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Exploring the Variety of Random
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of
The Jews
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
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Title: The Jews

Author: Hilaire Belloc

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE JEWS ***

The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Jews, by Hilaire Belloc

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THE JEWS
 BY THE SAME AUTHOR:

EUROPE AND THE FAITH

"Mr. Belloc has developed a side of history which is

a wholesome antidote to self-satisfied Anglicanism;
and he has produced a brilliant and burningly
sincere historical essay which sweeps his reader
along. It is certainly the best book he has
written."—The Church Times.

THE OLD ROAD

With Illustrations by William Hyde, a Map and

Route Guides. New Edition.

THE STANE STREET

A Monograph. With Illustrations by William Hyde,

and Maps.

THE JEWS

By HILAIRE BELLOC
 CONSTABLE & COMPANY, LIMITED
LONDON BOMBAY SYDNEY

First Published 1922

Second Impression 1922

To

MISS RUBY GOLDSMITH

MY SECRETARY FOR MANY YEARS AT KING'S

LAND AND THE BEST AND MOST INTIMATE OF
OUR JEWISH FRIENDS, TO WHOM MY
FAMILY AND I WILL ALWAYS OWE
A DEEP DEBT OF GRATITUDE
 PREFACE
The object of this book is more modest, I fear, than that of much
which has appeared upon that vital political matter, the relation
between the Jews and the nations around them.
It does not propose any detailed, still less, any positive legal solution
to what has become a pressing problem, nor does it pretend to any
complete solution of it. It is no more than a suggestion that any
attempt to solve this problem ought to follow certain general lines
which are essentially different from those attempted in Western
Europe during the time immediately preceding our own. I suggest
that, if the present generation in both parties to the discussion, the
Jews and ourselves, will drop convention and make a principle of
discussing the problem in terms of reality, we shall automatically
approach a right solution.
We have but to tell the truth in the place of the falsehoods of the
last generation. Therefore, of the three principles upon which this
essay reposes, the principle that concealment must come to an end
seems to me more important than the principle of mutual
recognition, or even the principle of mutual respect. For it may well
be that my judgment is at fault in the matter of Jewish national
consciousness; it may well be that I exaggerate it, and it is certain
that one party to a debate cannot be possessed of the full
knowledge required for its settlement; the other side must be heard.
But neither my judgment nor the judgment of any man can be at
fault on the value of truth and the ultimate evil consequences of
trying to build upon a lie.
The English reader (less, I think, the American) will often find in my
sentences a note that will seem to him fantastic. The quarrel is
already acute here in London, but it has not here approached the
limits which it has reached long ago elsewhere; and a man
accustomed to the quieter air in which all public affairs have, until
recently, been debated in this country, may smile at what will seem
to him odd and exaggerated fears. To this I would reply that the
book has been written not only in the light of English, but of a
general, experience. I will bargain that were it put into the hands of
a jury chosen from the various nationalities of Europe and the United
States it would be found too moderate in its estimate of the peril it
postulates. I would further ask the reader, who may not have
appreciated how rapidly the peril approaches, to consider the
distance traversed in the last few years. It is not very long since a
mere discussion of the Jewish question in England was impossible. It
is but a few years since the mere admission of it appeared
abnormal. The truth is that this question is not one which we open
or close at will in any European nation. It is imposed successively
upon one nation after another by the force of things. It is this force
of things, this necessity for national well-being, and for the warding
off of disorder, which has thrust the Jewish question to-day upon a
society still reluctant to consider it and still hoping it may return to
its old neglect. It cannot so return.
I will conclude by asking my Jewish, as well as my non-Jewish,
readers to observe that I have left out every personal allusion and
every element of mere recrimination. I have carefully avoided the
mention of particular examples in public life of the friction between
the Jews and ourselves and even examples drawn from past history.
With these I could often have strengthened my argument, and I
would certainly have made my book a great deal more readable. I
have left out everything of the kind because, though one can always
rouse interest in this way, it excites enmity between the opposing
parties. Since my object is to reduce that enmity, which has already
become dangerous, I should be insincere indeed if from mere
purpose of enlivening this essay I had stooped to exasperate feeling.
I could have made the book far stronger as a piece of polemic and
indefinitely more amusing as a piece of record, but I have not
written it as a piece of polemic or as a piece of record. I have
written it as an attempt at justice.
 CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I
The Thesis of this Book 3

