a:5).

Figure 4-1: DePaul University students excavating in the factory’s

core, perhaps in the Engine House. Presumably taken from the roof of
the North Erecting Shop (Building 2). Photo courtesy of Scott Demel,
Northern Michigan University.

In the summer of 2016, Dr. Demel exchanged a series of emails with us in which he explained that he
still intended to finish a report of the excavation. Dr. Middleton returned email inquiries that he no
longer had any data from the excavation and had nothing else to contribute. Dr. Demel described the
contents of his research files from Pullman:

I have sketch maps, and a draft of a 13 page preliminary report of the 2004
investigations that I wrote in 2005. I also have my notes on features and test units. The
sketch map with distances and angles has not been added to a Pullman map yet
showing where we dug exactly. I can sketch something out to give you a better idea of
63
 where we were. […]. I took basic transit data that should be useful.
Also present in the files are the following:
Maps, notes, transit data
Notes on aerial photos, brick locations and drawings, student brick research write-up
Unit profiles
Artifact catalog spreadsheet and forms
Photo log, CD with photos?
Student note books
Hotel Florence shovel probe survey forms
Small bag of artifacts used in exhibit at the Field Museum

From those resources, Dr. Demel shared the following images with us. Figure 4-1 shows open excavation
units in the factory buildings. The test pits appear to have been placed In the Corliss Engine House
building (Building 7). The next image is a sketch map, dated 2005, of bearings and distances calculated
from optical transit readings (Figure 4-2). The photo and the sketch plan seem to match, if the
photographer is looking from high up in, or on top of, the North Erecting Shop (Building 2) and the two
excavation units in the photo are then likely U1 and U2 in the drawing. The crew apparently also did
some excavations on the property surrounding the Hotel Florence, bordering on St. Lawrence Street,
depicted in Figure 4.3

Figure 4-2: Sketch map of optical transit bearings

with distances, calculated either by tape or from

Without an interpretive report, research design, or the original excavation paperwork, it is not possible
to evaluate this excavation. We can make some important observations from just this material at hand,
however. As late as 2004, there were well preserved segments of building floor under the topsoil in that
area of the Pullman factory. Further, there were areas in the ground around the floor where the crew
64
identified features filled with stratified sediments and soils. We have not yet taken the measurements
from the sketch and drawn them in our GIS, but it seems that the student teams excavated at least eight
test units within the factory. It appears that the team was trying to define a structure wall while also
excavating below openings in the concrete floor surface. The breaks in the floor may correlate with pits
underneath the steam engine.

The State of Illinois and the NPS should put emphasis on either acquiring a final report or retrieving the
original records and artifacts from Dr. Demel. The excavation was considerable and any future recording
of the floors and wall foundations in this building must also re-document these excavations to establish
the depths and extent of the 2004 digging. This will help to identify any remaining features likely to have
intact stratigraphy from pre-demolition periods for Buildings 7 and 8, as well as throughout the factory
core.

Figure 4-3: Digging along Lawrence Avenue on the lawn of the Hotel Florence.
Scott Demel provided this photograph of excavation at the Hotel Florence. In
Volume 1 of the DePaul University reports (Baxter and Hartley 2011: 21), Jane
Baxter identifies this as Lawrence Avenue.

4.3 2005-2008 Pullman Town Excavations

In 2002, DePaul University and The Field Museum initiated the Program in Urban Historical Archaeology
at the Pullman State Historic Site (Agbe-Davies 2008; Baxter 2008b). The 2004 excavations at the factory
and the Hotel Florence were the first season of fieldwork at Pullman associated with the project. Work
continued in 2005 with a study of the turnaround area (Baxter and Hartley 2011) and inside the Carriage
House (Baxter 2011b); then again in 2008 with an investigation at the Pullman Arcade (Baxter 2011c),

65
and the Echols and Sexton House Sites (Baxter 2011b). Jane Baxter has also published and co-published
about the role of archaeology and heritage in Pullman (Baxter 2012; Baxter and Bullen 2011)

These studies have made a substantive contribution to the archaeological studies of industrial and urban
communities, in both the questions asked and the collaborative posture of the project (Palmer and
Orange 2016). Given the factory focus of this report, we will not review the details of the archaeological
work here, since the survey designs, excavation strategies, and artifact analyses are all contained in the
individual reports. Most relevant to the current study is that Jane Baxter and her colleagues put forward
their orientation toward archaeological practice:

1. Research should be community-based through collaborative partnerships so that projects are

responsive to local interests and needs. This is particularly important in a community that served
as “research subjects” for generations. This allows archaeologists to assist local agencies as they
do work and train students.
2. While field research occurs on sites, the research focus should be multi-sited and landscape
oriented.
3. The Historical Archaeology of Industrial Communities is oriented as a social archaeology of labor,
rather than Industrial Archaeology in the “old-school” sense.
4. Focus should be on the lived experience of people in the past, informed by tools that consider
race, class, ethnicity, gender, and age in people’s lives.

The details of their archaeological studies do not need extensive discussion here, but among the most
significant is that Baxter and her colleagues demonstrated that Pullman residents’ patterns of land use
are different from those of other industrial communities studied by archaeologists. The use of yard
space, in both front and back yards, was not for functional activities during the Pullman era. After the
homes begin to pass into private hands, then yard space becomes functional, but even after that
change, the yards are not used for household production. Baxter and her colleagues also generally
reported encountering subsoil at 20-30 cm below the surface of the ground, indicating very little fill
(Baxter 2011a, 2011b, 2011c; Baxter and Hartley 2011).

They also identified an integrated thematic framework to guide their investigations, with literature
reviews. These themes are summarized here:

1. Transformations of Industry and Society in the Guilded Age.

2. Planned Communities and Utopias
3. Labor and Collective Action
4. Community History, including Immigration, Gender, and Ethnicity
5. Working Class history and heritage

These themes are all applicable to archaeological work in the factory at Pullman National Monument. In
Section 6, we will discuss the themes identified by Baxter et al. in relation to the Pullman National
Monument’s mission, the relevant NPS Thematic Studies, and best practices in Industrial Archaeology
and Heritage.

66
4.4 2016 Archaeological Study
In 2016, Midwest Archaeological Research Services, Inc., undertook a Phase II investigation of the site of
the Pullman Artspace Lofts development. M. Catherine Bird reported on the survey of 18,500 square
feet on 11137-11149 South Langley St. (11-Ck-1226). This study was intended to see if intact deposits
from the period of significance would be negatively impacted by the planned ArtSpace redevelopment
or if any prehistoric land use was evident. After a review of historic maps and documents, the
excavation of six shovel test probes, and three excavation units, as well as a transect across the back
yard using a blunt-end soil probe, the archaeologists concluded that the historic buildings were
demolished and that rubble was dumped to the rear of the lot along the rail tracks. The excavations
from the front of the buildings revealed that the bulk of artifacts were deposited post-prohibition,
ranging in date from 1935-1964, with a few pieces of material associated with the demolition of the
buildings. Based upon the finding that all artifacts were associated with the “Historic Euro-American
Pullman residential occupation” period post-1907, the defined period of significance for Pullman, the
report recommended that no further work was required and the project should be cleared for
construction (Bird 2016).

