*Corresponding Author’ Email: alpbugraod@gmail.

com
Proceedings of the International Conference on New Trends in Social Sciences
Vol. 1, Issue. 1, 2023, pp. 1-11
DOI: https://doi.org/10.33422/ntssconf.v1i1.108
Copyright © 2023 Author(s)
ISSN: 3030-0185 online

Pidgins and Creoles: Analysis of the Etymology,

Relevant Theories and the Influence of Media

Alp Bugra Oder

Bursa Uludag University, Türkiye

Abstract
Being a common phenomenon, bilingualism occurs when a person acquires two languages.
Bilingualism can take place for commercial, political, and educational purposes. Educational
purposes aside, the unwavering commercial and political ambitions of bigger civilizations
coerced them to colonize smaller civilizations. For this reason, they imposed their languages
on the colonized local people. Locals responded to the demands of colonizers by forming their
languages called pidgin. As this common language evolved and became the native language of
the contiguous generation, the language improved following its linguistic features, that is,
creolized. Several theories regarding their origin exist in the literature. Thus; the present review
aims to examine and explain these theories concerning their historical background and
framework and mention the influence of media on pidgins and creoles appealing to antecedent
studies in the relevant literature. Based on the systematic review of different studies, the present
review concludes that pidgins and creoles are not inaccurate versions of standard languages,
but separate languages worthy of studying. Besides, the theories of pidgin and creole origins
are all useful guidelines that require holistic analysis because of their interconnectedness.
Theories of polygenesis and monogenesis present this integrity complying with Stammbaum
(1871) and Wellentheorie (1872). When it comes to the influence of the media, the present
review concludes that mediatic tools, such as television, the Internet, and mobile phones, along
with literature and music, enable locals to demonstrate their identity, but may sometimes lead
to cyberbullying and illegal acts.

Keywords: Creoles; Media; Pidgins

 Oder / Pidgins and Creoles: Analysis of the Etymology, Relevant Theories and the Influence…

1. Introduction
The number of bilinguals is more than the number of monolinguals in the world (Grosjean,
2010). As a consequence of certain events such as immigration, and colonization, numerous
people acquire different languages in addition to their local languages. To be exemplified, the
British colonized the Indians, resulting in the Indians being forced to apply the language of the
colonizer to formal settings (Dirks, 2006; Kumar, 2006; Scriver & Prakash, 2007). After the
discovery of the American continent, the Spanish, British, Dutch, and French colonized native
Americans, imposing their languages on the local people (Hatfield, 2003; Sorsby, 1973; Prem,
1973). All of these led to the emergence of different varieties of these so-called ‘high & low’
languages. Certain languages such as French, English, and Latin spread to an extent that they
came to be referred to as ‘Lingua Franca’ meaning ‘a language used for communication among
people of different mother tongues’ (American Heritage Dictionary, n.d.). Still, the colonized
local people, being deprived of the necessary means for education, were not able to achieve a
desirable proficiency in the imposed target language and created their languages, hence pidgin.
What one can infer from pidgins is that they are sorts of restricted codes that enable speakers
of two different languages to grasp the same message. Muysken & Smith (1995) describe
pidgins as speech forms without native speakers that are utilized as a common language
between speakers of different languages. Nevertheless, should the speaker of a pidgin pass the
language onto his children, the language transforms into a creole.
The main distinction between ‘pidgin’ and ‘creole’ is that pidgins have no L1 speakers,
while creoles have native speakers (Mufwene, 1997; Muysken & Smith, 1995). Gürkan (2022)
defines creoles as ‘the extension of pidgins with more complexity in form’ (p.45). Although
creoles are developed forms of pidgins, they are still weak compared to standardized forms of
the languages from which they once emerged. Until recently, most linguists referred to creole
and pidgin languages as ‘aberrant’ meaning ‘diverging from the standard’ and not worthy of
studying (Bloomfield 1933: 471, as cited in Holm, 2000, p.1). With the emerging trends in
language and culture studies, they realized that pidgins and creoles are not erroneous forms of
other languages, yet new languages needed to be studied.
Wardhaugh (2006: 58) mentions that pidgins and creoles lack certain linguistic features,
such as articles, copula, and grammatical inflections (as cited in Özüorçun, 2014, p.1). Studying
the morphology of the Hawaiian English creole, Speidel (1987:10) notes that Hawaiian English
contains bound morphemes, yet the use of grammatical morphemes differs as either being
omitted or altered (as cited in Rodgers, 1996, p.222). A similar example can be drawn from
Sranan, the earliest known English creole, using which the Dutch settlers learned to
communicate with Surinamese locals:
a. Oudy Howdy.
b. Oe fasje joe tem ? How fashion you stand ?
c. My bon. Me good.
d. Joe bon toe ? You good too ?
e. Ay. Aye.
(Holm, 2010, p. 255)

