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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE AMERICAN
MISSIONARY — VOLUME 33, NO. 01, JANUARY 1879 ***
Vol. XXXIII. No. 1.
THE
AMERICAN MISSIONARY.
“To the Poor the Gospel is Preached.”
JANUARY, 1879.
CONTENTS:
EDITORIAL.
Our Outlook for 1879 1
Our Appeal for the New Year 2
The Lord’s Work and the Lord’s Coming 3
The London Union Missionary Conference 3
Political Progress of the Freedmen: Rev. M. E. Strieby 4
These My Brethren 6
Five Tests of American Civilization: Prof. C. D.
Hartranft, D. D. 7
Return of Rev. Floyd Snelson 10
Items From The Churches 10
General Notes 11
Our Query Column 14
THE FREEDMEN.
District of Columbia— Revival in Howard University 14
Virginia— A Destitute County 14
Alabama— New Church at Shelby Iron Works—
Talladega a Missionary Centre 15
Florence— Thin End of the Wedge—First
Thanksgiving Service 16
Missouri— Free Schools in the State 17
AFRICA.
The Mendi Mission— A Church Organized and
Dedicated at Avery 18
THE INDIANS.
The Late Indian War and Christianity: Rev Myron Eells 20
THE CHINESE.
Congregational Association of Christian Chinese: Rev. W.
C. Pond 21
RECEIPTS 24
WORK, STATISTICS, WANTS, ETC. 27
PLEASE READ, THINK, COPY AND MAIL 28
NEW YORK:
Published by the American Missionary Association,
Rooms, 56 Reade Street.
Price, 50 Cents a Year, in advance.
American Missionary Association,
56 READE STREET, N. Y.
PRESIDENT.
Hon. E. S. TOBEY, Boston.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Hon. F. D. Parish, Ohio. Rev. W. L. Gage, Ct.
Hon. E. D. Holton, Wis. A. S. Hatch, Esq., N. Y.
Hon. William Claflin, Mass. Rev. J. H. Fairchild, D. D., Ohio
Rev. Stephen Thurston, D. D., Rev. H. A. Stimson, Minn.
Me. Rev. J. W. Strong, D. D., Minn.
Rev. Samuel Harris, D. D., Ct. Rev. George Thacher, LL. D., Iowa.
Wm. C. Chapin, Esq., R. I. Rev. A. L. Stone, D. D., California.
Rev. W. T. Eustis, D. D., Mass. Rev. G. H. Atkinson, D. D., Oregon.
Hon. A. C. Barstow, R. I. Rev. J. E. Rankin, D. D., D. C.
Rev. Thatcher Thayer, D. D., R. I. Rev. A. L. Chapin, D. D., Wis.
Rev. Ray Palmer, D. D., N. Y. S. D. Smith, Esq., Mass.
Rev. J. M. Sturtevant, D. D., Ill. Peter Smith, Esq., Mass.
Rev. W. W. Patton, D. D., D. C. Dea. John C. Whitin, Mass.
Hon. Seymour Straight, La. Rev. Wm. Patton, D. D., Ct.
Horace Hallock, Esq., Mich. Hon. J. B. Grinnell, Iowa.
Rev. Cyrus W. Wallace, D. D., N. Rev. Wm. T. Carr, Ct.
H. Rev. Horace Winslow, Ct.
Rev. Edward Hawes, Ct. Sir Peter Coats, Scotland.
Douglas Putnam, Esq., Ohio. Rev. Henry Allon, D. D., London,
Hon. Thaddeus Fairbanks, Vt. Eng.
Samuel D. Porter, Esq., N. Y. Wm. E. Whiting, Esq., N. Y.
Rev. M. M. G. Dana, D. D., Minn. J. M. Pinkerton, Esq., Mass.
Rev. H. W. Beecher, N. Y. Rev. F. A. Noble, D. D., Ct.
Gen. O. O. Howard, Oregon. Daniel Hand, Esq., Ct.
Rev. G. F. Magoun, D. D., Iowa. A. L. Williston, Esq., Mass.
Col. C. G. Hammond, Ill. Rev. A. F. Beard, D. D., N. Y.
Edward Spaulding, M. D., N. H. Frederick Billings, Esq., Vt.
David Ripley, Esq., N. J. Joseph Carpenter, Esq., R. I.
Rev. Wm. M. Barbour, D. D., Ct.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
Rev. M. E. STRIEBY, D. D., 56 Reade Street, N. Y.