67
5 Research Potential of Known Archeological Resources

5.1 Area Investigations

This following section is limited in scope to the factory buildings now owned by the State of Illinois and
the National Park Service. Recommendations about other industrial areas in the Town of Pullman or of
factory remains on private land may be found in §6 Recommendations for Future Research, but the focus
of this document is the 8-building core of the factory. This document includes discussion of the adjoined
NPS-owned and State of Illinois-owned properties because the wise management of these historic
resources will be best accomplished through collaborative effort. The historical, architectural, and
archaeological resources extend from the NPS property onto State of Illinois property and all are part of
interconnected systems. We are providing advice on the entire block of the factory site in the hope that
collaborative decision making will produce a unified approach to these cultural resources.25

The map analysis in §3.4.4 Work Process from Maps and Inventories illustrated the rough evolution of
activities in the various buildings in the factory’s core, when possible subdivided by floor and/or section.
In order to evaluate the potential for archaeological deposits over the factory landscape, we have
extracted information about known subsurface utility installations at various points in time. Figures 5-1
to 5-5 show the footprint of various utilities systems throughout the complex. These drawings are
clarified illustrations derived from tracings of blueprints and plan maps in various archives. As such, they
should be understood to be interpretive plans. The source drawings were of widely varied scales and
quality and the plotted locations of pipes were not always precise or accurate. For instance, standpipe
locations in the Steel Erecting Shop and the Wood Machine Shop often appeared in slightly different
locations within those buildings in different maps. The final drawings represent the best estimation of
the number and location of such features.

We have not yet found plan maps or blueprints for several expected systems, including compressed air
lines and the vacuum system for removing sawdust from wood-working areas. Dan O’Rourke reported
references to the reuse of utility trenches and access points for new utilities (O'Rourke 2000), suggesting
that infrastructure systems may be “nested” in existing features in some areas. When the drive shafts
were removed after the Corliss steam engine was scrapped, the trenches in which the shafts had run
were purportedly reused to run other utilities. We have not attempted to determine which, if any, of
the pipe systems are still in active use as drains or sewers or are connected to the city water supply.

These pipes and trench features are the archaeological manifestation of utilities planning, installation,
and evolution. They reflect ideas about technical process and design, worker health and safety, and risk
management and response planning and therefore have potential to yield important information about
the history of these topics. Site managers should seek to map these features and systems using non-
intrusive remote sensing technologies and documenting elements found intact during essential

25
It is the intention of this report to support the collaborative agreement signed between the National Park
Service, the State of Illinois Department of Natural Resources, and Pullman National Monument. The
research team played no role as the agreement was established, but we will continue efforts to support the
adoption of best-practices from industrial heritage and archaeology.
68
underground work anywhere in the factory complex. While the standing architecture from one part of
the factory may have been removed, the ground floor surface and the subsurface deposits may still have
archaeological integrity. As an example, the deep sewers installed during initial construction and the
separate drainage system for surface runoff are part of the key infrastructure that made the town’s
hygiene engineering famous. Other trenches were installed at various times in the factory’s history, and
fill in those trench features could contain artifacts that will help date various phases of utilities
installation. Because construction workers often discard trash into pits and trenches they are about to
fill, artifacts in the trenches may also reveal information about daily and mundane workplace behaviors,
including those that were seen as undesirable by company managers. When these features must be
disturbed for site management, such as environmental remediation or installation of new utilities, work
should be monitored and documented to record key historical information that may be present. This
documentation will then mitigate adverse effects to these features which are otherwise eligible for the
National Register of Historic Places under Criterion D. In this instance, the information contained by
these remains is significant, while the physical objects or features are not.

The amount of historic digging for the installation and maintenance of utilities between the buildings
reinforces the low probability of intact, pre-Pullman era features in lower stratigraphic levels. Since the
drains and sewers were dug into the subsoil below the initial landfilling in order to facilitate drainage,
the trenches also likely disturbed any buried sites. The only area of the factory grounds with minimal
disturbances of this type is in the small section of ground between the front factory buildings and Lake
Vista. The excavation of the engine’s cooling pond likely compromised any pre-Pullman features as well.

69
 70
Plan Drawing of Gas Lines and Fixtures, Pullman Factory Site,

6 "
7
- 11

SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET

0 ft 100 ft 200 ft 300ft 400ft

Drawing by Daniel Schneider based on tracings by Timothy Scarlett; 29 August, 2017

Figure 5-1: Gas lines extracted from maps dated 1900-1910.

 71
Plan Drawing of Sanitary Sewer Lines and Bathrooms, Pullman
Factory Site, South Cottage Grove Ave, IL

6 5

2
3

--- Sanitary Sewer (1950s) Bathro om (1950s) Ma nhole Cover (195 0s)

- - - Sanitary Sewer (1901) Privy (1892)

SCALE: 1 INCH= 100 FEET

100ft 200 ft 300ft 400 ft

Drawing by Daniel Schneider based on tracings by Timothy Scarlett; 29 August, 2017

Figure 5-2: Sewer Lines, Privies, and Toilets, 1880-1955.

 72
Plan Drawing of Storm Drainage Lines, Pullman Factory Site,
Cottage Grove Ave, Chicago, IL

Storm Drainage (1950s) Manhole Cover (1950s)

Storm Drainage {1924)

SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET

•••••I
ir
0 ft 100 ft 200 f t 300ft 400ft
Drawing by Daniel Schneider based on tracings by Timothy Scarlett; 29 August, 2017

Figure 5-3: Storm drainage lines, 1901-1955.

 73
Plan Drawing of Water System, Pullman Factory Site,
South Cottage Grove Ave, Chicago, IL
. I
/ I I I I
-
••
• • •• ..
... •• • .
. 6

7 . ...
.. I
I

-
. 2

.
- ••

I 1938 Water System

1911 Water System

Hydrant

• Standpipe
Cistern (1911)

• . ..
(Z> Well(1911)
1892 Water System

SCALE: 1 INCH = 100 FEET

••••• I

0 ft 100 ft 200 f t 300ft 400ft

Drawing by Daniel Schneider on by Timothy Scarlett; 29 August, 2017

Figure 5-4: Plan of water system with hydrants, standpipes, wells, and cisterns,
1880-1955.
 74
Plan Drawing of Line Shafts for Power Transmission,
Pullman Factory Site, South Cottage Grove Ave, Chicago, IL

8
6 5 4

2 1
3

Line Shafts for Power Transmission (1 9 06)

SCALE: 1 INCH= 100 FEET

••••••
0 ft
• • • • 100 ft 200 ft 300 ft 400ft
Drawing by Daniel Schneider based on tracings by Timothy Scarlett; 29 2017

Figure 5-5: Plan of drive shaft system for factory core, c. 1880-1905. There is no indication
as yet where the connecting shaft ran between the eastern and western drive shafts
through the factory core.
The factory core includes standing buildings, buildings in ruin, and buildings which remain only as the
ground floor and foundations. Our recommendations are primarily directed at capturing details about
how space was used over time between and within the factory buildings in an attempt to gain more
resolution for activity areas and work process changes over time. While the factory buildings and the
landscape are documented in many photographs and archival documents, those historic records focus
on particular moments in time, are composed to present a particular scene, and are not systematic or
comprehensive. Since the archival sources lack any records of key periods, archaeological recording will
provide very important data on “as built” and “as used”/”as lived” aspects of factory work over time.