The example illustrates the amalgamation of a colonized (substrate) and two standard
languages (superstrate). The omission of inflections is observable in both columns, being more
in English-based sentences. Gürkan (2022, p.43) presents Nigerian Pidgin with their English
translations:

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Table 1
Nigerian Pidgin Translation
I no no I don’t know
Watin? What?
I dey come I am coming
How na? How are you ?
I wan chop I want to eat
Gi mi Give it to me
I don’t taya I am tired
Abi ? Isn’t it?
I no gree I don’t agree
Listen well-well Pay attention
Am He/She It

The morphosyntactic differences arise between Nigerian Pidgin and their English
translations as the table demonstrates. Furthermore, the table indicates that Nigerian pidgin is
an underdeveloped, English-lexified language with omission of inflections and reduplication
as observed in ‘Listen well-well’ and ‘I no no’.
Given the differences between creolized languages and their lexifiers (standard languages),
the present review aims to contribute to the existing literature on pidgins and creoles by
scrutinizing pidgins and creoles relevant theories and etymological consideration on the word
‘’Pidgin’’ and touching upon the impact of media on pidgins and creoles turning to antecedent
studies.

2. Etymology of ‘’Pidgin’’ and Relevant Theories

There is no consensus on the etymology of the term ‘pidgin’ so far as the literature is
concerned. Yet, it has long been correlated to when non-native Chinese English speakers
coined mutual terms to be able to communicate with the traders (Baker, 1987; Baker &
Mühlhausler, 1990; Bolton, 2000; Hancock, 1979; Kleinecke, 1959; Selby et al., 1995; Shapiro,
2010; Suraiya, 2020). Kleinecke (1959) hypothesized that the word pidgin may also have
derived from a South American word ‘-Pidian’ meaning people though the evidence is not
robust (as cited in Hancock, 1979, p.81) and contradicting its etymological definition according
to the etymological dictionary (see Online Etymological Dictionary).
Etymological definitions of the word aside, there have been numerous theories put forth to
explain how these pidgins formed in the first place:

 Baby-Talk Hypothesis
 Monogenetic/Relexification Hypothesis
 The Nautical Jargon Theory
 The Independent Parallel Development Theory
 The Universalist Theory
Ifechelobi et al. (2015, pp.209-210)

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2.1. Baby-Talk Hypothesis

Baby-Talk Hypothesis associates the development of pidgins with that of toddlers.
According to Steinberg (1993, p.23), Baby Talk contains oversimplified features, which entails
the modification of vocabulary and syntax as in ‘pee-pee’ for urine and ‘choo-choo’ for train.
These vocabulary words utilize reduplication which involves the repetition of certain sounds.
Though pidgins have reduplicated terms as in ‘Wuru wuruJaga jaga, Kia kiaKata kata
(Ifechelobi et al., 2015, p.210)’ and possess similarly simplified features with the Baby Talk,
Wardraugh & Fuller (2021) and Ifechelobi et al. (2015) claim that it lacks concrete evidence
as the history suggests. The strongest refutation comes from Alleyne (1971) who puts forth that
remnants in Haitian Creole, Saramaccan, and Saranan indicate the historical evolution of these
languages (as cited in Mufwene, 2015).