The Jews are an alien body within the society they

inhabit—hence irritation and friction—a problem is
presented by the strains thus set up—the solution
of that problem is urgently necessary.
An alien body in any organism is disposed of in one
of two ways: elimination and segregation.
Elimination may be by destruction, by excretion or
by absorption—in the case of the Jews the first is
abominable and, further, has failed—the second
means exile: it has also failed—the third,
absorption, the most probable and most moral, has
failed throughout the past, though having
everything in its favour.
There remains segregation, which may be of two
forms: hostile to, or careless of, the alien body, or
friendly to it and careful of its good—in this latter
form it may best be called Recognition. The first
kind of segregation has often been attempted in
history—it has been partially successful over long
periods—but has always left behind it a sense of
injustice and has not really solved the problem—
also it has always failed in the end.
 The true solution is in the second kind of
segregation, that is, recognition on both sides of a
separate Jewish nationality.

CHAPTER II
The Denial of the Problem 17

In the immediate past the problem was shirked in

Western Europe by a mere denial of its existence—
some were honestly ignorant of the existence of a
Jewish nation—some thought the difference one of
religion only—more admitted the existence of a
separate nation but thought a convenient fiction,
that it did not exist, necessary to the modern state.
This ignorance or fiction has broken down in our
own time—partly through the necessary reaction of
truth against any falsehood—partly through the
increasing numbers of the Jews in Western
countries—more through the great increase of their
power.
Yet, though this old "Liberal" fiction about the Jews
is dead, having proved unworkable in the face of
fact, it had something to be said for it—it secured
peace for a while—it chose models from the past—
and it was based on a certain truth, to wit, that the
Jew takes on very rapidly the superficial characters
of the nation in which he happens for the time to
be living—moreover it was desired by the Jews
themselves—example of the old Jewish Peer and
his claim "to be let alone"—practical proof of the
failure in his case.
 At any rate the old "Liberal" fiction is now quite
useless—the problem is admitted and must be
solved.

CHAPTER III
The Present Phase of the Problem 43

The Jewish problem, present throughout history,

has assumed a particular character to-day—it is the
character of a sharp reaction against the old
pretence that Jews were identical with the nations
in which they happened to live—it first took the
form of irritation only—it was suddenly exasperated
in a very high degree by the Jewish revolution in
Russia—but long before this the increasing power
of Jews in public life, the anti-Semitic writing on the
Continent, the Dreyfus agitation, the South African
War, and the Jewish leadership of Socialism had
prepared the way—The situation on the outbreak of
the Great War—Bolshevism—a short description to
be expanded in a later chapter—Bolshevism is a
Jewish movement, but not a movement of the
Jewish race as a whole—its particular effect was to
release criticism of Jewish power which had
hitherto been silent from fear of, or sympathy with,
Capitalism.
Men hesitated to attack the Jews as financiers
because the stability of society and of their own
fortunes was bound up with finance—but when a
body of Jews also appeared as the active enemies
of existing society and of private fortune, the
restraint was removed—since the Bolshevist
 movement open (and hostile) discussion of the
Jewish problem has become universal.

CHAPTER IV
The General Causes of Friction 69

The strain between Jewry and its hosts in Islam

and Christendom much older than any modern
cause can account for—the true causes are both
general and particular—I call those general which
are ineradicable and proceed from the contrasting
natures of the two races, particular those which
depend upon the will on either side and can be
modified to the advantage of both.
The general cause of friction being a contrast in
fundamental character, we note that the common
accusations brought against Jews are false, as are
the common praises given him by those not of the
race.—In each case what has to be noted is not a
series of virtues or vices special to the Jew, but the
racial character or tone of each quality.
These examined—the Jewish courage—examples—
the Jewish generosity—the strength of Jewish
patriotism—the consequent indifference to our
national feelings—accusations arising therefrom,
especially in time of war—the Jewish power of
concentration—of eloquence—the Jewish tendency
to "push" a Jewish success and hide a Jewish
failure or danger—the evil effects of this tendency
in our mutual relations.
The poverty of the Jewish people—false effect
produced by a few great Jewish fortunes—the
 instability of these—cringing of wealthy Europeans
to Jewish money-dealers—dependence of our
politicians on wealthy Jews—evil effect of this in the
attempt to regulate domestic affairs of Eastern
Europe.
The ill effect of the partially Jewish financial
monopoly—especially with Parliamentary corruption
as pronounced as it is to-day.

