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Torsten Schmiermund

The discovery
of the periodic table
of the chemical
elements
A short journey from the beginnings
until today
essentials
essentials liefern aktuelles Wissen in konzentrierter Form. Die Essenz dessen,
worauf es als „State-of-the-Art“ in der gegenwärtigen Fachdiskussion oder in der
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• als Einführung in ein aktuelles Thema aus Ihrem Fachgebiet

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Technik und Naturwissenschaften sowie aus Medizin, Psychologie und
Gesundheitsberufen. Von renommierten Autor*innen aller Springer-
Verlagsmarken.
Torsten Schmiermund

The discovery
of the periodic table
of the chemical elements
A short journey from the beginnings
until today
Torsten Schmiermund
Frankfurt am Main, Germany

ISSN 2197-6708 ISSN 2197-6716 (electronic)

essentials
ISBN 978-3-658-36447-2 ISBN 978-3-658-36448-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36448-9

This book is a translation of the original German edition „Die Entdeckung des Periodensystems der
chemischen Elemente“ by Schmiermund, Torsten, published by Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden
GmbH in 2019. The translation was done with the help of artificial intelligence (machine translation
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This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher,
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What You Can Find in This essential

• A historical outline of the development of the periodic table of the elements

(PTE)
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v
 Another Random Document on
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 CHAPTER VI
THE ROMAN GOVERNMENT'S TREATMENT OF THE CHRISTIANS

Outline: I.—Religious persecutions before the Christian

era. II.—Christians first persecuted by the Jews. III.—
Causes and motives of persecution by the Roman
government. IV.—Number and general character of the
persecutions. V.—Results of persecutions. VI.—Sources.
Religious persecution originated long before the Christian era began
—in fact it runs through the whole history of religion. In Rome all
citizens were required by law to conform to the Roman religion so
that the gods would protect the state. Refusal brought punishment,
but always on political grounds.[91:1] Foreign religions which were
either harmless or helpful were often adopted, or at least tolerated.
[91:2] Those, however, which were dangerous to public morality,
social order, or political security, and which were not tolerant of
other religions, were severely treated by the Roman government.
This was the Roman legal principle of procedure in the case of every
such religion,[91:3] hence when Christianity appeared, Rome had
already developed a distinct policy which first tolerated and then
persecuted it.
Persecution came to the Christians first from the Jews. Had not
these deserters of their fathers' faith precipitated Roman hatred
upon the Jews which resulted in persecution, expulsion, and loss of
freedom and independence?[92:1] Might not the Jewish religion be
greatly weakened if this proselyting continued? Hence the Christians
were persecuted individually and in masses.[92:2] The Jews sought in
every possible way to incite the Roman authorities against the hated
Christians.[92:3] This resulted in an irreparable breach between the
two sects. The Christians were brought into greater prominence, and
the Romans even sought to protect them from the Jewish fanatics.
[92:4] At the same time a greater Christian zeal was aroused, and
thus the spread of the new faith was promoted.
The Roman government tolerated the Christians at the outset,
because they were regarded as a harmless sect of Jews, whose work
was quiet and unobtrusive.[92:5] The significance of Christianity was
not understood, nor the marvellous spread of the faith noticed.
Indeed Roman hostility to the Jews led at first to personal and
official protection of the supporters of the new faith, until the Jewish
War in 70 A.D.
The Roman policy soon changed, however, from that of indifference,
or protection, to persecution. The causes for this change are: (1)
The political science of the Roman Empire, and (2) the inherent
character of Christianity.
Ethically the Roman state embodied the highest good, hence all
human good depended upon the integrity and security of the state.
That principle subordinated the religious to the political, and made
the Emperor the head of all recognised religions. Roman law upheld
this theory, as clearly stated by Cicero: "No man shall have for
himself particular gods of his own; no man shall worship by himself
new or foreign gods, unless they are recognised by the public laws."
[93:1] Julius Paulus, a Roman citizen, stated the idea thus: "Whoever
introduces new religions, the tendency and character of which are
unknown, whereby the minds of men might be disturbed, should, if
belonging to the higher rank, be banished; if to the lower, punished
with death." Gaius said of forbidden associations: "Neither a society,
nor a college, nor any body of this kind, is conceded to all persons
promiscuously; for this thing is regulated by laws, or codes of the
Senate, and by imperial constitutions."[93:2] Hence from a legal
standpoint Christianity was illegal, because it introduced a new
religion not admitted into the class of religiones licitæ. "You are not
permitted by the law," was the taunt of pagans.[93:3] To organise
churches and to hold unlicensed meetings were violations of Roman
law. Might they not easily serve as covers for political plots?
Mæcenas advised Augustus: "Worship the gods in all respects in
accordance with the laws of your country, and compel all others to
do the same. But hate and punish those who would introduce
anything whatever alien to our customs in this particular . . .
because such persons, by introducing new divinities, mislead many
to adopt foreign laws. Hence conspiracies and secret combinations—
the last things to be borne in a monarchy."[94:1] Roman citizens,
therefore, who turned Christian were criminals, outlaws, bandits,
and traitors; consequently the best Emperors, those who felt called
upon to enforce the law for the weal of the Empire, those who
wished to restore the vigour and power of old Rome, sought to
exterminate them, while the worst rulers were mostly indifferent,
and in some instances tolerant.
Christianity, inherently, was opposed to the whole governmental,
social, and religious systems of Rome in the most offensive and
uncompromising manner. It advocated one God for all men, one
universal kingdom, one brotherhood of all men, and one plan of
salvation. It was world-wide, above the Emperor, and advocated a
non-Roman unity. The Christians were subjects of God's kingdom
first, and the Emperor's next; and when Rome spurned this
secondary allegiance they ceased to feel themselves Romans at all.
[94:2] They refused the duties of loyal citizens, held no offices,