All of the buildings should be mapped with an EDM or total station and then recorded using LiDAR or
photogrammetric documentation that allows for high-resolution photorealistic 3D renderings, including
remaining floors, foundations, and walls/roofs. Buildings floors should be scanned with remote sensing
instruments, at least using ground-penetrating radar (GPR). If possible, remaining floors should also be
assayed for chemical residues using portable X-Ray Fluorescence (pXRF). The remote sensing and point
cloud modeling work will establish complete surface maps and subsurface projections of underground
features for all buildings, while the pXRF survey will reveal any residual chemical traces that could
indicate specialized use of space within individual rooms. The photorealistic 3D point clouds can be used
for several purposes, including documenting the current state of the brickwork; looking for patterns of
wear on floors that can be attributed to work flow, machine locations, and any patterned movement of
people and things in workspaces; examining walls, structural elements, and ceilings for traces of anchors
or supports for machinery, catwalks, or other infrastructure; and finally for future deformation study to
assess the long term stability of the remaining buildings and standing ruins. While all of this information,
particularly the digital scans, can also find applications for interpretation and public education, the
primary purpose is to record the historical and scientific information to ensure effective decision making
in management planning.

The monument needs a Geographic Information System data library which can become a permanent
archive for both the scientific and historical data. This historical geospatial data structure (HGIS) will
need to be designed to include geospatial information that ranges from georeferenced historic maps
and the data scans mentioned above, to historical photographs, spreadsheets of historic and
environmental data, and text documents. Collecting these data and building an HGIS need not be
completed all at one time for the entire factory. Priority can be given to areas of the factory remains
that will be damaged through essential tasks, such as remediation of environmental hazards, installation
of utilities, and preparation of grounds and facilities for visitor access. The maps of utility pipes and
related features that were gathered for this study provide for the first major ground truthing exercise
for the remote sensing data in the GIS, starting with the factory floor of the concrete factory addition
(Building 3, see below).

5.1.1 Office and Clock Tower Building (Bldg 1), North Erecting Shop (Bldg 2), and Rear Erecting Shop
Sections A and B (Bldg 4).
Since the 1998 fire, the main office building has been gutted, and through the re-erection of the clock
tower, moderately altered by the addition of a wood-frame. At the same time, a considerable amount of

75
interesting archaeological detail remains in the brick walls at all levels, patterns that can be used to
examine the past configurations of the building, as well as the floor. The main office was substantially
remodeled in 1921, and perhaps in subsequent years as well, all of which left indications on the brick
walls that survived the fire and restoration. Of particularly interest are the two E-W interior walls
running the width of the building that frame the central well. They have numerous blind arches built
into the fabric which appear in some cases to be load-distributing arches (this is particularly the case
under the tower itself), and in other cases blind arches from former wall penetrations that may hint at
the use of the interior central well. The floor has been disturbed in places during the post-fire
restoration and ongoing assessment, but sections still appear to have reinforced footings and in situ
degraded wood flooring. By contrast the North Erecting Shop (Building 2) is largely intact, although after
the fire the first bay was reinforced with a steel frame. The floors and interior walls of both these
buildings may contain useful information about the past work process in surface details and subsurface
features.

Building 4 is in ruins and is unsafe for entry at the present time. The building has the same potentials as
those just mentioned. In addition, there are two features of particular note that may include subsurface
elements requiring investigation. The first of these is a fireproof electrical transformer room that was
built in the 1930s. The other is one of the earliest privy locations identified on the map. That privy sits
over identified sewer plumbing that appears on a 1901 plan, so it was probably built as part of the
original 1880-1 configuration. It may have originally been a vaulted privy later hooked up to the sewer,
but this could be confirmed through excavation. According to the 1894 map, that privy is the only toilet
in this part of the eight-building factory complex.

Staff should have care when accessing or using the trench along the Eastern wall of all these buildings,
looking for remnants of earlier power transmission (line shaft, pneumatic, and electrical) systems. In
addition, effort should be made to identify where the main drive shaft connected to the power train for
the front and rear shops.

When the buildings have intact (or partly-intact) floor surfaces or walls, as is the case in Building 2 (the
North Erecting Shop), these surfaces should also be considered for photogrammetric or LiDAR recording.
This would allow for the recordation of both surficial markings and uneven wear patterns on the floor
and modifications to the walls, including anchor points for equipment and changes to the brickwork
over time due to adding and removing mezzanine or catwalk structures, cranes, or equipment. While
the floor in Building 2 seems to have clues to past use, assessment is difficult because the space is
crowded with stored material and accumulated soils and vegetation. We would recommend that as
things are moved around in the course of other activities, such as construction, staff clean and record
floor surface features opportunistically and stitch those scans together as possible.

5.1.2 South Erecting Shop and 1907 Steel Car addition (Bldg 3), Finishing Shop (Bldg 5), Wood Machine
Shop (Bldg 6), Engine House (Bldg 7), Boiler House (Bldg 8) and Rear Erecting Shop Sections C and
D (Bldg 4).
These buildings have all been demolished. While the standing architecture has been removed, the
original floor surfaces appear to be at least partly intact under the shallow topsoil and piles of rubble.
76
Some of the floor surfaces, such as in Building 3, have large patches of significant degradation from
exposure and vehicle traffic. The preservation of other floors is much better, particularly those of the
rear shops. Some of this floor was highly visible in 2004, as seen in the Scott Dremel’s DePaul University
field school photos. As with the buildings above, these floor surfaces should be cleaned and recorded,
using EDM, LiDAR, or photogrammetry, along with elemental and remote sensing surveys for the same
reasons identified above. In these buildings, floor feature maps or detailed digital elevation models
should be imported into a GIS for comparison with historic maps to try to identify machine footings,
worn paths of worker movement, plumbing and utility access and changes, and other clues that would
enable more detailed reconstructions of activity areas and the evolving work process within the
different buildings. When combined with historic photographs, these investigations will allow for 3D
visualizations of the space for both research and interpretation efforts.

The 1907 expansion of the South Erecting Shop into the Steel Car Shop (Building 3) allowed for a
transformation of work at Pullman and it is critical that the remains be thoroughly documented. This
was an early adoption of concrete for industrial architecture. Maps show the general arrangement of
some elements of the organization of metal part fabrication and the internal organization of workspace,
but much more detail is needed. Close examination of the floor will show the details of how the 1880
building was expanded in 1907 and how the use of space changed over time.

While Dr. Dremell has not yet produced a report of the 2004 fieldwork in the factory, and we have not
had access to original excavation notes, Jane Baxter’s 2008 summary report included a review of the
artifacts. She reported that while most of the diagnostic artifacts recovered dated to the building’s
demolition, some of the artifacts included possible tool fragments (Baxter 2008b), which would be very
significant if they were recovered in stratigraphically meaningful contexts. It seems that much of the
archaeology was aimed at the Engine and Boiler houses, which made sense, but more work needs to be
completed to determine if stratified remains exist in different buildings.

In addition to floor surfaces, these building areas may be subjected to excavation for essential
management purposes such as remediation of environmental contaminants, installation of modern
utility services, and other activities. In these situations where excavation is unavoidable, managers
should use the excavation as an opportunity to record information about site formation processes,
including earthmoving, construction, changing use over time, demolition, and post-demolition landscape
use. This is not to say that piles of demolition rubble are significant and require documentation, but until
the subsurface deposits have been conclusively shown to be post-demolition rubble, managers should
proceed with caution.