CHAPTER V
The Special Causes of Friction 99

I have called "Special" causes of Friction those

which are remedial at will by either party—they
would seem to be, on the Jewish side, the habit of
secrecy and the habit of expressing a sense of
superiority—on our side a disingenuousness and
unintelligence in our treatment of Jews and a lack
of charity.
The deplorable Jewish habit of secrecy—the use of
false names—examples—excuses for same not
adequate—a regular code of such names which
deceive us but can be decoded by fellow Jews.
The expression of superiority by the Jew—our
statesmanship has never sufficiently allowed for it—
examples of this expression—Jewish interference in
our religion—or national quarrels—and other
departments which are alien to Jewish interests—
on the other hand this quality has been a
preservation of the race—the Jew should note the
corresponding sense of superiority on our side—
even the poor hack-writer, if he be of European
 blood, feels himself superior to the Jewish
millionaire.

CHAPTER VI
The Cause of Friction upon our Side 123

This department of our inquiry often neglected

through an error—it is presumed that, because we
are the hosts and the Jew alien to us, no
responsibility falls on us—this error forgets that the
Jew is permanently with us and that every
permanent human relation involves responsibility.
The first cause of friction on our side is
disingenuousness in our dealings with the Jew—
examples of this—we conceal from the Jew our real
feelings—we deceive him—the richer classes who
intermarry with Jews and enter into business
partnership with them especially to blame—the
populace more straightforward—this deceiving of
the Jew leaves him troubled when the quarrel
comes to a head—he has not heard what is said
behind his back.
Disingenuousness in our suppression of the Jewish
problem in history—gross examples of it in
contemporary life and particularly in the popular
press—Jews called "Russians," "Germans," anything
but what they are.
Unintelligence a second cause of friction—example:
our treatment of Jewish immigration—we hate it,
yet allow it because we dare not give it its right
name—unintelligent treatment of the Jew in fiction
—unintelligence in our astonishment at his
 international position—example of the cabinet
minister's cousin who got into trouble.
Last cause, lack of charity—people won't put
themselves in the shoes of the Jew and see how
things look from his side—we do not (as we should)
mix with Jews of every class and address their
societies—Summary—A warning against the idea
that the friction between the Jews and ourselves is
unimportant—it has bred catastrophe in the past
and may in the future.

CHAPTER VII
The Anti-Semite 145

Error of neglecting to study Anti-Semitism on

account of its extravagance—it is a most significant
thing, however ill-balanced—character of the Anti-
Semite—he does not recognize a Jewish problem to
be solved but only a Jewish race to be hated—this
hatred his whole motive—his self-contradictions—
his delusion—his strength—the press still on the
whole boycotts the Anti-Semitic movement—but it
is growing prodigiously—its great power of
documentation—its vast accumulation of evidence—
effect this will have when it comes out.
The Jews met Anti-Semitism by nothing but ridicule
—this weapon insufficient and bound to fail—their
enemies have countered it by accumulating facts—
the latter a much stronger weapon so long as the
erroneous Jewish policy of secrecy is maintained.
Danger to the Jews of the Anti-Semitic movement—
(1) because of its intensity—(2) because of its
 formidable accumulation of evidence, which cannot
be permanently suppressed—(3) and most
important, because it is allied to a now widespread
and more moderate, but very hostile, feeling, to
which it acts as spear-head.

CHAPTER VIII
Bolshevism 167

The revolution in Russia will be the historical point

of departure whence will date the renewed hostility
to the Jew in Western Europe.
Examination of that revolution—it was (as said in
Chapter III) "a Jewish movement, but not a
movement of the Jewish race:" importance of this
distinction—unfortunately the two different terms
"Jewish race" and "a Jewish movement" are
confused in the popular mind.
The Revolution not the result of an accident or of a
universal plot—element of racial revenge—the Jew
not a revolutionary—special character of the
Russian situation—Industrial Capitalism, the great
evil of our time, there recent and weak—therefore
open to special attack—an international evil—the
only two international forces applicable were the
Jews and the Catholic Church—why the Catholic
Church cannot directly attack industrial Capitalism—
why the Jew who happens to be opposed to it can
and does directly attack it—neither our instinct for
property nor our Nationalism an obstacle in his
case.
 Grave perils to the Jew arise from his identification
with Bolshevism—the more reason to meet these
perils by a sane treatment of the Jewish problem.