objected to military service,[94:3] and refused to sacrifice to the

honour of the Emperor.[95:1] "Does not the Emperor punish you
justly?" asked Celsus. "Should all do like you he would be left alone
—there would be none to defend him. The rudest barbarians would
make themselves masters of the world." Furthermore the Christians
claimed the exclusive possession of divine knowledge and called all
forms of pagan worship idolatrous.[95:2] Christianity itself was
intolerant of all other religions. Was not Christianity the only true
faith? How then could the Christians compromise with false faiths, or
concede to them any truth, or any right to exist?[95:3] Hence it was
inevitable, and Christians were keenly conscious of the fact, that a
conflict should arise between Christianity and the Roman Empire,
before the universal dominion of the world could come. The efforts
of imperial officers to compromise matters, by insisting on mere
outward conformity, met with little success.
The attack made by paganism on Christianity came first from Roman
philosophers, scholars, and statesmen for all sorts of motives. Some
desired popular favour, others were sincere, still others sought to
win imperial approval. Many, no doubt, even though they had no
longer any heart for the ancient faith, yet could not bear to see it
abolished. They would agree with Cæcilius that "Since all nations
agree to recognise the immortal gods, although their nature or their
origin may be uncertain, I cannot endure that any one swelling with
audacity and such irreligious knowledge should strive to dissolve or
weaken a religion so old, so useful, so salutary."[96:1] Tacitus called
Christians "haters of mankind," and assailed their religion as a
"destructive superstition."[96:2] Suetonius denounced the new faith
as a "poisonous or malignant superstition." Others scoffed at these
odd devotees as "dangerous infidels," "enemies of Cæsar and of the
Roman people," and "a reprobate, unlawful, desperate faction."
Priests, driven on by duty and possibly fearing the loss of their
offices, added their sacred voices to the popular clamour.[96:3]
Merchants and artists, whose livelihood depended upon the sale of
their products and wares to pagan temples and worshippers, raised
their voices against the new sect "without altars, without temples,
without images, and without sacrifices."[96:4] Then the populace,
incited by the above-named classes, took up the opposition and
soon spread the wildest reports.[96:5]
Christians were also declared to be responsible for every disaster like
war, famine, fire, pestilence, flood, earthquakes, death of prominent
persons, etc. The gods, angered at the presence of such persons,
sent these dire calamities[96:6] on the atheists, who denied the many
gods and worshipped but one, and who discarded all images—even
that of the Emperor.[96:7] Did they not adore the wood of a cross
and worship the head of an ass?[97:1] Did they not refuse to
conform to all religious observances and festivals? Who but
dangerous conspirators would hold their meetings in secret at night?
These anarchists who refused all civic service[97:2]; these social
revolutionists who broke up family ties,[97:3] set slave against
master, taught robbery under the guise of equality, refused to enjoy
the social games and festivals, and interfered with business; these
cannibals who ate the flesh and drank the blood of their infants, the
offspring of their incestuous and adulterous carousals—what
punishment could be too severe for such degenerates? Were they
not a Jewish sect which had deserted the faith of their fathers, and
which could command respect neither for age nor legality?[97:4]
The occasion for the inevitable war between the Roman sword and
the Christian cross was popular hatred and ridicule, and the frequent
outbreaks of the mobs. The fundamental cause was political
necessity, for the Christians were guilty of crimen læsæ majestatis,
high treason. Christianity in the Roman Empire was somewhat like
anarchy to-day in the United States in its relation to the state. The
technical charges made against the Christians were: (1) introducing
a religio illicita, for which the penalty was death or banishment; (2)
committing læsa majestas, for which the penalty was loss of social
rank, outlawry, or death by sword, fire, or wild beasts; (3) being
guilty of sacrilegium, for which the penalty was death by crucifixion,
the ax, or wild beasts; (4) practising magic, for which the penalty
was crucifixion, or exposure to wild beasts in the circus.
Both the number and character of the persecutions seem to be
misunderstood. The Church Fathers and many later historians
magnify the number, fierceness, and duration of the persecutions,
and the number killed.[98:1] On the contrary it seems that
considerable time elapsed before the Christians were noticed by the
government, which then proceeded against them with caution and
reluctance and punished them in comparative moderation.[98:2] The
Church enjoyed many seasons of rest and peace. The number of
Christians killed during the entire period of persecution was
comparatively small.[98:3] The persecutions varied with the whims
and feelings of each Emperor—the best rulers like Trajan, Marcus
Aurelius, Decius, and Diocletian, feeling the necessity of upholding
the law, were the most energetic persecutors, while the worst
Emperors were indifferent, or even favourable. The early
persecutions were only spasmodic outbreaks and limited; the later
ones were general. There is no reason for giving ten as the number
of the persecutions—nor for comparing them with the ten plagues of
Egypt.
The first persecution occurred in Rome under Nero in 64 A.D.[99:1]
Some historians contend that the Neronian persecution fell upon the
Jews, whom Tacitus, writing fifty years after the event, erroneously
calls Christians.[99:2] Others maintain that the Jews, through court
influence, shifted the punishment from themselves to the Christians.
[99:3] Recent scholars, however, are inclined to accept the literal

narrative of Tacitus.[99:4] According to his version of the situation,

the persecution was accidental—a device of Nero to divert the
suspicion directed against himself of having burned Rome—and
local, that is, it did not extend to the provinces. A few Christians
were tortured and compelled to confess themselves guilty of
incendiarism and to give the names of others, and that led to the
punishment of an "ingens multitudo" as Nero's scapegoats.[99:5] As
a punishment for their alleged crime of incendiarism and "hatred for
the human race," they were covered with the skins of wild beasts
and torn to pieces by the dogs in the circus, crucified by day, and
burned as torches by night.[100:1] Paul, in all likelihood, fell a victim
to this persecution and the Roman Church has always believed that
Peter also perished at this time.[100:2]
As a result, the attention of the Roman government was directed to
these "haters of the human race," and they became branded as
outlaws and brigands. Popular fury ran riot. A precedent was
established, both in Rome and the provinces, for punishing
Christians for the name alone.[100:3] Nevertheless sympathy was
won for them, they secretly increased in numbers, and were
compelled to adopt a better organisation in order to resist
oppression. Above everything else the striking difference between
the Kingdom of God and the Empire of Cæsar was strongly marked
on the Christian conscience.
After Nero's persecution, under the Flavian Emperors (68-96), there
was a standing law against Christianity, like that against brigandage,
but it was only occasionally enforced.[100:4] There is no positive
proof of persecution under Vespasian (69-79). Titus (79-81),
however, continued the policy of Nero.[100:5] Under Domitian (81-
96) there was increased severity in both Rome and the provinces.
This may have been occasioned in part by the fact that as a result of
the Jewish War all toleration for the Jews was withdrawn. Christians
were now classed with the hated Jews. Flavius Clemens, the
Emperor's cousin, was executed and his beautiful wife Domitilla was
banished.[101:1] Many others were killed, compelled to fight wild
beasts in the arena, or at least lost their property.[101:2] It was even
reported that Domitian planned to have all the relatives of Jesus
slain in order to prevent the rise of a possible rival in the east.[101:3]
Of "the Five Good Emperors" (96-180) who succeeded the Flavian
rulers, three continued the policy of persecution. The first, Nerva
(96-98), was tolerant to the Christians. The next Emperor, Trajan
(98-117), one of the best Emperors, was not a wanton persecutor,
[101:4] but felt it to be his duty to uphold the laws and religion of the