5.1.3 Outdoor areas, including trackways, transfer tables, staging areas, Lake Vista, and other open
space.
A number of open areas and transportation features exist within the city block that includes the factory
buildings. These areas include the former site of Lake Vista and the area of greenspace to the west of
factory Buildings 1-3; Transfer Pit 1 between the two rows of buildings; Transfer Pit 2 to the west of
Buildings 4-8; the trackage and walking paths south of the buildings; and the trackage and walking paths
north of the shops (c.f. Figures 3-4 to 3-7). These areas of the site have similar potential for research.
77
Buried walking paths and the extent of Lake Vista could be mapped as part of the historic landscape and
the changing patterns of movement in the factory block. The Transfer Pits are an innovative technology
that should be studied in more detail to examine the “as built” and “as used” phases of these features.
Also note that we do not know ow the mechanical drive shafts of buildings 1-3 were connected to the
main drive train, nor do we know how utilities or power were routed under the transfer pit that ran
between the buildings. The fill within these large features, such as Lake Vista and the Transfer Table pit,
will be from later periods at Pullman. While disturbances to the fill should be monitored, the monitoring
can occur during excavation work. In this sense, the Water Tower project is a good example of how
these activities can be conducted, with the exception that archaeologists should help design plans and
then monitor the digging process because certain types of features should be anticipated in specific
locations and examined closely.

We provide specific examples of the kinds of evidence here, although this list is not intended to be
comprehensive:

1. Sealed or encapsulated features will be found around (and within) the buildings. These features
will date to initial construction, episodes of fill and re-excavation, and final abandonment.
Example features include covered or filled-and-covered drive shaft trenches, cisterns, water
intake and fire suppression pipes, and builder’s trenches along foundations. Some of these
features will be filled with artifacts and ecofacts from the initial construction of the factory
complex in 1880, while others will be filled with post-WWII sediments and artifacts outside the
period of significance for the Monument. Features like these provide an opportunity to recover
soil and sediment samples for palynological, geochemical, archaeomalacological,
paleoentomological and other samples that will provide gritty and detailed pictures of the
factory’s physical environment over time. These can provide unique evidence of the
temperature, humidity, acidity, salinity, air quality, and other details of microclimate in and
around workplaces over time, providing details for environmental and landscape history, as well
as information about the nitty-gritty lived experience of working in Pullman’s shops, things that
nobody wrote down.
2. This microclimatic and paleoenvironmental data must be connected to the overall landscape
history of the site, documenting the landfilling that preceded construction, subsequent cut-and-
fill or depositional events, transformation of spaces or reuse of them, such as running new track
spurs over building ruins, and the post-demolition environment. These studies can link to those
of the town’s landscape over time, giving a holistic view of the landscape and environment.
3. Any sealed features, such as those that students seem to have excavated in the Engine House in
2004, should be considered highly sensitive. They are likely to contain information about work in
activity areas. In the Engine House, for example, perhaps those features were filled when the
Corliss engine was installed or when it was scrapped. Both of these time periods are of interest
to industrial archaeologists, as they were times of punctuated change in the factory’s
operations. This material is also significant because historic documents do not capture the level
of detail beyond general descriptions of major activities done in specific floors of different
buildings.

78
 4. Given the story of the frantic pace of the build-out of the factory and community, excavators
should pay close attention to any stratigraphic deposit that appears to be associated with
construction. Given Pond’s description of how the buildings were assembled, with designers and
builders sketching out details together on building floors and foundations, it is easy to imagine
buried artifacts that include pencil or chalk sketches from those deliberative moments and the
remains of workers’ meals. Artifacts such as these would be invaluable records of the process of
collective creativity among a community of “makers,” being a physical manifestation of the
social negotiation of design. Particularly since the masons and artisans contributions are
otherwise mute in the historic record, these objects would be of great importance to both
research and interpretation at the Monument.

5.2 Environmental Hotspot Concerns

The National Park Service has expressed concern about three potential hotspots of environmental
contamination identified by the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency. We overlay these locations
onto our scaled drawings to see if any observed features could explain the hotspot pattern. Figures 5-6,
5-7, 5-8 and 5-9 plot the areas of concern as dotted red rectangles. These rectangles appear on top of
the 1888/1894, 1911, 1938 fire insurance maps and the “stitched” ca. 1955 plan maps. In each case,
there seems no obvious correlation between the hot spots and known past land uses.

The first hot spot is a concrete box containing an electrical transformer, sitting just outside of the front
door to Building 1. This transformer box does not appear on any of the maps, particularly not the two
maps that show other transformers: the 1938 Sanborn and the ca. 1955 War Department plan drawings.
This suggests that the concrete transformer housing was built sometime after 1955.

The second identified hot spot is a hydrocarbon plume under the concrete floor of Building 3, the steel
car shops. Given the location of this hot spot, there is nothing on the maps to suggest why hydrocarbons
would saturate sediment in that location. We have not reviewed the analysis, so we have no
understanding of the concentration of the plume, but the residue is not necessarily connected to steel
car manufacture.

The final hot spot was indicated by a visible venting pipe emerging from the ground. The NPS is
concerned that it might be venting an underground tank of some type. The maps show no indication of a
tank ever being in that area, nor any activity that would require one. It is possible that the pipe was
installed post-1959 after the building was razed. It is also possible that the pipe is actually part of the fire
suppression sprinkler piping, abandoned gas lines, or pneumatic pipes running through the shop. The
pipe system is chaotic, as shown in Figure 5-10, which plots all the raw data overlay upon the 1938 map.
Considerable data are missing, however, so these maps should not be read as comprehensive.

Our review did suggest some other area for consideration, including features from the 1880s (a buried
mass of lead, above-ground varnish and paint storage, and a painting activity area) and two 1950s
features (X-ray and darkroom facilities destroyed by fire). With the exception of the lead deposit, the
other uses were are all above ground activities on floors that have now been exposed to weather for at
least 30 or 70 years. The lead deposit was purportedly poured into a major crack in the foundation of an
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engine. Historic documents may refer to the foundations of the Corliss Engine on this property or it may
have been the smaller engine in the Freight Shop which also provided power to the drive shaft system
(Viall 1915). The former is more likely than the latter.

5.3 Conclusions
Hotspot remediation is a good illustration of decision making regarding these resources. Managers must
remediate contamination that poses a threat to public health. The remediation will likely have an
adverse effect on the resources, but in the case of the foundations and buried pipes, the adverse effect
can be mitigated with historic research and scientific recording of the features exposed during
remediation. The recordation can occur before or during remediation work, depending upon the type of
work. In situations like the vent pipe, a cultural resources professional can monitor things as excavation
occurs to uncover the tank. During excavation, the monitor can record all information about the buried
feature, its integrity and period of construction or abandonment, its contents, and other noteworthy
information, along with recovering any artifacts or samples needed for processing. While it is always
best to preserve in situ as much of the historic and archaeological fabric as possible, the significant
information about utility pipes, cisterns, and power systems can be recovered and recorded through
excavation and analysis.

The National Park Service and the State of Illinois should do all they can to conserve the remaining
building foundations and ruins intact, available for research, and visible to the public—so long as public
health and safety are not compromised. All of the buildings and foundations in this area are significant
to the mission of Pullman National Monument. All the buildings were built in the initial construction of
the factory in 1880-1, except for the 1907 concrete addition. The 1907 addition was built upon one of
the original 1880s erecting shops. This change shows the transformation of the company as it shifted
from wooden to steel car manufacture, a change with transformative ripples that spread throughout the
rest of Pullman’s employees, from the foundry to the porters working throughout the network. If
remediation requires that this entire foundation be removed in order to access contaminated soils
underneath, this loss must be mitigated though through recordation of the building’s remains and the
associated subsurface features like those described above.