2.2. Monogenetic/Relexification Hypothesis

The Baby-Talk Hypothesis, having been disregarded by sociolinguists, paved the path for a
new hypothesis, the Monogenetic or Relexification Hypothesis, to be coined by Lefebvre &
Lumsden (1994), who advocate that the underlying linguistic structure of pidgins resembles
those of European languages (as cited in Migge, 2003, p.6). They further argue that
relexification, reanalysis, and dialect leveling take more credit than other hypotheses combined
and the hypothesis must be the continuation of the theory of SLA. According to Wardraugh
(1998), the hypothesis bears truth regarding the colonization of the British and Portuguese in
the American continent:
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Portuguese relexified this language; that is, they
introduced their vocabulary into its grammatical structure, so that a Portuguese-based Pidgin
came into widespread use as a trade language (as cited in Ifechelobi & Ifechelobi, 2015, p.9).
Voorhoeve (1973) discusses the issue of relexification based on three different creoles
spoken in Surinam. The results of the comparison demonstrate that Sranan relexified almost
completely toward English whereas Saramaccan partly did so. Muysken & Smith (1990) put
particular emphasis on function words for the analysis of pidgins and creoles, stating that:
‘they tend to be innovative in creole languages concerning the relevant lexifier languages
(p.1.).’
In light of the propositions of the students, the Monogenetic/Relexification Hypothesis
linking pidgins and creoles to common ‘superstrate’ European language(s) is likely to hold
some truth in that analyses of linguistic structures of pidgins and creoles in accordance with
historical evidence point out an obtrusive shift to a superstrate lexifier.

2.3. The Nautical Jargon Theory

Though there may be multiple researchers claiming that the nautical vocabulary was the
core of pidgins and creoles, its coinage belongs to Reinecke (1938) who analyzed pidgins and
creoles in his doctoral dissertation entitled ‘Marginal Languages: a sociological survey of the
creole and trade jargons’ (Holm, 2000, p.38). The theory posits that it was the seafarers,
voyagers and seamen who contributed to the development of pidgins and creoles. Khan &
Akter (2021, p.168) contemplate that the theory deserves credit in that the word ‘capsise’ has
been observed in both West Atlantic and Pacific Pidgins. Literature of the Enlightenment Era
is also an indicator of the nautical vocabulary along with vernacular words as highlighted in
Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe and Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (Jones, 2018). Jones (2018)

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further mentions that sailors lacked sociolinguistical competence owing to their alienation from
society. According to Ifechelobi & Ifechelobi (2015), having analyzed the theories concerning
the origin of pidgins, Elugbe & Omamor (1996) are in favor of the monogenetic/relexification
hypothesis being subtlely similar to the nautical jargon hypothesis as both surmise one common
Indo-European origin.
The contemplations regarding the theory have been attested, yet the literature argues that it
cannot be the only explanation on account of the similarities that pidgins with different lexifiers
hold (Isa et al., 2015; Khan & Akter, 2021;). If this had been the case, almost all of the actively
spoken languages would have formed pidgins, merging with the minority languages since it
was not only the English, Spanish, and French who had voyaged the world, but Arabs, Asians,
and many ancient civilizations, as well.

2.4. Independent Parallel Development Theory

The first mention of the theory can be traced back to Lucien Adam who aimed to elucidate
whether substratum languages played a role in the development of creoles. His book, Les
idiomes négro-aryen et maléo-aryen, (1882) indicates that substratum languages highly
influenced the way creoles formed (Meijer & Muysken, 1977, p.25). Eight decades later,
Robert Hall officially put forth the theory of independent parallel development theory in 1966
and considered that pidgins and creoles developed independently at some point and that the
similarities they bore with Indo-European languages are relatable to their common origination.
According to Hall Jr (1952, 1966a), the major impact was the influence of a substratum
language, which he found with abrupt structural change and comparative method. Although
the credibility circumventing the influences of substratum languages, especially on Atlantic
and Pacific pidgins and creoles, is undeniable, it is only constricted to Atlantic and Pacific,
overlooking other pidgins and creoles, such as Southern and Eastern African Swahili pidgin
and Ethiopian-Arabic pidgin (Isa et al.,2015, p.19;). Two main limitations also arise regarding
the IPD:

1- There are no clear cases of genuinely independent development

2- African slaves came from rather diverse places
(Al Salman, 2013; Sebba, 1997; Todd, 2003)

2.5. Universalist Theory

The most recent theory concerning the formation of the pidgins and creoles is concerned
with their development just like the standard (superstrate) languages. The Universalist Theory
is based on the Universal Grammar proposed by Chomsky in 1965 and postulates that language
develops innately as a consequence of biomechanisms of the human brain. Bickerton, the
propounder of the Universal Theory states that a child born to a pidgin-speaking family has no
choice but to acquire it as his L1 (Vicente, 2007, p.24). Thus; Bickerton proposes Language
Bioprogram Hypothesis (LBH). The theory acknowledges that creoles evolved from pidgins,
yet it recognizes their development as an incremental process similar to what happens when
children acquire the language. Since a pidgin contains such features as simplified syntax,
polysemic vocabulary from a limited repertoire, reduplication, and simplified phonology, it
closely resembles to holophrastic use of words in two- and three-word utterances stage as
Steinberg (1993, p.7) mentioned. When pidgins develop and start to be spoken as native