Empire.[101:5] He was really the first Emperor to proceed against

Christianity from a purely legal point of view. By this time Christianity
was clearly recognised as a distinct sect and its real significance
appreciated. His policy may be clearly seen in his correspondence
with Pliny, the governor of Bithynia (112).[101:6] No doubt his views
were influenced by Tacitus and Pliny, who regarded Christianity as a
"bad and immoderate superstition." Still under Trajan persecution
was limited to Bithynia, Jerusalem, and Antioch, although
Christianity had been formally proscribed everywhere, together with
all secret societies. His attitude was the model for persecutions of
the second century and later.[102:1]
Hadrian (117-138), who apparently judged Christianity rather
trivially, issued the famous rescript which forbade riotous
proceedings, on the one hand, and malicious information against the
Christians on the other: "If any one, therefore, accuses them and
shows that they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you
pass judgment according to the crime. But, by Hercules! if any one
bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide in regard to his
criminality and see to it that you inflict punishment."[102:2] Hadrian's
adopted son and successor, Antoninus Pius (138-161), a wise,
upright ruler, interfered to protect Christians at Athens and
Thessalonica. His edict, given in Eusebius, is probably spurious,
though the spirit may be correct.[102:3] Marcus Aurelius (161-180),
an educated Stoic and an excellent Emperor, encouraged persecution
against those guilty of "sheer obstinacy." Public calamities had again
aroused the mob against the Christians. The imperial decree, "not fit
to be executed even against barbarous enemies," authorised the use
of torture to discover Christians and to compel them to recant, and
also ordered the confiscation of property. This order to seek out
Christians, and not await formal complaints, seems to mark a new
step in imperial legislation. Still persecution was not general, but
confined to Lyons and Vienne in southern Gaul, and to Asia Minor.
[103:1]

The period from 180 to 249 saw no essential changes.[103:2]

Persecutions were merely local, and depended more upon provincial
feeling and the character of the governor, than on the Emperor.
Some of the Emperors were friendly to the new religion, others quite
hostile. Commodus (180-193), dissolute, timid, and cruel, was
friendly to the Christians owing, probably, to the influence of his
favourite concubine, Marcia, who may have been a Christian.[103:3]
Septimus Severus (193-211), an able soldier, was indifferent to the
new faith up to 202, when he issued a rescript forbidding pagans
from becoming Christians, and enforced the old Trajan law with
considerable severity.[103:4] Caracalla (211-217) and Heliogabalus
(218-222), two of the most contemptible Roman rulers, both
tolerated Christianity. The former recalled banished Christians; the
latter sought to merge Christianity into his own elective system of
religion. Alexander Severus (222-235) actually gave Christianity a
place in his cosmopolitan faith, had a bust of Jesus set up in his
private chapel, allowed churches to be built, and protected the
Christians. But Christianity was not legalised. On the contrary,
Ulpian, the great jurist, collected for public use in case of need all
the imperial laws against the new faith.[104:1] Maximinus the
Thracian (235-238), a coarse, brutal, military leader, ordered that all
officers of the churches should be "put to death as responsible for
the gospel teaching."[104:2] Philip the Arabian (244-248) was
reported to be a Christian—at all events Christians were not
punished during his rule.[104:3]
The last period of persecution (249-311) was characterised by civil
and moral decline in the Empire and by the amazing growth of
Christianity, which had become bold and aggressive. It must either
be exterminated, or else adopted as the state religion. Hence the
Emperors, who sought to restore the old power and splendour of
ancient Rome, showed the greatest severity. Decius (249-251)
issued the first edict of universal persecution (250) as a political
necessity.[104:4] Local officials, under the threat of severe penalties,
were required to compel all Christians to conform to the state
religion. Christians might flee, but their property was confiscated and
their return meant death. The inquisitorial process was employed
and penalties were severe, especially for the leaders.[104:5] Decius
declared that he would rather hear of the rise of a rival Emperor
than of the appointment of a Roman bishop.[105:1] Valerian (253-
260) was said at first to be "mild and friendly toward the men of
God,"[105:2] but public disasters and the advice of his friends led him
to renew the persecutions, so he issued an edict in 257 commanding
Christians to conform to the state religion on pain of banishment.
The assembly of Christians was forbidden,[105:3] and the bishops
were banished. The next year he promulgated a second decree more
sanguinary than that of Decius, because it condemned all bishops,
priests, and deacons to death.[105:4] Gallienus (260-268) recalled
the exiled Christians, restored their church property, and forbade
further persecution,[105:5] but Aurelian (270-275) ordered the old
laws enforced with renewed vigour.[105:6] His death, however,
prevented the execution of the order; and thus the Christians had
about forty years of peace.
Under Diocletian (284-305), a warrior statesman, occurred the last,
longest, and harshest persecution.[105:7] It was mildest in the West
and worst in Syria and Egypt, and endured ten years. This Emperor,
apparently, took up the sword very reluctantly. In 287 he issued a
decree against the Manichæans in Egypt which was a general
condemnation of Christianity. In 295 all soldiers were ordered to
sacrifice on pain of expulsion, or, in obstinate cases, execution. In
303 Christians were accused of burning the imperial palace at
Nicomedia and suffered accordingly. An imperial edict commanded
the churches to "be razed to the ground, the Scriptures destroyed by
fire," Christian officials degraded, Christian servants enslaved,
bishops imprisoned and forced to sacrifice, and torture employed to
compel Christians to conform.[106:1] Everywhere these laws were
executed, Eusebius says, with great severity until checked by the
edict of limited toleration by Galerius and his co-regents in 311,
[106:2] and stopped by the decree of complete toleration granted by

Constantine in 313[106:3] after a glorious struggle of 250 years.

The results of the persecutions were very marked and have been
both exaggerated and ignored:
1. The growth of Christianity was helped rather than hindered.
Persecution advertised the new belief and won sympathy. It created
an intense devotion to the cause, proved the truth of the religion,
and made a martyr's crown desirable. Tertullian exclaimed: "Go on!
rack, torture, grind us to powder; our members increase in
proportion as you mow us down. The blood of Christians is their
harvest seed. Your very obstinacy is a teacher. For who is not incited
by a consideration of it to enquire what there is in the core of the
matter? And who, after having joined us, does not long to suffer?"
The period of persecution ended with a conquest of the Emperor
and a large part of the Empire. The victory was thus a double one.
2. The organisation of the Church was effected. Persecution forced
the Church to organise itself more efficiently, produced responsible
leaders, who were forced to direct the struggle against Rome and
who, as a result, were given pre-eminence by special punishment,
and developed the monarchio-episcopal system. The extraordinary
development of the power of the Bishop of Rome, in particular, was
influenced to a far greater degree than is ordinarily taken into
account. Much emphasis has been laid on the fact that that epoch of
outlawry ended by the adoption of Christianity by the Empire. A
much more important result, however, is found in the fact that
Christianity, for weal or woe, adopted the Roman Empire.
3. The Church was kept purer in belief and more united in form. The
spiritual was magnified over the temporal. Common oppression
joined Christians in common sympathy. The differences between
Christianity and paganism were emphasised. With death over their
heads the Christians thought little of life here but much of that
hereafter and regulated their lives accordingly. Still the growing
consciousness that the Church was a world-wide institution must
have been powerfully stimulated. With the evolution of the idea of
Christian unity appeared the conspicuous leadership of the Roman
Church. Irenæus (d. 202) could declare that it was "a matter of
necessity that every church should agree with this church, on
account of its pre-eminent authority." Tertullian (c. 220) also
recognised the distinction of the Roman Church, though later he
questioned the validity of the Petrine claim. It was left to Cyprian (d.
258) to give the first complete account of the Universal or Catholic
Church in his work on the Unity of the Church.
4. Persecution produced a group of extraordinary literary defenders
like the apologists, controversialists, and letter writers, and helped to
develop the fundamental, orthodox Christian doctrine. It also
produced much legendary poetry; and out of this baptism of blood
was created the heroic age of the Church, based partly on fact and
partly on fiction.
5. The forms of worship were modified, the worship of saints and
relics was originated, and the priesthood was sanctified and set
above the laity.
6. An example was furnished for later persecutions of the pagans,
Mohammedans, Jews, and heretics.