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Figure 5-6: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1888/1894 Sanborn Map,
showing relationship between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas.

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Figure 5-7: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1911 Sanborn Map,
showing relationship between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas.

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Figure 5-8: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon 1938 Sanborn Map, showing
relationship between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas.

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Figure 5-9: All IEPA-identified hotspots superimposed upon c. 1955 Building Plans, showing relationship
between identified concerns and building rooms/use areas.

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Figure 5-10: Total Utilities Systems raw plot map with IEPA-identified environmental hotspots and
concerns identified from historic maps and records. This raw plot shows the chaotic nature of
utilities as drawn, rather than as schematic plots in Figures 5.1-5.5.
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6 Recommendations for Future Research and Management
Pullman National Monument benefits from varied and rich heritage resources, including a very wide
range of primary and secondary documents numbering in the hundreds of thousands of pages spread
through numerous archives, hundreds of historical photographs, a tremendous array of artifacts and
material culture objects related to the Pullman company and communities, diverse oral histories, and
active community organizations. Although little remains of the extended factory complexes or the
commercial and academic architecture, the core of the passenger car manufacturing buildings are
owned by the state and federal governments. The neighborhood landscapes and many residential
structures still have a great deal of integrity. Using all this material, the managers at Pullman National
Monument will be able to establish exemplary practices in the management of industrial heritage,
including the coordination and facilitation of future research, interpretation, and management planning.

As Michigan Tech’s research team transitions to the task of preparing the Historic Resources Study for
Pullman National Monument, it is appropriate for us to consider how the existing factory remains can
contribute to future research goals beyond those addressed in Chapter 5, and to the extent possible,
how scholars and interpreters can connect the factory with the community, landscape, and
metropolitan, national, and international contexts. This consideration is informed by three key National
Park Service documents: Revision of the National Park Service's Thematic Framework (U.S. Department
of the Interior 1996), Labor History Theme Study (Arnesen, et al. 2003), and Labor Archaeology Theme
Study (Siebert 2014). These sources frame the groundbreaking work of Jane Baxter and her colleagues in
the DePaul Program in Urban Historical Archaeology and Pullman (Agbe-Davies 2008; Baxter 2008a,
2012; Baxter and Bullen 2011), who defined a thoughtful set of goals and objectives for community
archaeology in this Chicago neighborhood. We expanded upon DePaul’s goals in order to look at the
factory site in our White Paper: Designing Best Practice for Industrial Archaeology and Industrial
Heritage at Pullman National Monument (Scarlett 2017). Finally, in considering the significance of
academic discussions that can shape future work in Pullman National Monument, we use the
unpublished Trip Reports and our personal discussion notes from the Organization of American
Historians Round Table held at Pullman National Monument in May of 2017. The meeting included
historians Marcia Chatelain, Eric Arnesen, Janice Reiff, and Davarian Baldwin, as well as several National
Park Service staff and other guests.

This discussion examines several key areas of future research into life at Pullman. These themes are
connected to the National Park Service’s revised Thematic Framework and Theme Studies in order to
show how research can be used to inform staff decisions to prioritize issues in management and
interpretation. These studies can all draw upon documentary and photographic evidence in regional
archives, archaeological investigations, material culture studies, and oral histories in order to establish
robust case studies in different thematic areas.

6.1 Themes
All of the questions and topics in this chapter connect the stories of Pullman to the National Park Service
Thematic Frameworks (U.S. Department of the Interior 1996), including:

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 1. Peopling Places (especially Family and the Life Cycle; Migration)
2. Creating Social Institutions and Movements (Clubs and Organizations, Reform Movements;
Religious Institutions and Recreational Activities)
3. Expressing Cultural Values (particularly Educational and Intellectual currents; architecture,
landscape architecture, and Urban Design)
4. Developing the American Economy (Distribution and Consumption; Transportation and
communication; Workers and Worker Culture; Labor Organization and Protest)
5. Expanding Science and Technology (Experimentation and Invention; technological applications)
6. Changing Role of the United States in the World Community (Commerce; immigration and
emigration).

Any large-scale study of Pullman’s employees and the community will generally include topics that align
with themes identified in the Labor History Thematic Study, including Working and Moving, Living and
Dying, Playing and Praying, Teaching and Learning, Organizing and Struggling (Arnesen, et al.: 4-18), as
well as those highlighted by the Labor Archaeology Theme Study: Labor Processes; Labor and Identity;
Labor, Class, and Conflict; and Communities and Collectives (Siebert: 11-37).

The DePaul Program in Urban Historical Archaeology and Pullman combined these different threads into
a set of five themes for their community-engaged projects. These themes are useful as places from
which to explore the future of work at Pullman National Monument, Pullman State Historic Site, and in
the community of Pullman:

1. Transformations of Industry and Society in the Gilded Age

2. Planned Communities and Utopias
3. Labor and Collective Action
4. Community History (including Immigration, Gender, and Ethnicity)
5. Working Class History and Heritage

Pullman is a worthy place to ask many historical questions about industrial growth and change during
America’s Gilded Age in and beyond the country’s “Shock City.” While much has been written about
George Pullman, the origins of the Sleeper Car, and the planned factory and community, we need more
detailed and systematic understandings of how the community of workers at the Pullman company
compared with those of other major manufactories in Chicago. Nor do we really understand the Pullman
Company’s growth as an international business, but these are not questions for this study. We will not
focus upon these questions, since this study concentrates on the factory and looks outward to the town,
city, nation, and the world. The future research needs identified here are those which most clearly and
effectively grow from the factory site itself, but connect in compelling ways to the records, materials,
and resources that can tell larger stories about Pullman, the nation, and the world.

Following the example of Jane Baxter and her colleagues, these examples also generally focus on the
“lived experiences” of people in the past, where business or technological history are understood
through the lives of people. Yet these research projects need not be “archaeological” in a narrowly
defined sense, since industrial and historical archaeology also draw upon documentary, architectural,

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material culture, oral history/ethnographic, experimental, and ecological evidence. Future research
should also be collaborative, starting with the Historic Resources Study, where the strong community
organizations in Pullman can identify local interests and needs. Academic research and management
decisions should not be divorced from community objectives and research into how collaborative
research is best structured should be a part of this process.

6.2 Networks of Labor

The story of labor at Pullman is a critical element of many interpretive themes for the National Park
Service and is one of the basic missions of Pullman National Monument. The networks of work and labor
are critical to understanding Pullman, both at the factory site and at the many networked places where
Pullman cars operated on rail around the world: Where do workers come from (both factory and
porters, as well as other workers in the Pullman network)? How are they educated in their work skills?
How long do they stay in Pullman’s employ? Did workers shift from manufacture to maintenance and
vice versa? How much professional, economic, and social mobility do they have? What access did they
have to education and recreation? What were rates of injury or disease and how did health compare in
different communities? To what extent do relationships established at Pullman’s shops continue in labor
elsewhere? How did workers organize themselves? Which workers lived in Pullman vs. other
neighborhoods and communities in South Chicago? Did porters cluster in specific locations through the
rail network? How often did Porters move between routes of service? To what extent did family
connections shape the opportunities within Pullman, for maids, porters, carpenters and steelworkers?