DISTRICT SECRETARIES.
Rev. C. L. WOODWORTH, Boston.
Rev. G. D. PIKE, New York.
Rev. JAS. POWELL, Chicago.
EDGAR KETCHUM, Esq., Treasurer, N. Y.
H. W. HUBBARD, Esq., Assistant Treasurer, N. Y.
Rev. M. E. STRIEBY, Recording Secretary.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Alonzo S. Ball, Clinton B. Fisk, S. S. Jocelyn,
A. S. Barnes, A. P. Foster, Andrew Lester,
Edward Beecher, E. A. Graves, Chas. L. Mead,
Geo. M. Boynton, S. B. Halliday, John H. Washburn,
Wm. B. Brown, Sam’l Holmes, G. B. Willcox.
COMMUNICATIONS
relating to the business of the Association may be addressed to
either of the Secretaries as above; letters for the Editor of the
“American Missionary” to Rev. Geo. M. Boynton, at the New York
Office.
DONATIONS AND SUBSCRIPTIONS
may be sent to H. W. Hubbard, 56 Reade Street, New York, or, when
more convenient, to either of the Branch Offices, 21 Congregational
House, Boston, Mass., 112 West Washington Street, Chicago, Ill.
Drafts or checks sent to Mr. Hubbard should be made payable to his
order as Assistant Treasurer.
A payment of thirty dollars at one time constitutes a Life Member.
Correspondents are specially requested to place at the head of each
letter the name of their Post Office, and the County and State in
which it is located.
THE
AMERICAN MISSIONARY.
Vol. XXXIII. JANUARY, 1879.
No. 1.
American Missionary Association.
OUR OUTLOOK FOR 1879.
The review of our last year’s work has been so recently and so fully
given in connection with the annual meeting of the Association, that
it is scarcely needful for us to ask our readers to join us in another
survey of what has already been accomplished. It is more fitting, as
we stand upon the threshold of the new year, to ask what are the
signs of the times, and what the demands of the work before us.
There are still dark clouds in the Southern sky. A mere granting of
civil and political rights by formal enactment is of small importance
unless the rights themselves are honestly allowed and faithfully
accepted. The adjustment of alleged wrongs we must leave to
politicians if not to statesmen, and to courts of law if not of justice.
Our work, obscure and remote as it may seem, is more fundamental
and important than that of either Congresses or courts. For by
whatever defences the Freedman may or may not be surrounded,
the only safeguard of his rights must be in his fitness to exercise and
his ability to maintain them. It is for us, through all the changes of
the year, to keep steadily to our work. It is not checked because the
winter is upon us; nor will it be over when the summer comes. It is
not for this year’s harvesting alone that we are working; we are sub-
soiling and so laboring for the permanent reclamation of these vast
fields. We believe that more depends upon the moral and intellectual
elevation of the Freedmen of our land, not only in regard to their
welfare, but in regard to the great questions of which they are only
a factor, than upon anything which can be done for them by
legislative enactment or military power. We purpose, then, to press
on with the school and the church. Intelligence and virtue are the
Jachin and Boaz, the two great pillars of the porch of the Temple of
American citizenship and liberty. While it rests on anything else, it is
uncertain and unsafe.
Our lesser work at home among the Indians and Chinese will
demand the same moderate but constant share of our attention as
before. Our connection with the six Indian Agencies, through the
Interior Department, is not a matter of expense, but mainly of time
and care. If we shall be relieved from that, our missionary work will
still remain and may be enlarged. And though the immigration of
Chinamen has been checked to some degree, and their interest in
learning English has been abated by the abuse they have received,
the work has been, and is yet, too fruitful of good to be given up.
Our African mission has passed through one year under its new
organization, with apparent prosperity and success. We shall need to
strengthen its forces before long. We shall want both the men and
the means.
There is work enough in our outlook and encouragement to do it.
We would remind our readers as well as ourselves, that the year
which is most full of sacrifice and service for the Master, is most sure
of all to be A Happy New Year.
OUR APPEAL FOR 1879.
Our friends are thoroughly informed of the fact that our debt of late
has been rapidly diminishing. We are sorry to say that the same
thing is true of our income. That, too, has been growing less. We
learn that this is true, also, of our sister societies. They, also, have
noticed a falling off in their revenues. We do not like to make much
ado over our troubles; but we have been very frank in
acknowledging our mercies, and we owe it to the work, and to those
who sustain it, to tell them our perplexities as well.