Sources

A.—PRIMARY:
I.—CHRISTIAN.

1.—New Testament.
2.—Church Fathers.
1.—Clement, Ep. to Cor., ch. 5-7. Lightfoot, Lond.,
1891.
2.—Justin Martyr, 1 Apol., ch. 5, 24, 31, 52. 2
Apol., ch. 2, 8. Dialog. with Trypho, ch. 110.
Ante-Nic. Lib., ii., 1, 2, 79.
3.—Athenagoras, Plea for the Christians, ch. 1-4,
12, 31. Ib., ii., 375.
4.—Minucius Felix, The Octavius. Ib., 451-571.
5.—Severus, Sacred Hist., ii., ch. 28-33. Nic. and
Post-Nic. Fathers xi.
6.—Tertullian, To Scapulam, ch. 4. Ib., ii., 49-51.
Apology, ch. 2-16. Ib., 55-84.
 7.—Lactantius, Divine Institutes, v., ch. 1, 9, 11.
Ib., xxii., 92, 93, 98, 99. About the Death of
Persecutors, ch. 4, 7. Ib., xxii., 167, 168,
170.
8.—Origen, Against Celsus, i., ch. 3. Ib., x., 400.
9.—Cyprian, Epistle 80; To Demetrianus, ch. 17.
Ib., viii., 436.
10.—Irenæus, Fragments, ch. 13. Ib., x., 164, 165.
11.—Hippolytus, Christ and Antichrist, ch. 56, 60.
Ib., ix., 34, 35.
12.—Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. Various eds.
II.—HEATHEN WRITERS.

1.—Tacitus, Annals, xi., 15; xv., 38-44.

2.—Juvenal, First Satire, verse 155 ff.
3.—Suetonius, Hist. of the Twelve Cæsars. Tiberius, ch.
36; Claudius, ch. 25, 5; Nero, ch. 16, 38;
Domitian, ch. 12. Bohn.
4.—Dion Cassius, Hist. of Rome. Xiphilin's Abridgment
in Eng. 2 vols. 1704.
5.—Pliny, Letters, x., 96, 97. Transl. by Lewis, Lond.,
1879.
6.—Aurelius, Meditations, xi., 3. Bohn, 1869.
7.—Celsus, Against the Christians. Eng. transl., Lond.,
1869.
8.—Lucian, The Death of Perigrinus. Transl. by Tooke.
Lond., 1820.
3.—Collections.
1.—Univ. of Penn., Translations and Reprints, iv., No. 1.
 2.—Foxe, Acts and Monuments, i.
B.—SECONDARY:
I.—SPECIAL:

1.—Addis, W. E., Christianity in the Roman Empire.

Lond., 1893.
2.—Baring-Gould, Lives of the Saints. N. Y., 1873-7.
3.—Bigg, The Church's Task under the Roman Empire.
Lond., 1903.
4.—Butler, A., Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and Saints.
Dub., 1866.
5.—Carr, A., The Church and the Roman Empire. Lond.,
1886.
6.—Casy, J., Trials and Triumphs of the Church. Dub.,
1899.
7.—Castelloe, B. F. C., The Church and the Catacombs.
Lond., 1894.
8.—Croke, A. D., The Church and the Roman Empire.
Lond., 1890.
9.—Döllinger, J. J. I., Hippolytus and Callistus. Edinb.,
1876. First Age of Christianity. Lond., 1877.
10.—Gregg, J. A. F., The Decian Persecutions. Edinb.,
1897.
11.—Hardy, E. G., Christianity and the Roman
Government. Lond., 1894.
12.—Healy, P. J., The Valerian Persecution. N. Y., 1905.
13.—Lightfoot, J. B., St. Clement of Rome, i., 69-81.
Ignatius, i., 69.
 14.—Mason, A. J., The Diocletian Persecution. Lond.,
1876.
15.—Newton, R., Heroes of the Early Church. Lond.,
1889.
16.—Oxenham, H. N., Studies in Ecclesiastical History
and> Biography. Lond., 1884. 27-56.
17.—Perram, A. F., Stories about the Early Christians.
Lond., 1887.
18.—Pressensé, E. de, The Martyrs and Apologists. N.
Y., 1873. i., ch. 2-14.
19.—Ramsay, W. M., The Church in the Roman Empire.
N. Y., 1893.
20.—Rankin, J., The First Saints. Lond., 1893.
21.—Renan, E., Marcus Aurelius. Antichrist.
22.—Spence, H. D. M., Early Christianity and Paganism.
N. Y. and Lond., 1902.
23.—Steere, E., Persecutions of the Early Church.
Lond., 1880.
24.—Uhlhorn, G., The Conflict of Christianity with
Heathenism. N. Y., 1879.
25.—Watson, F., Defenders of the Faith. Lond., 1888.
26.—Workman, H. B., Persecution in the Early Church.
Lond., 1906.
II.—GENERAL:

Alzog, i., sec. 48, 64-70. Backhouse, pt. 2, ch. 2-8.