The research focus must be on networks that stretch beyond site boundaries, despite the limiting focus
on this particular study, connecting the makers of cars with the operators and the maintainers of the
rolling stock around the country and in other Chicago neighborhoods. A series of case studies should use
historical and archaeological analyses to determine patterns of common experience as well as individual
stories aimed to represent the diversity of people’s backgrounds and experiences with race, gender,
class, religion, skill levels, and so on. These studies must be linked with other archaeological studies of
Chicago neighborhoods, such as those undertaken by DePaul University’s Urban Historical Archaeology
collaboration with the Field Museum, which ran projects in Bronzeville (Agbe-Davies 2008, 2010a,
2010b) as well as studies of Mayfield, Edgewater, Chinatown, and Camp Douglass, a Confederate
Prisoner of War camp (Gregory 2015). Rebecca Graff has also run a research program in nearby Jackson
Park (Graff 2011, 2013) which became essential to the NEH-funded project Digital Chicago.

6.2.1 Big Data about Workers

How can big data be used to examine industrial workers in innovative geospatial ways? Pullman’s rich
records of employee cards and ledgers of worker pay, duties, health, and service can be used to
establish an Historic Geographic Information System database (HGIS) that would allow for detailed
analyses of workers’ lives. Scholars like Susan Hirsch and Janice Reiff have already been working in this
area. Eric Arnesen and his coauthors also identified movement as a key theme in understanding how
people interact with places, each other, and their communities in labor history (Arnesen, et al. 2003). A
large-scale collaboration among many of the archives and heritage sites could produce an HGIS that
provides a valuable research tool for network-wide studies while also allowing for innovative digital

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interpretive materials and collaborative community projects (Bodenhamer 2007; Lafreniere 2015; Ridge
2013). Pullman National Monument could host the HGIS as a lead collaborator, while operating a brick-
and-mortar archive in partnership with the Pullman State Historic Site and Industrial Heritage Archives.
This would unite the digital and historical archives for research and interpretation.

6.2.2 Drawings and the Transformation of Artisanal Skill and Labor

Drawings played a key role in the transformation of autonomy in the visual culture of work as artisans
were transformed into disciplined workers for industrial capitalism while creating new forms of skilled
labor in American industry (Brown 2000; Lubar 1995). In Architecture, Bemen and Pond’s drawings
became tools of communication about design and construction, but were part of the social process of
creativity in the building of the factory and town. Within the Pullman company, hundreds of thousands
of drawings of cars further extended administrative control over production. As drawings and blueprints
became increasingly detailed, authority shifted in the process of design and manufacture and
increasingly removed artisanal judgement from work, similar to how jigs and guides operate on machine
tools and affected the transition to steel car manufacture. As management and labor changed in the late
nineteenth century, drawings became one of many ways that management sought to document, track,
and control work processes and decision making among the employees. The drawings relate to job cards
and other tracking paperwork that rose with the Pullman company’s adoption of elements of Systematic
and Scientific Management. From the work of draftsman Pond, Pullman saw the rise of a new group of
managerial professionals that shaped the work process from a room filled with drafting tables and
drawing equipment. Future research should examine this process at Pullman and relate it to the
evolving management practices used to regulate the shop floors.

6.2.3 Biographical Investigations of the main engineers of Pullman

The network of individuals responsible for the design and construction of the town and factory of
Pullman have long been known, yet their work at Pullman has not been contextualized within their
overall careers. To what extent were Pullman’s shops training grounds for professionals at different
times? When did Pullman draw in outside experts vs. promoting the company’s own staff? To what
extent did their associations with one another and with Pullman continue to be important over their
careers? Studies of these individuals can track them through their respective professions’ literature
because each was also responsible for other major projects in the late nineteenth century. As such, their
collaborations at Pullman should be situated within each of their careers as fully as archival resources
and secondary literature may allow. Studies should examine the lives of Nathan F. Barrett, T.A. Bissell,
Max Hjorstberg, Irving K. Pond, and Benzette Williams.

This should not be read as advocacy for “top-down” or “big man” style historic studies. The HGIS will
provide ample resources for new studies of other workers at the company, including those who left
scant documentary evidence of their lives. These studies will be essential to understand how/if the
community of workers at Pullman formed, changed, and influenced trajectories in workplaces around
the region (Knowles 2013; Meyer 2006). The lead engineers’ stories can be told alongside those of
carpenters and upholsterers who were less well known. To what extent did people build networks at

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Pullman that they exported to workplaces elsewhere, as directors/managers, those with trades, or
laborers?

6.2.4 Race and labor

One of the largest areas of research is the need to compare and contrast the role of race in Pullman’s
networks of labor. Scholars have produced considerable research on the American Railway Union and
the Pullman Strike as well as the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, their struggles against the
company, and efforts to advance civil rights. These two areas of scholarship have not been correlated or
integrated, and they are usually told as separate stories of struggle. Race and Racism are central to
understanding labor at the company, and as emphasized in the OAH discussion, telling this part of the
story will be difficult without creating false equivalency or treating the struggles as entirely separate.
The HGIS will provide a new tool to examine these stories, allowing for the geospatial as well as
geochronological analysis of workers and their communities in the production, maintenance, and
operations divisions. Race and racism must become a central axis to the stories of Pullman, at the
factory and throughout the network.

In addition to race and the networks of labor, the HGIS will enable detailed study of the Pullman
community and its transformation. Pullman National Monument needs to know how the neighborhoods
in and around Pullman changed over time. How did property values, economic cycles, and
environmental degradation relate to changing racial and demographic patterns in the town? How did
racism influence deindustrialization in the community of Pullman vs. the network of other employees in
the company’s operations and maintenance divisions?

Finally, the palace car was itself a mechanism for growing consumerism in the United States. The OAH
returned repeatedly in their discussions to the fact that the Pullman company built a market based upon
upper-class service that sold ideas of class, refinement, gentility, and postbellum plantation nostalgia
among white travelers throughout the country. Are there geospatial patterns of these racialized
experiences as rail travel moved people among different geographic regions? What patterns exist in
social mobility among the Porters and maids vs. the factory workers over time? What about spatial
mobility? Can a large-scale study reveal the influence of the Pullman company in the Great Migration
and flows of people and ideas between places? Are there patterns of recruitment, training, and work
assignments that pattern along other lines, such as family or social networks?

6.3 Invention and Innovation

Pullman is a center of technological innovation, although the inventions are not always technologies in
the narrow sense of that word. Pullman’s innovation mentioned above was in service and marketing,
not the invention of novel machines or work process. Factory innovations included operations at scale
and the resulting management strategies, organizational techniques, and motivational tools developed
within Welfare Capitalism. As mentioned in this report, the sanitation and hygiene systems were
innovative, for example, but for more than simply engineering distinct sewer and storm water
drainage—the entire community plan was noted as an achievement (for better or worse). We have
begun an inventory of innovations and developments, but this must be expanded to the entire factory
site, the entire nationwide operations network, and the entire history of the Pullman Company. The
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Monument should be able to show production flow diagrams that include both evolving feature system
and related activity areas throughout the factory and town and explain how those flows were regulated
and controlled. This should then articulate with the maintenance and operation divisions. With more
research in the archaeological remains and the historic documents, it will be possible to map taskscapes
at the Calumet Shops for example, or complete Mobility or Access Graphs for the Foundry and the
Palace Car Works. These studies will allow for thick descriptions of daily life for different workers in the
HGIS, following their tasks and goals as they move about the landscape of the factory, town, cars, and
other locations.

