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TRAVELLING

2008
IN EUROPE

European Union
 V E L L I N G
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see inside

This Travelling in Europe 2008 leaflet

is also published on the internet in an
extended version, which provides links
to more detailed information on the
subjects covered:
europa.eu/abc/travel
You can find this leaflet and other short,
clear explanations about the EU online
at ec.europa.eu/publications

European Commission
Directorate-General for Communication
Publications
B-1049 Brussels
Manuscript completed in December 2007
© European Communities, 2008
Reproduction is authorised.
Cover illustrations: © Image Select, © Corbis,
© Van Parys Media
ISBN 978-92-79-07152-2
NA-80-07-172-EN-C

9 789279 071522
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 IX.
THE SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE
HUGUENOTS TO FLORIDA.

The Fortress of La Caroline and the Colony of Laudonniere.

Thus, unhappily, as we have seen, ended the first experiment of

Coligny for the establishment of a Huguenot colony in the territory of
the Floridian. The disasters which had attended the fortunes of the
garrison at Fort Charles, were due, in some degree, to its seeming
abandonment by their founder. But Coligny was blameless in this
abandonment. When Ribault returned to France, from his first
voyage, the civil wars had again begun, depriving the admiral of the
means for succoring the colony, as had been promised. Nearly two
years had now elapsed from that period, before he could recover the
power which would enable him to send supplies or recruits for its
maintenance. In all this time, with the exception of the small domain
occupied by Fort Charles, the country lay wholly derelict, and in the
keeping of the savages. But Coligny was now in a condition to
resume his endeavors in behalf of his colony. He was again in
possession of authority. The assassination of the Duke of Guise had
restored to France the blessings of peace; and Coligny seized upon
this interval of repose, to inquire after the settlement which had
been made by Ribault. Three ships, and a considerable amount of
money, were accorded to his application; and the new armament
was assigned to the command of René Laudonniere—a man of
intelligence, a good seaman rather than a soldier, and one who had
accompanied Ribault on his first expedition, though he had not
remained with the colony. [17] Laudonniere found it easy enough to
procure his men, not only for the voyage but the colony. The civil
wars had produced vast numbers of restless and destitute spirits,
who longed for nothing so much as employment and excitement.
Besides, there was a vague attraction for the imagination, in the
tales which had reached the European world, of the wondrous
sweetness and beauty of the region to which they were invited.
Florida still continued, even at this period, to be the country beyond
all others in the new world, which appealed to the fancies and the
appetites of the romantic, the selfish, and the merely adventurous.
Ribault’s own account of it had described the wondrous sweetness of
its climate, and the exquisite richness and variety of its fruits and
flowers. Then, there were the old dreams which had beguiled the
Spanish cavalier, Hernando de Soto, and had filled with the desires
and the hopes of youth, the aged heart of Juan Ponce de Leon. It
did not matter if death did keep the portals of the country. This
guardianship only seemed the more certainly to denote the precious
treasures which were concealed within. In the absence of any
certain knowledge, men dreamed of spoils within its bowels, such as
had been yielded to Cortes and Pizarro, by the great cities and
teeming mountains of Tenochtitlan and Peru. They had heard true
stories of its fruits and flowers; of its bland airs, so friendly to the
invalid; of its delicious fountains, in which healing and joy lay
together in sweet communion. It was the region in which, according
to tradition, life enjoyed not only an exquisite, but an extended
tenure, almost equalling that of the antediluvian ages. Its genial
atmosphere was supposed to possess properties particularly
favorable to the prolongation of human life. Laudonniere himself tells
us of natives whom he had seen who were certainly more than two
hundred and fifty years old, and yet, who entertained a reasonable
hope of living fifty or a hundred years longer. These may have been
exaggerations, but they are such as the human imagination loves to
indulge in. But there was comparative truth in the assertion. Portions
of the Floridian territory are, to this day, known to be favorable to
health and longevity in a far greater degree than regions in other
respects more favored; and, in the temperate habits, the hardy
exercises, the simple lives of the red-men, unvexed by cares and
anxieties, and unsubdued by toils, they probably realized many of
the alleged blessings of a golden age. But the attractions of this
region were not estimated only with respect to attractions such as
these. The fountains of the marvellous which had been opened by
the great discoverers, Columbus and Cortes, Balboa and Pizarro,
were not to be quickly closed. The passion for adventure, in the