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languages by subsequent generations, they transform into creoles along with crude vocabulary
and syntactic features. Isa et al. (2015) classify the development stages into four stages:
Table 2
Social situation Linguistic correlation
1- Marginal Contact Restricted Pidgin
2- Nativization Extended Pidgin
3- Mother tongue development Creole
4- Movement towards standard Decreolization
language (not necessarily input
language)
(p.9)

The LBH can be a useful framework to understand how creoles develop from pidgins to
standard languages. It appeals to cognitive aspects of pidgins and creoles in that it links the
emergence of creoles with the first language acquisition as well as the evolution of language in
the human species (Romaine, 2000, as cited in Vicente, 2007, p.17).

2.6. Monogenesis/Polygenesis Theories: Broadening The Scope

Five theories as mentioned above, along with others (see. Vicente, 2007, pp. 13-16), are
interconnected, which is understandable from their approaches to the issue of pidgin and creole
formation. Nonetheless, there are two significant theories, which comprehensively explain how
the pidgins form. Standing alone as two distinctive theories, both polygenesis, and
monogenesis can be utilized to elucidate other theories. Harris (1994) explained two theories
concisely:
‘Monogenesis: The monogenetic theory of pidgin origin states that all pidgins are derived
from an early Portuguese-based pidgin carried around the world by trading ships’
‘Polygenesis: The polygenetic theory, on the other hand, says that pidgins arise out of
communicative necessity as, when and where they are needed.’
summarized from (p.28)
She further mentions that the polygenetic theory makes intuitively more sense from a
sociolinguistic point of view.
Vicente (2007) commentates on the monogenism and polygenism of pidgins and creoles:
‘Monogenetic hypothesis emerged after some creole comparative studies when plenty of
similarities were noticed among them, more significant than the similarities between each one
and its superstrate’.
‘Polygenetic hypothesis puts the similarities that many creoles share down to parallel
development of proto-languages of different origins, considering the superstrates of the same
language family responsible for such similarities’
summarized from (p.16)
Similar to Harris, Vicente (2007) states that the monogenetic theory is not enough to explain
Indo-European-based (English/French/Spanish) creoles. Therefore; it is of special importance
to turn to polygenetic theory, which is based on the Stammbaum theory of Schleicher (1871)
and Wellentheorie of Schuchardt and Schmidt (1872). Stammbaum's theory proposes a tree

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model for the interrelationship of the Indo-European languages, while Wellentheorie favours a
common language (Proto-Indo-European) from which Indo-European languages derive and
alter depending on a region, dialect, and context (Holm, 2000; Vicente, 2007). Polygenetic
theory, therefore, provides more solid foundations for understanding the origin of pidgins than
monogenetic theory which correlates the origin of all pidgins to a single resource, Portuguese-
based pidgin.