This research will connect the themes of Developing the American Economy and Expanding Science and
Technology, although Pullman research will extend these themes into business and management
practice and workplace culture. Systems operation and management are also key for the national and
international network of clients with Pullman cars. Even at the factory, there are several examples of
how research at Pullman National Monument can contribute to studies of Innovation and Invention,
including those that are useful explorations of the transformation of industry during the Gilded Age.

6.3.1 Transfer table technology

One of the most notable technologies at Pullman was the use of transfer tables to move railcars in
various states of construction between the rail sidings and the erecting shops, painting bays, and final
detailing stations before they were sent out to their purchaser. Although Pullman was not the earliest
railway erecting shop to use a transfer table, Max Hjorstberg, the CB&Q railway engineer who laid out
the trackage at Pullman, was a relatively early adopter in 1880. The history of railway transfer table has
yet to be written, though it would appear that they existed in embryonic form from the 1860s
onwards,26 but interest in and broad use of this technology was not developed until the mid-to latter
1880s. In 1889 for example, the New York Central replaced the toll transfer table with a new, lighter
electrified one, replacing the old steam-driven one. As the New York Times noted, “this transfer table is
an important adjunct to the yard, and by its use passenger cars are shifted from one track to another
without the use of locomotives, except all them from the table” (Anon. 1889b). In fact, it was only by the
end of the decade that railway publications started taking particular notice about transfer tables, how
they were being used and how they were constructed, especially new electrified ones (Crofutt 1889).
One pair in Fitchburg, MA, for example, were described as “two of the most complete and ingenious
transfer tables in the country, one driven by wire rope and the other by electricity” (Crofutt 1889), even
though this seems to be what Pullman installed in his factory In 1881. This innovation reinforces the
usefulness of understanding movements of individuals, materials, and energy when considering the
changes in labor processes and embodied work during this period.

6.3.2 Materials, Efficiency, Waste

Another of the themes of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is the idea of efficiency in
factory production, as in fact in all walks of society (Alexander 2008). This widespread interest applied

26
For example, the Morris and Essex Railroad Company had built a repair ship in New York City in 1864 which
included one of the earliest forms of transfer table (Anon. 1864), and patents were granted for
“Improvements in Transfer Tables” in 1874 (no. 146,685) and 1876 (no. 171,726).
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not only to the efficiency of workers and power, but also to materials. Henry Ford and his production
managers, in one well-known example, sought to utilize every scrap of waste from his production line to
somehow benefit the overall bottom line. Thus, among numerous efficiency measures in his automobile
plants in Detroit, so, too, developed a whole sub-industry of manufacturing charcoal briquettes from the
scrap wood at his Kingsford, MI, plant (McCarthy 2006). Stuck with what to do with literally tons of scrap
wood from Model T lumber production at the plant, his managers came up with the idea to market the
notion of grilling while picnicking on a road trip as an integral part of automobile culture. They sold
charcoal as a way to profit on the wood waste from the factory.

In the case of Pullman, the company preceded Ford’s famous efforts by decades. The draftsman Irving
Pond recalled in his memoirs that, “In the building of the finely finished cars a considerable amount of
fragmentary hardwood, Cherry, Oak and Mahogany was left over. It devolved upon the architectural
department to employ this material in the design of wainscotings, furniture, etc. in hotel, church, and
residences” (Pond, et al. 2009: 87). In another case, Pullman engineers patented the idea of grinding the
slag from their own foundry to make the base material for a durable paint, leading to the “standard
Pullman green” of many early Pullman cars (Perkins 1887; Sahlin 1891). A final example is George
Pullman’s well known plan to pipe the town’s sewage to company farm fields where it could be used as
fertilizer to grow food to sell back to the community. The company expected a profit from the removal
of the sewage, the sale of fertilizer, and the sale of the vegetables. The contribution of George Pullman
and the Pullman company to this trend of waste and efficiency must be researched and understood in
terms of the development of Gilded Age industry.

6.4 Landscapes of Labor

Landscape is an important area of archaeological research. Industrial archaeologists have long been
concerned with the physical arrangement of technical sequences and production processes in space
within a factory and how interacting industrial facilities were connected through networks of
transportation infrastructure. While this report has focused on the central buildings of Pullman’s Palace
Car factory, later for passenger car manufacture, the maps we have gathered will allow us to organize
the entire factory landscape. In addition, Pullman National Monument staff must consider the daunting
landscape of the entire rail network connecting the lines on which Pullman cars operated, the
supporting structures like laundries and repair shops that enabled service, and the communities they
connected.

Phenomenological or Sensorial approaches to landscape and labor at Pullman will rely upon detailed
studies of past environments, including microclimate studies mentioned in Chapter 5. Being able to
reconstruct aspects of temperature, humidity, air quality, odors, vibrations, and light levels will all add
significantly to our understanding of the “as lived” work experiences of people at Pullman. Since pubic
health and environment were so important to the Pullman experiment, including water, sanitation, and
air and light in the residences, it will be important to extend these analyses to the workplaces
throughout the factory as well. Recently published studies like Dubay and Fuldner’s study of air quality
using soot trapped in bird plumage gives direct evidence for the healthfulness of air over time in south
Chicago neighborhoods (DuBay and Fuldner 2017), and environmental archaeology at Pullman could

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contribute more detail to similar efforts to understand the qualities of Pullman’s industrial and
residential landscapes.

6.4.1 Movement and Embodied Labor

Movement is increasingly important way to understand human activities. In industrial archaeology, labor
has always been understood as embodied in skills and knowledge related to tool use and production
sequences (Gordon 1997). This embodiment extends to the landscape of work as people experience the
physical world through their senses during work, making up berths while moving between rooms in a
car; moving between sleeping, lounge, and dining cars; moving from the factory tool room to the
erecting shop or from the wood machine shop to the bathroom in the erecting shop. We have
elsewhere discussed the significance of taskscapes, mobility graphs, and access graphs in understanding
the movement of people within the factory spaces and between the factory and community (Scarlett
2017). As historical records about work duties and residence location are added to the HGIS, the
database will enable studies that follow people from their residences along likely commutes to work and
into specific activity areas within the factory, for example, as important ways to understand the flow of
people in space and time. These studies of movement tie workplace and residential space, but also the
multiple networked locations throughout the nationwide Pullman system, a situation ideally suited for a
“multi-sited” approach in industrial archaeology (Ryzewski 2012)

6.4.2 Soundscapes of Industry in Industrial Archaeology

Often absent from interpretations of industry are the sounds and smells associated with the long-gone
work processes in the shops under investigation. While quite a number of scholars have considered
soundscapes of the past (Cowgill and Hewitt 2007; Kelman 2010; Picker 2003), only a few have seriously
considered the industrial setting in detail (Benjamin 2014, 2016; M. M. Smith 2012). However, a primary
source from 1917 described how the soundscapes of the Pullman shops fundamentally changed when
the all-steel car was introduced in 1908:

The songs of the band-saw and the planer were stilled and in their stead rose the metallic clamor of steam
hammer and turret lathe, and the endless staccato reverberation of an army of riveters. Ponderous machines
to bend, twist, or cut a bar or sheet of steel filled the vast workrooms. An army of steel workers, Titans of the
past reborn to fulfill a modern destiny, fanned the flames in their furnaces and released the leash of sand
blast, air hose, and gas flame (Husband 1917: 124).