Our receipts for the last two months have been very inadequate for
the work we have in hand. What does this mean to us with this
outlook for 1879? Does it signify withdrawal from fields already
under cultivation? Already the Executive Committee have had under
serious advisement two cases, in which it was necessary either to
stop fruitful work at important points or spend a little more money.
Retrenchment is easier to talk of than to accomplish. It costs as
much sometimes to stop as to go on. A temporary suspension is
sometimes more expensive than continuous work. Our teachers are
engaged and our buildings are prepared for the year. Shall we stop
the whole machinery of a great factory to save the price of the gas
which lights it? That would be ruinous economy indeed.
But we do not seriously believe that the friends of the three most
needy races on our continent have lost heart, or hope, or means, to
carry out the generous plans they have devised. These last months
of 1878 have been trying alike to them and to us. Our plea is only
this, that, with the new year (if the debt be not by that time
altogether a thing of the past), there may be a fresh and final attack
upon that enemy of our peace; and more even than this, that there
may be a fuller and a steadier flow of the Lord’s money into our
treasury for the wants of the work of 1879.
We are happy to say that a goodly number of ladies whom we have
asked to assume the responsibility of raising a share of $25, towards
the payment of our debt, have replied favorably. The following
extract from a letter sent us by one who has been abundant in her
efforts for the Freedmen, indicates the enthusiasm and thankfulness
with which some of the ladies respond:
Your kind letter of November 26th found me watching in the sick
room of my brother; but my heart went right up to God in gratitude
that I was not forgotten by the officers of the A. M. A., and that they
still think I can do something to help on this great work. I have
never ceased to be interested in the work in all its length and
breadth, and to do what little I can for it. The debt has occupied
much of my thought. I have wanted to do something to help pay it
beyond the little I could give myself. Now that I can go out under
your guardianship, I will be one of two hundred to raise one share
($25), and as much more as I can. I am sure the debt will soon be
paid. There should be no lack of funds to carry on this work. It is
very strange our nation cannot see it and feel it too.
An old and faithful friend from Sag Harbor, N. Y., sends us thirty
dollars to make a life member. At the same time he asks us to star
the names of his two oldest children, who were among the first of
the twenty whom he has thus added to our list. They have gone up
higher. He concludes thus:
I was much interested in reading the article in December number,
page 387, “Students Want to ‘Batch’—Who will Help?” I would like
for my $30 to go to assist in building one of those $100 houses.
Can’t you get some one to add the other $70, and put up one of
those dwellings for those scholars who are so anxious to get an
education to teach and to preach?
THE LORD’S WORK AND THE LORD’S COMING.
One of our friends, (Rev. T. S. Robie, North Carver, Mass.,) who was
at our annual meeting at Taunton, remembering doubtless that the
Prophetic Conference was in session during the same days in New
York City, puts the two things together thus:
One comes from a meeting like that, through which glimpses are
caught of opportunities for work, of openings by the Unseen Hand
into spheres of service which stretch out into the future beyond the
range of our human vision, with the overwhelming conviction that
the Lord isn’t just at present to stop the wheels of this world. It is
not like the Lord to give such problems to His people, which are
pressing upon this Christian nation today with such power, and
which demand time for their solution, and then to cut the Gordian
knot by the sword of His “coming,” as if He had met with a tangled
question which He himself could not untie. The red, blue and white
and black marble, which Divine Providence has brought into this
land, tell of a building of God grander than any Persian palace, the
foundations of which seem to be just being laid, rather than the
completion thereof to be nigh at hand. The vastness of the
preparation points to the magnificence of the Lord’s dominion in the
hearts and over the lives of men.
The Book of God’s Providence is as much inspired as the Bible itself.
And whoever studies the former as prayerfully as the latter, must
labor hard to stifle the feeling that the clock of earth, instead of
getting ready to stop, is being wound up to keep good time for a
thousand years, as a prelude to that perfect righteousness which
shall dwell forever on the new earth and beneath the new heavens.
THE LONDON UNION MISSIONARY
CONFERENCE.