3. Pidgins and Creoles and Media

All the languages emerge out of a need for communication. Whether written or spoken, the
world has witnessed different sorts of communication throughout history. With the formation
of languages and the invention of writing, kings, and lords started to dispatch their heralds to
other civilizations for a variety of purposes, such as declaring war or ceasefire, compromising,
and trading. As time progressed, literacy increased and more books began to be written, the
telephone and radio were intended, all of which greatly contributed to the dissemination of the
knowledge. The past two decades underwent a series of changes in terms of the ways of
communication. Nassa (2011) believes that the wireless communication is one of the means
that brought novelty to the communication. Moreover, various social media platforms, such as
WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter (now X), Instagram, altered the way that people communicate,
hence use the language. One of these changes, as Salihoğlu & Gürkan (2022, p.114) mentioned
in Sociolinguistics & Language Teaching, is the emergence of emoticons and emojis as ways
to convey messages. They noted that such a language change can take place as a result of
religious, political, technological and historical events (p.115). Most recently,a comparatively
new platform called ‘Tiktok’ proved to be influential on language change with its famous users
using different styles and registers for their trademark (Lisdawati, 2021).
With that being said, since pidgins and creoles are acknowledged as languages, they must
be subjected to change on account of social media, as well. However, an important distinction
between a pidgin and a creole, mother tongue development (Isa et al., 2015), interferes as the
latter appeals to a larger population and has more entries than the former does (Webb, 2013,
p.304). Still, both play an important role in building social networks, cultural awareness in
digital media (p.246). Migge (2020) correlates this to ‘mediated language practices’ and
propounds that the research body relevant to the impact of media on pidgins and creoles is
multidimensional and progressive with literature, broadcast media, music and electronic media
and computer-mediated communication (CMC).
Shields-Brodsber (1992) opines that talk shows in Jamaica not only inform locals of political
issues of Jamaica, but also present them with different styles and conversational strategies for
further discussion about the national and international issues. In similar vein, the local news in
Guadeloupe provide locals with a rich variety of input in Haitian-French creole (Managan,
2011). Regarding Jamaican Creole and Nigerian Pidgin, Deuber & Hinrichs (2007) point to the
development of orthography of these contact languages by means of computer-mediated
communication. Dupre (2012) analyzes the text messages of 18-to 25-year olds and adduces
how the Internet and mobile phones and restricted codes of short messages determine the
current communicative trends.
Analyzing the cases of violent acts in Cameroon through different methodologies, Tumfah
(2022) concludes that the violent acts and atrocities perpetrated by both separatists and
government military on the Anglophone population are rapidly escalating. And, the propaganda
carried out within the social media contributes to it (p.25). Often classified as a creole-like
language, Singlish (Singaporean English) presents another example. Pugsley (2007) states that

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the fear of authorities towards Singlish used in national sitcoms triggers the movement of so
called ‘Speak Good English’ and damages the identity of Singapore. Rather than writing in the
language that they are literate (English), most of the young speakers of Tok Piksin, Jamaican
Creole and Bislama residing in urban areas tend to text in their respective creoles and switch
codes between the lexifier (English) and creolized language (Handman, 2013; Jourdan, 2021,
Moll, 2015; Vandeputte, 2018). As for Jamaican creole, Moll (2015) describes that users of the
creole find its use in texting more legitimate and representative of their identity.

4. Conclusion
The present review concludes that pidgins and creoles are not erroneous languages as
previously described, yet separate languages that once derived (or not) from such standard
languages as, English, French and Spanish. The etymology of the word ‘pidgin’ is most likely
to be adopted from the Chinese word ‘Pijin’ meaning ‘business’ which was widely used by
Chinese traders to communicate with foreigners, yet there are different contemplations
regarding the origin of the word (see Kleinecke, 1959).
The theories pertaining to the origin of pidgins are interconnected to one another and each
one of them is useful for gaining an insight into their nature. Nevertheless, some theories, such
as Baby Talk and The Nautical Jargon hypotheses overlook the other phenomena that took
place in the formation of pidgins. Monogenetic/Relexification hypothesis, along with The
Independent Parallel Development and The Universalist hypotheses are more sound. To
elucidate the origin of pidgins, it is prerequisite to turn to Monogenesis and Polygenesis
theories, which complement what others lack (see p.6). According to Vicente (2007) and Harris
(1994), the polygenetic theory makes more sense according with the preceding Stammbaum
theory of Schleicher (1871) and Wellentheorie of Schuchardt and Schmidt (1872), both of
which propose that dialectical and regional differences were influential in the formation of
subsequent languages.
Lastly, the review points out that the impact of media on pidgins and creoles are fairly
observable within different contexts, such as literature, music, broadcast media, and electronic
media (Migge, 2020, p.2). Talk shows, news, social media platforms and computer mediated
communication tools such as Internet and mobile phones enrich pidgins and creoles and
provide speakers distinctive styles and registers (see. Deuber & Hinrichs, 2007; Dupré, 2012;
Handman, 2013; Jourdan, 2021; Managan, 2011; Migge, 2020; Moll, 2015; Pugsley, 2007;
Tumfah, 2022; Vandeputte, 2018). And, these styles and registers reflect the idiosyncrasy of
their identity (Jourdan, 2021; Moll, 2015). However, the misuse of such media platforms is
woefully common, which brings off cyberbullying and other illegal acts (Tumfah, 2022).

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