Bartlett, ch. 2. Baur, ii., 215-221. Bouzique, i., ch.
3. Burton, ch. 2, 5, 7-11, 13, 16, 17. Butler, ch. 6-8.
Chantrel, ch. 3. Cheetham, ch. 3, sec. 1. Clarke, ch.
1, 2. Coxe, ch. 2, sec. 27. Croke, ch. 1-10. Crooks,
ch. 14. Darras, i., ch. 1-14. Döllinger, i., ch. 1, sec.
9, 10. Duff, ch. 11, 13, 15, 16, 22-25, 30. Fisher,
pd. 2, ch. 1. Foulkes, ch. 1-3. Gieseler, i., 119.
Gilmartin, i., ch. 5. Guericke, 77-102. Hase, 42-55.
Hore, ch. 3. Hurst, i., 161-179. Jackson, ch. 2-3.
Jennings, i., ch. 2-3. Knight, ch. 2-5. Kurtz, i., sec.
21, 22. Merivale, 6-8. Milman, bk. i., ch. 1. Milner, i.,
cent. 2-4. Moeller, i., 74, 82, 159, 190. Neander, i.,
86. Newman, i., 147. Robertson, bk. i., ch. 1-3, 5-7.
Schaff, ii., 31 ff.
FOOTNOTES:
[91:1] Hardy, 1-18.
[91:2] Examples: Cybele, Bellona, Magna Mater.
[91:3] Examples: Cult of Isis excluded from Rome 58 B.C.
(Tertullian, Apol.). Temples of Isis and Serapis destroyed 50 B.C.
(Dion Cassius, xi., 47). Repeated measures later. Jews expelled
from Rome.
[92:1] Neander, i., 89; Fisher, 30. Caligula, it seems, expelled the
Jews from Rome; Claudius (41-54) first forbade their assembling
(Dion Cassius, 60, 6) and then sought to drive them out of the
capital (Orosius, Hist., 7, 6.)
[92:2] For individuals like Stephen, Acts vii., 58; James, Acts xii.,
2; Peter, Acts iv.; xii., 3; Paul, Acts ix., 23, 24; xiv., 5, 19; xvii., 13;
xxiii., 12; xvi., 23; xxii., 24. For masses see Acts viii., 1-4; Acts
xxvi., 10-12; Clement, Recognitions, i., ch. 53, 71; Justin Martyr, 1
Apol., ch. 36; Dialogue with Trypho, ch. 16, 39, 96, 115.
[92:3] Hurst, i., 153.
[92:4] Acts, xviii., 14, 15; xxi., 31, 32; xxiv., 1-27; xxv., 14; xxvi.,
32; Uhlhorn, 238.
[92:5] Origen, Against Celsus, iii., 1-3.
[93:1] Concerning Laws, i., pt. 2, ch. 8. This was also the ancient
principle of the XII. Tables.
[93:2] Bk. iii., ch. 4, par. 1.
[93:3] See Tertullian and Celsus.
[94:1] Address reported by Dion Cassius.
[94:2] Ramsay, 356.
[94:3] Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christ. with Heathenism, 231.
[95:1] Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christ. with Heathenism, 234.
[95:2] Gibbon, ii., bk. 3, ch. 16.
[95:3] Uhlhorn, 224; Moeller, i., 81.
[96:1] Octav., c. 8.
[96:2] Annales, xv., c. 44.
[96:3] Alzog, i., 257.
[96:4] Acts xix., 24 ff.; Pliny, Ep., x., 97; Neander, i., 92.
[96:5] For a detailed statement of the accusations read the
apologies of Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, Tertullian, and Origen.
[96:6] Cyprian, To Demetrianus, 1; Origen, Against Celsus, iii., ch.
16; Tertullian, Apol., ch. 40; To Nations, 9; Alzog, i., 261.
[96:7] Justin Martyr, Apol., i., ch. 6, 13, 17; Arnobius, Against
Gentes, iii., ch. 28.
[97:1] A crucifix with the head of an ass and body of a man was
actually dug up in Rome and is now exhibited in a museum there.
In Tertullian's day there was circulated a picture of a man with the
ears of an ass, clothed in a toga, holding a book, and with these
words beneath: "The God of the Christians" (Apol., 16; Ad. Nat.,
11, 14; Tacitus, Hist., v., 3). In the Palace of the Cæsars a rough
sketch of a crucified man with an ass's head was found (Hist.
Photographs, No. 107, Oxf., 1870; Univ. Quart., July, 1879, p.
338).
[97:2] Origen, Against Celsus, viii., ch. 75; Apol., ch. 29, 35, and
39; Tertullian, Concerning Idol., ch. 17; De Cor. Mil., i., c. 15.
[97:3] Cf. Luke, xxi., 16.
[97:4] Hence all the hatred and prejudice of the Romans for the
Jews were turned against the Christians. Gibbon, ii., 6; Gieseler,
i., p. 101.
[98:1] Origen declared that the number of Christian martyrs was
small and easily counted. Celsum, c. 3.
[98:2] Gibbon, ii., ch. 16; Uhlhorn, 234, 235.
[98:3] Moeller, i., 193.
[99:1] Tacitus, Ann., xv., 44. It seems to be very probable that
persecutions by the Roman government occurred earlier than this.
1 Pet.; Rev. ii., 13; xx., 4.
[99:2] Schiller, Lipsius, and Hausrath.
[99:3] Notably Merivale.
[99:4] Hardy, Uhlhorn, Ramsay, Allard, and Harnack.
[99:5] E. Th. Klette, Nero and the Christians, who relies for his
conclusions on sources prior to Tacitus, repudiates the scapegoat
theory. He contends that Nero, influenced by Jewish intrigue,
publicly punished the Christians as Christians and because of the
popular suspicions against them, so as to make it appear that the
burning of Rome was due to the wrath of the gods.
[100:1] Juvenal, Sat., i., 155 ff.; Seneca, Ep., 14; Clement, To
Corinth, 6; Euseb., ii., c. 25; Orosius, vii., c. 7. Cf. Ramsay, Ch. in
Rom. Emp. 226 ff.
[100:2] Sulp. Severus, Chron. ii., c. 29; Transl. and Rep., iv., 6.
[100:3] Mommsen, Sandy, Hardy, Ramsay.
[100:4] Mommsen, v., 523 n.
[100:5] Sulp. Severus, Chron., ii., c. 30, 6; Transl. and Rep., iv., 6-
8.
[101:1] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iii., c. 18; Dion Cass., lxvii., c. 14.;
Suet., Dom., c. 15; Transl. and Rep., iv., 6.
[101:2] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iv., 26.
[101:3] Hegesippus, quoted in Eusebius, Eccl. Hist., iii., c. 20;
Tertullian; Clement of Rome, 1st Epistle.
[101:4] Melito of Sardica (c. 170), Lactantius, Eusebius, and the
mediæval writers generally held that he was rather favourable to
Christians.
[101:5] Gieseler, Aubé, Overbeek, Uhlhorn, Keim and Renan held
that Trajan began a new era unfavourable to Christians but
Lightfoot, Hardy, and Ramsay explain it on the ground of political
expediency.
[101:6] Pliny wrote sixty letters to Trajan and Trajan made forty-
eight replies. These have all been translated into English. Read
letters 96 and 97. See Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 8.
[102:1] For an excellent discussion of the significance of the
Trajan prosecutions, see Ramsay, Ch. in Rom. Emp., 190-225.
[102:2] Authenticity of this document is doubted by Baur, Klein,
Lipsius, Overbeek, Aubé, McGiffert, etc., but defended by Ramsay,
Lightfoot, Mommsen, Allard, Funk, Ranke, Uhlhorn, Moeller, etc.
See Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 10.
[102:3] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., iv., c. 13, 26; Tertullian; Harnack,
article on Pius in Herzog-Hauck, Real Encyc.
[103:1] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., v., c. 1; Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p.
11.
[103:2] This period saw seventeen different Emperors.
[103:3] See Eusebius on this reign, Eccl. Hist., v., c. 9-24.
[103:4] Clement of Alexandria wrote: "Many martyrs are daily
burned, crucified, and beheaded before our eyes." Origen's father
was among them. At Scillite in Numidia 200 suffered. Transl. and
Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 20. At Carthage two young women were given
to wild beasts. Tertullian refers to other persecutions. Euseb.,
Eccl. Hist., vi., c. 1, 7.
[104:1] Moeller, i., 191.
[104:2] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vi., c. 28; Origen, On Martyrdom.
[104:3] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vi., c. 34.
[104:4] The text of this decree has been lost. Two later decrees
were issued—the first exiling Church officers, the second
condemning them to death. See Gregg, The Decian Persecution.
[104:5] Read Cyprian, Concerning the Lapsed, iii., c. 8, for the
most vivid account; Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 21.
[105:1] Cyprian, Ep. to Antonian.
[105:2] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vii., c. 10; Gregg, The Decian
Persecution.
[105:3] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vii., c. 11.
[105:4] Cyprian, Ep., 81; Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, 20, 22, 23.
[105:5] Euseb., Eccl. Hist., vii., c. 13 ff.
[105:6] Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 26.
[105:7] Mason, The Persecution of Diocletian.
[106:1] Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 26; Euseb., Eccl. Hist., viii.-
x.; Uhlhorn, 407.
[106:2] Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 28; Euseb., Eccl. Hist., viii.,
17.
[106:3] Transl. and Rep., iv., No. 1, p. 29.
 CHAPTER VII
TRANSITION OF THE CHURCH UNDER CONSTANTINE