The factory soundscape, with its vibrations, whines, and humming, affected people profoundly and the lived
experience of this must be understood at Pullman. Would the simple brick common wall between the Office Building
and the Steel Car Shops have muffled the staccato bursts of riveting and the pneumatic blasts of air? Or would the
main offices have been filled with an incessant buzz of background sound? How does this soundscape contrast with
the formal, embodied prestige and well-appointed settings of the office’s executive functions? How did race, gender,
and age influence a person’s daily soundscape in Pullman? How many blocks did one need to go from the factory
before one could hear a bird song in the gardened landscape? Did people notice the quiet when something was
wrong? The HGIS can enhance studies of soundscapes as well, since historic references to sound from newspapers
and diaries can be geotagged and included in studies of what people might have heard as they moved through space
and time. The 3D point cloud or photogrammetric models of the factory buildings (discussed in Chapter 5) can be
imported into software within which one can model sound volume and reverberate throughout the complex,

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extrapolating from lists of known machinery and equipment and their auditory characteristics known in Industrial
Hygiene and government records.

6.5 Environmental History of Pullman’s Industrial and Post-Industrial Phases

Pullman National Monument should facilitate research into the environmental history of industry. Given
the design aspirations of Pullman as a healthy and bucolic industrial community, and its subsequent
transformations into the post-industrial era, the Monument is a natural place to consider detailed
stories of the ecological and social costs of industrial wealth production. Led by scholars like Donald
Hardesty and Frederic Quivik, industrial archaeologists increasingly explore the effects of industrial
activities on their environments, including considerations of how residues of waste teach about the
history of technological processes (Hardesty 2001; Quivik 2000, 2001, 2003, 2007; P. J. White 2003).
Active research and experimentation also includes elements of remediation and reuse of industrial
landscapes, considering the potential role of “rewilding” or “renaturation” vs. the aesthetics of ruin and
the beauty found in Industrienatur (Gerndt 1999; Quivik 2016; Tempel 2012).

Pullman and the Lake Calumet area have rich resources for environmental history. In 1985, the Illinois
Department of Energy and Natural Resources formed the Hazardous Waste Research and Information
Center (HWRIC). The staff of the HWRIC provided research and technical assistance to landowners and
industry, collected and curated environmental data, and provided laboratory analyses. The center
focused on pollution and recycling, attempting to shape the waste streams of Illinois residents. From the
formation of the HWRIC, staff completed a number of reports, including Industrial Wastes in the
Calumet Area, 1869-1970: A Historical Geography (Craig E. Colten 1985), created in collaboration with
the Illinois State Museum. Efforts included developing a statewide inventory of land-based disposal sites
(Brutcher, et al. 1986) and a Hazardous Substance Database for the Lake Calumet area (Craig E. Colten
and Samsel 1992) created collaboratively with the Illinois State Geological Survey. As a result of this
inventory effort, Craig E. Colten published a series of articles about the Lake Calumet region that
explored industrial archaeology, geography, policy analysis, and environmental history (Craig E. Colten
1985, 1986, 1988, 1991, 1994, 1998a, 1998b). As another consequence of studies like these, the United
States Environmental Protection Agency recently added a cluster of sites on Lake Calumet’s eastern
shore to the “Superfund” list (Hood 2010).

The Lake Calumet region has been featured in an array of studies on the history and legacies of
industrial life in the environment. Using the HGIS and environmental archaeology, these could be
extended into the racial and economic analysis of the communities. Environmental data is readily
included for analyses in HGIS (Baeten 2016). Research should extend this background to consider the
interplay between the environment, hygiene, occupational safety, and health and wellness in Pullman
and the surrounding communities, all of which intersects social power systems within Capitalism,
structured by race, gender, and other sociological factors (Cowie 2011).

The postindustrial cleanup of the Lake Calumet region is a case study in environmental remediation,
cultural renewal, and economic revitalization. Since 1998, the Calumet Heritage Partnership (CHP) has
included volunteers from Illinois and Indiana working for the creation of the Calumet Heritage Area
within the National Park System and drawing attention to the needs of the post-industrial region. The
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organization represents environmental, cultural and historical organizations; libraries; educational
institutions; and municipal agencies. The CHP promotes industrial history alongside environmental
remediation, including a collaboration with the Field Museum where participants gather oral histories
from the region’s communities. Pullman National Monument, with its historic connection between the
factory, community, and the lake, would be a natural leader and a western anchor point within this area.

Archaeological research at Pullman National Monument can push the field to a broad consideration of
how industrial archaeology and industrial heritage can contribute to the archaeological analysis of the
Anthropocene (Lane 2015; Rockman 2012). These studies can build toward understanding Pullman as an
anthropogenic biome (Ellis 2015), examining how the community has been or can become sustainable
and just, where cultural and natural heritage are no longer treated separately (Harrison 2015). Pullman
can become a center of what Don Hardesty called “Global-Change Archaeology” (Hardesty 2007),
contributing to historical ecology, sustainability studies, and informing future urban and development
planning, rather than leaving archaeology to serve as a metaphor for ecological thinking about Chicago
(Washington 2005).

6.6 Conclusions: Future Research

This study lays the groundwork for the management of archaeological resources on the grounds of the
factory complex at Pullman National Monument. We summarized the site’s antiquity and then examined
what was known about the history of the company. Given the perspective of industrial archaeology, we
spent considerable time examining existing details of the work process within the sleeping and
passenger car factory. Because the primary records of Pullman’s manufacturing division are either
missing or unstudied as part of the Tenneco collection, we conclude that the archaeological remains
within the factory are of even greater significance. While the documentary records held at other
archives give detailed resolution to work areas and processes at other parts of the factory, such as the
remarkable collection of maps and blueprints of the Calumet Shops held at the Newberry Library, the
existing records of the passenger car manufacturing shops only give a general sense of what people
were doing within different buildings. Any disturbances of those buildings and remains, even those in
ruin, require detailed monitoring and recording.

The Monument has already hosted interesting archaeological studies, which is surprising for its small
size. Following from those studies, we examined the potential of known and likely archaeological
features at the factory site. The study concluded by pointing to some productive areas of future
research using Pullman materials, research that will enable better management of the Monument’s
resources, advance industrial archaeology and archaeological studies of industrial communities, and
provide more and novel information for interpretation. Given the public interest in archaeological
research at Pullman, we have every reason to expect that any future investigation would generate a
great deal of interest in studies of Pullman history.

Of particular note, many of our recommendations indicate the need for substantial investment in a
“virtual Pullman” HGIS, collaboratively built with local heritage organizations and local and regional
archives. So much of the digital raw material for this exists, including architectural, newspaper,
municipal records, census and directory data, photographs, correspondences and oral histories, and
95
maps. These all simply need to be drawn into a robust HGIS framework designed to support innovative
research and public-facing user interfaces, and enhanced with a focused effort to add geocoded records
from Pullman’s employee records. This HGIS could also enable sophisticated visualizations of the historic
landscape, perhaps including enhanced reality interfaces.

We urge that future research projects be collaborative with community organizations, particularly as
studies like the Historic Resources Study will include much more privately owned land and resources.
This means that this document should not stand as some kind of defining limit on significant topics of
future research, since community interests will provide new perspectives on questions that count and
stories that matter in Pullman. Future studies may examine the social construction of creativity among
Makers, Maintainers, and Operators in Pullman, the post-industrial revitalization and the use of heritage
in modern resident’s placemaking activities, or perhaps the role of Pullman as a source of social
solidarity among different descent communities.

96
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