CHAPTER IX
The Position in the World as a Whole 189

The Jewish problem varies (1) according to the

extent to which Jews have acquired control and
domination in various places; (2) according to the
tradition of each community in approaching the
problem; (3) according to the strength in each
community of the four international forces, which
are the Catholic Church, Islam, Industrial
Capitalism, and the Socialist revolt against this last.
The individual Jew does not feel that he is in a
position of control or even that he is interfering
with his hosts—yet that is the universal complaint
against him—it is a corporate or collective power—
more and more resented.
The position in Russia—repeated—in the Marches
of Russia and Roumania and Poland—in Central
Europe—in Occidental Europe—Ireland an
exception.
The position in the United States—Mr. Ford and the
great effect of his action.
The Western tradition more favourable to the Jews
than the Eastern—problem of the Jews and Islam—
position of the Catholic Church—effect of Industrial
Capitalism and of its converse, Socialism, upon the
problem.
 CHAPTER X
The Position of the Jews in England 215

England has gone to both extremes with the Jew.

The Jew in the Roman time and in the Middle Ages
—his monopoly of Usury in early Middle Ages—The
exile of all English Jews under Edward I—their
return under Cromwell—followed by a growing
alliance between the English State and the Jews—
largely due to cosmopolitan commercial interests of
Britain—also to common hostility towards the
Catholic Church—aided by great wealth and
security of this country—in the later nineteenth
century the Jews, in spite of their small numbers,
colour every English institution, especially the
Universities and the House of Commons—the
interests of the two races began to diverge before
the Great War—none the less a formal alliance
maintained through the control of the politicians by
Jewish finance—its culmination in the attempt to
form an Anglo-Judaic state in Palestine.

CHAPTER XI
Zionism 231

The chief interest of the Zionist experiment lies in

its reaction upon the international position of the
Jew—yet that point is not yet discussed—what will
be the effect of the experiment on the position of
Jews outside Palestine, necessarily the vast
majority of the race?—an inevitable alternative—
either the Jews lose their international position
 through loss of the fiction that they are not a nation
—or the Zionist experiment breaks down—effect
especially in Eastern Europe.
Special effect of the experiment on Great Britain—
difficulty of maintaining sacrifice for purely Jewish
interests—which now clash with British—
unpopularity of such sacrifice inevitable—grave
error of first appointment to the headship of the
New State—unworthiness of the politician chosen
for that position.

CHAPTER XII
Our Duty 249

This but a consequence of the conditions

established in Chapters IV, V and VI—our double
duty of mixing with the Jews and of recognizing
their separate nationality—necessity of openly
admitting this separate nationality in conversation
and social habits—in spite of difficulties opposed by
convention—in this the wealthier classes should
follow the lead of the populace—folly and danger of
Fear in this matter—the fear of Jewish power a
degrading and exasperating thing to the European
—delay makes it worse—our plain duty is to
recognize this alien nation, to respect it, and to
treat it frankly as we do every nationality other
than one's own.

CHAPTER XIII
Their Duty 271
 Only a brief mention—for interference or advice in
domestic concerns of Jewry would be an
impertinence—but it is clear that all specially Jewish
institutions favour the right policy for which I plead
—those already in existence—schools, newspapers,
Jewish societies—all increase of these institutions
should be welcome, because they emphasize and
make clear the separate nationality of the Jew.

CHAPTER XIV
Various Theories 277

This chapter is a digression on the various theories

on the Jewish race and its fortunes which have
arisen in history and some of which are still
present.
The theory that reconciliation is impossible—its
attachment to the idea of a special curse or
blessing.
The theory of a mysterious necessary alliance
between Israel and Britain—its most extravagant
forms.
The theory that the Jews are the necessary flux of
Europe, without which our energies would decline—
note on the intellectual independence of the Jew
and on his original effect on our thought—demand
for a Jewish history of Europe and Islam combined.
The theory that the Jewish problem is domestic
only and no concern of ours—its error, since the
relations are mutual.
 The two theories of the Jew as a malignant enemy
of our innocent selves, and of our malignant enmity
against the innocent and martyred Jew—both
erroneous.
The theory that the Jewish problem is now solving
itself by absorption—this theory false and due to a
misunderstanding of history and a neglect of acute
modern and recent differentiation—Mr. Ford's
epigram on "the melting-pot."
Fantastic theory that no Jewish national type exists!

CHAPTER XV
Conclusion. Habit or Law? 301

Granted that the solution I advance (a full

recognition of separate nationality) is the just
solution, should it be expressed in law?—Not, I
think, until it has first appeared in our morals and
social conventions—to begin with laws and
regulations on our side would inevitably breed
oppression—but the suggestion of separate
institutions coming from the Jewish side should be
welcomed—urgency of a settlement—modern
quarrels are growing fiercer, not less—but for my
part I say, "Peace to Israel."

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