Outline: I.—Condition of the Empire in 300. II.—How

Constantine became Emperor. III.—Constantine's
conversion to Christianity. IV.—Constantine's favours to
Christianity. V.—Constantine's character. VI.—Constantine's
historical significance. VII.—Sources.
To understand the great changes that took place in the Christian
Church under Constantine, it is necessary to keep distinctly in mind
both the status of Christianity, on the one hand, and the general
conditions of the Empire, on the other.
In territorial extent the Empire still formed a huge fringe around the
Mediterranean Sea and had lost but little of its vastness under Trajan
(98-117). Under Diocletian (284-305) the Empire became an
undisguised oriental despotism. The administration was divided
between two Augusti, each of whom had an associate, called Cæsar.
This division of rule, with its increased expense, aroused much
jealousy and discontent, and greatly weakened the Empire. As many
as six rival Emperors appeared at once, and out of the rivalry
emerged Constantine the Great as the sole ruler of the Empire. Wars
with the Persians in the east and with the barbarians on the north
accelerated the declining political morality. At the same time social
classes became more marked, and moral standards lower. Schools
were neglected, literature became superficial, poetry lost its voice,
and oratory declined. Paganism, largely a form of patriotism and
national festivity, still numbered many adherents, but it was not
deeply rooted in their hearts.
Christianity, in the face of outlawry and severe persecution, had
spread steadily and marvellously, and particularly among the
substantial people of the Empire.[113:1] It is difficult to estimate the
number of Christians because few records were left and the number
of real believers was much larger than the professed adherents. The
earlier estimates are probably too low. After more careful
investigation, 30,000,000 may be safely given as indicating the
numerical strength of the new creed.[113:2] When Constantine the
Great appeared, therefore, old pagan Rome was declining, while a
new Christian Rome was rapidly rising. Christianity would
undoubtedly have gained the victory sooner or later had Constantine
not appeared as its champion.
Constantine was born about 274 at Naïssus, in Upper Moesia. His
father was Constantius Chlorus, a nephew of Emperor Claudius, the
conqueror of the Goths, who was selected as Cæsar of the West
possibly because of his imperial connection. His mother was Helena,
the daughter of an innkeeper, and not the fabled English princess.
She was only a concubine, who, however, was made a legal wife
after the birth of Constantine.[113:3] She was a Christian, it seems,
and no doubt taught the new faith to both her husband and son.
[114:1]