The London Union Missionary Conference was held in November. The
Congregational churches of America were represented by Dr. Clark of
the American Board, and Dr. O. H. White of the Freedmen’s Aid
Society, of London, who also represented the American Missionary
Association, to which the F. A. Society is auxiliary. The last gathering
of the kind in England was in 1860, at which one hundred and
twenty-six delegates assembled. The sessions were mainly private,
the societies represented were chiefly British, and plans were
discussed rather than achievements reported. This later meeting was
somewhat different in its character. Six hundred delegates were in
attendance from various lands and denominations of Christians. It
was not so much a conference on methods as a comparison of
results. The sessions of the week were apportioned to the work in
the various lands. A great mass of information was collected, which
will doubtless be more impressive and complete in the volume of
proceedings to be published, than it could have been in the hearing.
The character of the meetings may be inferred from the following
sketch of the time devoted to the “Dark Continent,” in which we are
especially interested. We copy from the correspondent of the
Christian Union: “Two sessions on Tuesday were devoted to Africa
and its many tribes. An Irish peer, the Earl of Cavan, presided, and
the attendance of delegates and friends was large. Dr. Underhill, of
the Baptist Missionary Society, discoursed on the benefits of
emancipation, and showed what an important bearing the
evangelizing of the negro race must have on the conversion of all
West Africa. Sir Fowell Buxton, the son of the great advocate of
emancipation forty years ago, described the three schemes now
being carried out for planting new missions on the three great lakes
of Central Africa. Dr. Stewart, of the Free Church Mission at
Livingstonia, on Lake Nyassa, described the principle and the plan of
the missionary institution at Lovedale, in the Cape Colony, which he
has managed for several years. This is a model institution, with
industrial as well as educational and theological departments; and is
just the thing which the native tribes of South Africa need for their
enlightenment. Dr. Lowe, the Secretary of the Edinburgh Medical
Missionary Society, also read an admirable paper on the work,
methods and usefulness of medical missions generally. Several of the
medical missionaries who have recently gone out to Africa were Dr.
Lowe’s pupils.
“Among the effective speakers on these African missions were Dr.
Waugemann, of Berlin, who described the work of the Berlin Society,
especially in the Transvaal; Dr. White, of the Freedmen’s Aid Mission;
the Rev. E. Schrenck, of Basle, who spoke of work in Ashantee; and
the Rev. Dr. Moffat, who told the Conference about his Bechuanas,
and of course with his strong gray hair and his eighty-three years of
age and sixty-two years of service for Christ, received an ovation at
its hands. The noble presence and the stirring words of the grand
old man on the African day were a striking feature in the meetings
of the Conference.”
Such gatherings must help on the cause of Christian comity in
missions, as well as broaden the views of all who are engaged in
working the field under their hands. It is well to look up sometimes
from our own furrow, even if we have to stop ploughing for a little,
that we may realize that the field is the world, and that the harvest
belongs to one Master.
THE POLITICAL PROGRESS OF THE
FREEDMEN.
BY REV. M. E. STRIEBY.
Was it wise to give the ballot to the ex-slaves? The answer that
came in the hour it was given, from the Congress that gave it, from
the Northern people that sustained it, and from the colored people
that enjoyed it, was an emphatic and enthusiastic “Yes!” The answer
that came at that hour from the Southern white man was in a
suppressed voice, and was an execration hissed out between
grinding teeth. Since that hour the voice of the Southern white man
has grown firmer, and, as it came up from misgoverned South
Carolina and Louisiana, has rounded out into a full-toned “No!” Nay,
more, it has been re-echoed from the North, and recently with
special emphasis from the lips of one of the purest Christian scholars
on the heights of Christian learning in New England. What answer do
I give? Unhesitatingly, “Yes!” I say nothing about the mere party
reason given either then or since, for I do not write as a partisan. I
put the wisdom of the ballot on more substantial grounds.
1. It saved the Freedmen from being again reduced to slavery.
Vagrant laws were passed, which confined them to the plantations
on which they had engaged to work, the end of which would have
been a serfdom attaching them to the soil. The ballot saved them
from this.
2. It gave the Freedmen and the South a free school system—a
greater boon than Southern legislation ever gave them before—a
boon without which all else would have been well-nigh in vain. That
system was modeled after the best patterns at the North, and
although it has been somewhat modified and enfeebled in practical
operation, is yet a solid corner-stone in the foundation of the new
superstructure which the South is rearing.
3. The ballot gave the Freedman a sense of self-respect, and
commanded for him the respect of others. To him it was an
education and an inspiration. It gave him the standing of a man
among men, and prompted him to become worthy of his position. It
was a power to him in the early days of his freedom, when he
needed every help to sustain him in that freedom; and to-day,
though it is held in check and almost useless, yet it is a slumbering
giant, and is watched with respectful caution by the whites. For who
can tell what such a slumbering power might do if aroused?
At present the black voter is politically conquered. The “white man’s
government” is established, and it is the purpose of the white man
that it shall remain so. This has been easily attained in the States
where the white majority is undoubted. In the few States where the
blacks are in the majority, the white man is determined to rule,
peaceably if he can, forcibly if he must. The Chisholm murder and
the Hamburg massacre are but samples of the methods that will be
resorted to if the effort is pushed persistently to restore the
supremacy of the black man in politics. When we remember how
that supremacy in those States was abused, how can we ask the
restoration if the abuse must again follow? The problem is difficult.
It can be solved only by one formula. The black man must be
protected in his political rights, and he must be so enlightened as to
use and not abuse those rights. There will be no permanent
advantage from a mere partisan triumph of the black man. If
achieved, as matters now stand, bayonets will again be needed to
sustain it, and will become once more a source of angry discussion
at the North and of concentrated bitterness at the South. The
experiment may again be necessary; but a far better thing should be
speedily, steadily and efficiently pushed forward—the training of the
colored voter for an intelligent and responsible manhood and
citizenship.
If every colored voter could be accompanied to the polls by a file of
soldiers armed with muskets, his ballot would represent the musket
and not the man. But if he becomes a property owner, with all the
interest in the welfare of the community which property gives; if he
is educated and can take an intelligent interest in the welfare of the
community; and if he acquires a weight of character that challenges
respect, he will need no soldiers to guard him to the polls, and his
vote will represent the man and not the musket.
When the black man shall reach such a position he conquers caste-
prejudice and wipes out the color-line in politics. Color is significant
only as it represents condition. Change the condition and the color is
of no consequence. With that change the white and black men at
the South will divide on politics as white men do at the North, from
differing views as to the best measures to promote public weal.
Look on this picture: An armed and organized mob is breaking up a
political gathering of the blacks and their friends, and in the
background are the overawed Freedmen retiring from the polls.
Look, also, on this picture: A company of United States soldiers are
keeping guard over a body of legislators, mostly black, who, with
reckless rascality, are squandering the public funds, to the ruin of
the State and the disgrace of the nation. Turn not from these
pictures with indifference, for they are no fancy sketches; nay, face
them, for the history of at least two States of this Union is liable to
be a perpetual oscillation between the two. But now look on this
picture: A colored man is tilling his land, adorning his home, and
gathering around him the refinements of life. Near by is the school-
house, where his children, with hundreds of others, are receiving the
instruction of skilful teachers, and not far off is the church edifice
where that man and his neighbors worship God under the
ministration of a well educated and pious minister.
Which picture do we choose, not as a matter of artistic preference,
but as the practical model for patriotic work? The only safety is to
extend that last picture till it shall cover the whole canvas and blot
out the other two. In that way only can a life and death struggle
between two irreconcilable forces be avoided.
“THESE MY BRETHREN.”
In the Saviour’s great “Inasmuch” there is the power of personality.
“I was an hungered; I was thirsty; I was naked; I was a stranger; I
was sick; I was in prison.” It was Christ in the person of these
suffering and lowly ones; and service done to them was done to
Him. He might well have stopped there. But the marvel of His
personal identification with them is in the relationship which He
claims between Himself and them—“these my brethren.” Oh, the
touching condescension to name them by this title! What we do for
these humble and desolate ones we are not only doing for our Lord,
but for the brethren of our Lord. He takes it as a special favor to
Himself. And this service is graduated to the lowest capacity—it is
service done to only one of the least of these. The standard is not
that we should serve the mass of these His brethren, but any one of
them, according to the measure of our ability, even down to a single
act done to one of them in the right spirit and as a revelation of a
character in which we delight. Then the obligation runs up to as
great a number as our opportunity and our ability may reach.
The intervention of organic efficiency greatly multiplies the duty and
the privilege of the individual. The American Missionary Association,
as has been potently said, is set for the care of the three despised
races in our country. Though the Indian and the Negro and the
Chinaman are the objects of prejudice and violence and injustice and
hatred on the part of our people, nevertheless Christ speaks of them
as among “these my brethren;” and the prayers and the sympathy,
and the service and the giving of substance in their behalf He counts
as rendered to Him. This organization cannot discharge any one’s
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