Constantine's education was gained mostly in court circles and on

the battle-field. As a boy he was instructed in the schools of
Drepanum in Cilicia, his mother's birthplace, later changed to
Helenapolis. Little is known about this phase of his training, and
there are reasons for believing that it was not very comprehensive.
In 292, when Constantine was eighteen, his father became Cæsar of
the West, divorced his mother, and sent him to be educated as a sort
of hostage at the court of Diocletian at Nicomedia. There he
acquired his preliminary military training and political education.
With Diocletian he made an expedition to Egypt via Palestine (296)
and the next year joined Galerius in a campaign against the
Persians. He soon won a reputation as a bold warrior, and became a
popular leader. Indeed his superior ability aroused the jealousy of
Galerius, who purposely exposed him to the gravest dangers, thus
hoping to get rid of him. After his military success, he was made
tribune of the first rank. Skilled in the art of politics at the court of
the Eastern rulers, and having won his spurs in battle, he expected
to be elevated to the office of Cæsar, when Diocletian resigned in
305, but was defeated by Galerius, who succeeded Diocletian as
Augustus, and chose his own nephew as Cæsar. This was a keen
disappointment to young Constantine.[114:2]
In 305, Constantius Chlorus succeeded Maximian, who had resigned
by agreement with Diocletian, as Augustus of the West, and, since
there was no reason why an Augustus should leave his son as
hostage at the court of an equal, he demanded the return of
Constantine. Galerius reluctantly consented, but before the official
permit was executed, Constantine, fearing treachery, fled at night,
maimed the post-horses to prevent pursuit, and reached Boulogne
just in time to go with his father to Britain.[115:1]
After an easy conquest of Britain, Constantius Chlorus died at York
(July, 306), having named his son as his successor, whereupon the
soldiers immediately saluted Constantine as Augustus.[115:2]
Although this was the ancient practice, and Constantine was eligible
for the office both by heredity and by preparation, still,
constitutionally, the nomination rested with Galerius, who, enraged
at the usurpation, and also at Constantine's shrewd diplomatic letter,
allowed him only the title of Cæsar.[115:3] No man in the Empire was
better fitted by age, appearance, previous training, and ability, for
the higher office. Backed by his army, Constantine continued his
father's policy to defend the Gauls against the Franks and Germans,
and to develop the prosperity of the country. He married Maximian's
daughter (307) as a diplomatic precaution and was recognised by
him as Augustus. Meanwhile Maxentius, the son of Maximian, who,
discovered in conspiracy, had committed suicide, had assumed the
imperial purple at Rome and now took his father's death as a pretext
for war against Constantine.[115:4] Encouraged by a Roman
embassy, Constantine at once hastily marched toward Rome and at
Milvian Bridge defeated his rival, who was drowned in the Tiber
(312). Constantine was now sole Emperor of the West. In 324
Licinius was defeated in the East and Constantine had become
Emperor of the united Roman Empire.
Constantine's connection with Christianity marks a new epoch in the
history of the Church. Under him the new faith was legalised,
emancipated, protected, and given lands and buildings.
Constantine's mother, who was a Christian, probably gave him his
first favourable impressions of the outlawed religion. As a boy he
must have heard it discussed as a topic for both light and serious
conversation. At the court of Diocletian and Galerius he saw the
edict of persecution proclaimed in 303 and must have witnessed the
action of Christians under martyrdom, noticed their marvellous
growth in the face of outlawry and punishment, and perhaps came
to look with some favour upon their teachings. When he succeeded
his father as Emperor of the West, he continued his father's policy of
toleration and let Diocletian's edict of persecution fall as a dead
letter.[116:1]
Tradition tells us that Constantine was converted to Christianity
suddenly by a miracle. One day, during the conflict with Maxentius at
Milvian Bridge, he and his whole army saw a bright cross in the
heavens with this inscription in Greek on it: "In this sign, conquer."
In a dream that night Christ appeared to him and commanded him
to use the emblem of the cross as his battle ensign, and promised
him victory in consequence. Constantine immediately had the costly
labarum made to be carried before his army and with it at Milvian
Bridge, ten miles from Rome, he vanquished his foe.[117:1]
Three theories have been proposed to explain the spectacle of the
cross: 1. That it was a genuine miracle, supported by the following
facts: (a) Eusebius, who gives us the first account, had all the
evidence directly from Constantine himself under oath; (b)
Constantine's whole army "witnessed the miracle and put the
emblem on their shields"[117:2]; (c) Socrates says the original
standard could still be seen in his day.[117:3] The older historians all
upheld the miracle, although few scholars to-day take that view.
[117:4] 2. That it was a natural phenomenon coloured by
Constantine's imagination, or an optical illusion, or a dream.[117:5] 3.
That it was a pious fraud, deliberately invented either by
Constantine, or by Eusebius.[117:6] Whatever the theories may be,
the fact remains that for some reason Constantine invoked the aid of
the Christian's God, and carried the Christian emblem in front of his
troops to one victory after another until he became sole ruler of the
Empire. If it was merely experimenting with the name and cross of
Jesus, the experiment brought convincing belief, for the sacred
emblem was employed in all later military campaigns.
The triumph over Maxentius at Milvian Bridge was a great victory for
Christianity. Constantine had a statue of himself with a cross in his
hands set up in Rome. An inscription on it stated that through
Christianity the glory and freedom of Rome had been restored.[118:1]
Henceforth Constantine extended imperial aid and protection to the
Christians and a new era was opened in the history of the Christian
Church. He endowed and enlarged Christian churches in Rome and
later elsewhere[118:2]; he wrote letters in behalf of Christians in
Africa[118:3]; he made Christian bishops, like Hosius, Lactantius, and
Eusebius, his trusted political advisers; and he enacted laws
legalising the new faith and protecting its adherents.
The edict of limited toleration passed by Galerius in 311, in
conjunction with Constantine and Licinius, was very unsatisfactory.
The Christians might rebuild their churches but were required to
pray for the Emperor.[118:4] A decided preference was shown to
paganism since no person was free to leave his own religion and join
another. This was a great hardship, for many Romans were
Christians at heart and were only waiting for permission to join the
new Church openly.[118:5] To meet the new conditions and to afford
the needed relief, Constantine, jointly with Licinius, in 313 issued the
Edict of Milan, the Magna Charta of religious liberty. It was
promulgated in Greek and Latin over the whole Empire as imperial
law. It did not make Christianity the state religion, as is generally
asserted, but only legalised it, and popularised it. Now people could
and did openly desert the old and join the new faith. Persecutions
were forbidden under severe penalties. Exiles were recalled.
Confiscated property was restored with compensation to the
possessor. All Romans were exhorted to worship the Christian God.
This famous edict was significant, because it put Christianity on an
equality with paganism; gave it opportunity for public organisation,
thus paving the way for the Catholic hierarchy already begun; and
marks a new era in the history of the Christian Church, because at
last a great Roman Emperor and his conquering army had taken up
the sword in defence of persecuted Christianity.[119:1]
The proclamation of emancipation and protection was followed by
other acts which clearly show that Constantine meant to favour and
control the new religion. The Christian clergy were exempted from
military and municipal duties[119:2]—a favour already enjoyed by
pagan priests and even Jewish rabbis (March, 313). The Church
Council of Arles was convoked (314). The emancipation of Christian
slaves was facilitated (315). Various customs and ordinances
offensive to Christians were abolished (316). Bequests to churches
were legalised (321). The cessation of civic business on Sunday was
enjoined, but as a "dies Solis" (321).[120:1] The heathen symbols of
Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, and Hercules were removed from imperial coins
(323). In defeating Licinius (324), a bitter reactionist, Constantine
felt that he was waging war in behalf of Christianity.[120:2] In 324
Constantine issued a general exhortation to all Romans to embrace
the new creed for the common weal. The highest dignities were
opened to Christians. Gifts and remission of taxes enriched their
churches. A craze for buildings led to the erection of churches at
various sacred spots in the Holy Land, at Nicomedia, in
Constantinople, in Rome, and elsewhere. Fifty costly manuscripts of
the Bible were ordered prepared for the leading churches. The
Council of Nicæa was held in 325, the Arian schism healed, and the
first written creed given the Church. Finally, by divine command, as
it was said, Constantine removed his capital from old pagan Rome to
Byzantium, the new Christian Rome, which was renamed
Constantinople (326). This left Christianity in the West, already
strong and active, to organise itself under the guidance of the
Bishop of Rome, and powerfully aided the evolution of the papal
hierarchy. In the East, under imperial protection, the spread and
organisation of the popular belief was phenomenal.
Paganism was still legal, however; its institutions were not attacked
and the privileges of its priests were confirmed. Nevertheless the
triumphs of Christianity were all won at the expense of paganism. As
the new faith arose the old sank, yet not without many a desperate
and even noble effort to persist. Individual cults which were either
immoral or offensive, like that of Venus in Phœnicia, Æsculapius at
Ægæ, and the Nile-priests at Heliopolis, were prohibited.[121:1]
Private haruspices were forbidden. There is even some evidence of a
general edict against sacrifices.[121:2] All of these things indicate the
passing away of the old order and the birth of the new.
Opinion about Constantine's character takes two extreme views. On
the one hand it is held that in 312 Constantine, like Paul, was
miraculously converted to Christianity and that from that day forth
he was a saint incarnate. Eusebius, and later panegyrists like
Mosheim, are responsible for this picture. To this day the Greek
churches celebrate his memory as St. "Equal of the Apostles." On
the other hand it is asserted that he was nothing but a shrewd
politician, able to read the signs of the times, who assumed an
outward connection with Christianity solely for political expediency.
Zosimus, a pagan historian, gives the worst account, ascribing to
him the basest motive for every deed. Keim calls him a political
trickster, and Burckhardt styles him a "murdering egoist" and
"politischer Rechner" without a spark of Christianity.[121:3]
Was Constantine a Christian? The query is a difficult one to answer
because ten men would each give a different definition of the
essentials of a Christian. The favourable evidence will be considered
first. Constantine's activity in behalf of the new religion, already
mentioned, shows at least his sympathy for it and no doubt his belief
in it. His imperial laws, improving woman's condition, mitigating
slavery, abolishing crucifixion as a method of punishment, and caring
for the unfortunate, breathe forth the spirit of Christian justice and
humanity.[122:1] He tried to convert his subjects to Christianity
through Christian governors in the provinces, by letters and
sermons, by rewarding towns for converting temples into churches,
and by conforming to Christian worship. He diligently attended divine
services, had a stated hour and place for prayer, fasted, kept Easter
vigils with great devotion, and even invited his subjects to hear him
preach on the folly of paganism and about the truth of Christianity.
He exerted every effort to make Constantinople a Christian city—
churches replaced altars, the imperial palace was adorned with
biblical scenes,[122:2] gladiatorial combats were prohibited, and the
smoke of public sacrifice never rose from the hills of New Rome.
[122:3] The imperial treasury was lavishly used to support

Christianity.[122:4] Constantine's sons were given a Christian

education. He believed in the efficacy of baptism, even though he
did postpone it to the end of his life—a common practice to wash
away all sins. Besides he wished to be baptised in the river Jordan
where Jesus himself was baptised. In 337 he was received into the
Church as a catechumen, promised to live worthily as a follower of
Jesus, was baptised, and wore the white baptismal robe till he died.
[122:5]

The unfavourable evidence submitted leads to the conclusion, held

by some historians, that Constantine's conversion was not genuine,
but due to hypocrisy, superstition, or policy. He retained the title
Pontifex Maximus, head of the old religion. The Edict of Milan
protected paganism and he continued that policy. After defeating
Maxentius at Milvian Bridge he had his triumphal arch erected. The
original inscription said that he triumphed over his rival by the favour
of Jupiter. But these words were later erased and the neutral phrase
"instinctu Divinitas" substituted.[123:1] In Rome he restored pagan
temples and said: "You who consider it profitable to yourselves,
continue to visit the public altars and temples and to observe your
sacred rites."[123:2] Even in Constantinople temples were erected to
the gods. The laws of 319 show that sacrifice still existed—at least in
private houses.[123:3] Pagan emblems were continued on imperial
coins till 330. Constantine, as Pontifex Maximus, continued to attend
the sacred games connected with the pagan religion,[123:4] and even
used pagan rites along with Christian to dedicate his new capital.
[123:5] In 321 he ordered that when lightning should strike the
imperial palace, or any public building, the soothsayers should be
consulted to determine the cause as of old. The same year he
employed heathen magic to heal diseases, to protect crops, to
prevent rain and hail, etc.[123:6] He retained many pagans at court
and in public office, and was very intimate with pagan philosophers
like Sopater.[124:1] In no document did he formally renounce
paganism and declare himself a Christian. He was guilty of weakness
and crimes inconsistent with a Christian life. He was vain, suspicious,
despotic, and gained his ambitious ends through bloody wars. He
was undoubtedly guilty of murdering Licinius, his brother-in-law,
contrary to a sacred pledge; Licinius, the younger, his nephew, a boy
of eleven; Crispus, his eldest son, on the ground of treasonable
conspiracy; and Fausta, his wife, for adultery.[124:2] To wipe away
these sins, and many others, he accepted at the close of his life the
Christian rite of baptism. After his death the Senate voted to place
him among the gods.[124:3]
After weighing all evidence, these historical conclusions may be
drawn:
1. Constantine was primarily a statesman, and wisely used both
paganism and Christianity to unite his Empire and to build up his
autocratic power. He was Pontifex Maximus, not alone of paganism,
but of all religions.[124:4] The grateful Christians heartily granted
that leadership. Up to 323 he kept the two religions equally
balanced, but to do so he was forced to favour Christianity most.
After 323 he depressed paganism and exalted Christianity. Toward
the end of his life he showed a tendency to forcibly suppress the old
religion.
2. Constantine was a Christian, but not as a result of a miracle at
Milvian Bridge. His conversion was a gradual result of many
influences. Training at his Christian mother's knee, paternal
instruction, his youthful observations at the Eastern imperial court, a
growing belief in monotheism, his discontent with the faith of his
fathers and a proneness toward sun-worship, and his religious
philosophy, which led him to look at Christianity as a system of
thought rather than a life creed—a law, not a faith—a world-force of
purity and simplicity—all these factors produced within him a
growing comprehension of the truth, power, and beauty of
Christianity. The cross in the sky and the consequent victories led to
a conviction that God had selected him as the champion of the new
creed, "the bishop of bishops." Contact with the leading Christians in
the Empire, men of heart and brains, greatly increased his
admiration for Christianity and interest in it. Just when he became a
Christian no one can say, but that he died a sincere believer one can
hardly doubt.[125:1]
3. He was a product of his age. He was actuated by both religious
and political motives and was not merely an artful politician. It was
not an easy thing to be a Roman Emperor and at the same time a
Christian. He was guilty of grave crimes, but they were the result of
gusts of passion, like those of Peter the Great, and not of
constitutional depravity. Nor do these sins appear so enormous when
considered in the light of his long, useful career, the dynastic
difficulties confronting him, and the morality of many Christian
leaders of the day. It must not be forgotten that he was a converted
heathen, that the Christian code had not yet become the moral
code, and that the integrity of the Empire stood above family ties
and even religious demands.
4. He made his age the beginning of a new era. He enabled
Christianity to become the moulding spirit of Western civilisation. He
was the first representative of that theoretical Christian theocracy
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