exploration of new countries, made men easy of belief; and any
number of emigrants were prepared to accompany our second
Huguenot expedition. The armament of Laudonniere was ready for
sea, and sailed from France on the 22d April, 1564. [18] A voyage of
two months brought the voyagers to the shores of New France,
which they reached the 25th of June, 1564. The land made was very
nearly in the same latitude as in the former expedition. It was a
favorable period for seeing the country in all its natural loveliness;
and the delight of the voyagers may be imagined, when, at May
River, they found themselves welcomed by the Indians, such of the
whites particularly as were recognized to have been of the squadron
of Ribault. The savages hailed them as personal friends and old
acquaintances. When they landed, they were eagerly surrounded by
the simple and delighted natives, men and women, and conducted,
with great ceremonials, to the spot where Ribault had set up a stone
column, with the arms of France, “upon a little sandie knappe, not
far from the mouth of the said river.” It was with a pleased surprise
that Laudonniere found the pillar encircled and crowned with
wreaths of bay and laurel, with which the affectionate red-men had
dressed the stone, in proof of the interest which they had taken in
this imposing memorial of their intercourse with the white strangers.
The foot of the pillar was surrounded by little baskets of maize and
beans; and these were brought in abundance, in token of their
welcome, and yielded by these generous sons of the forest to their
new visitors, at the foot of the pillar which they had thus
consecrated to their former friendship. They kissed the column, and
made the French do likewise. Their Paracoussy, or king, was named
Satouriova, the oldest of whose sons, named Athore, is described by
Laudonniere as “perfect in beautie.” Satouriova presented
Laudonniere with a “wedge of silver”—one of those gifts which by no
means lessened the importance of the giver, or of his country, in the
eyes of our voyager. His natural inquiry was whence the silver came.
“Then he showed me by evident signes that all of it came from a
place more within the river, by certain days journeyes from this
place, and declared unto us that all that which they had thereof,
they gat it by force of armes of the inhabitants of this place, named
by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and natural enemies, as hee
largely declared. Whereupon, when I saw with what affection and
passion hee spake when hee pronounced Thimogoa, I understood
what he would say; and to bring myself more into his favour, I
promised him to accompany him with all my force, if hee would fight
against them: which thing pleased him in such sorte, that, from
thenceforth, hee promised himselfe the victorie of them, and
assured mee that hee would make a voyage thither within a short
space, and would commaund his men to make ready their bowes
and furnish themselves with such store of arrows, that nothing
should bee wanting to give battaile to Thimogoa. In fine, he prayed
me very earnestly not to faile of my promise, and, in so doing, he
hoped to procure me golde and silver, in such good quantitie, that
mine affaires should take effect according to mine owne and his
desire.”
Here then we see cupidity beginning to plant in place of religion. Our
Huguenot tells us of no prayers which he made, of no religious
services which he ordered, in presence of the savages, for their
benefit and his own. But his sole curiosity is to know where the gold
grows, and to prompt the evil passions of the red-men to violence
and strife with one another, in order that he may procure the object
of his avarice.
With night, the parties separated, the French retiring to their ships
and the Indians to the cover of their forests. But Laudonniere had
something more to learn. The next day, “being allured with this good
entertainment,” the visit was renewed. “We found him, (the
Paracoussy) under shadow of an arbor, accompanied with four-score
Indians at the least, and apparelled, at that time, after the Indian
fashion; to wit, with a great hart’s skin dressed like chamois, and
painted with divers colours, but of so lively a portraiture, and
representing antiquity, with rules so justly compassed, that there is
no painter so exquisite that coulde finde fault therewith. The natural
disposition of this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that,
without any ayd and favour of artes, they are able, by the help of
nature onely, to content the eye of artizans; yea, even of those
which, by their industry, are able to aspire unto things most
absolute.”
What Laudonniere means by the paintings of the Indians,
“representing antiquity,” is not so clear. But it may be well, in this
place, to mention that we do not rely here on the opinions of a mere
sailor or soldier. In this expedition, Coligny had sent out a painter of
considerable merit, named James Le Moyne, otherwise de Morgues,
who was commissioned to execute colored drawings of all the
objects which might be supposed likely to interest the European eye.
To this painter are we indebted for numerous pictures of the people
and the region, their modes of life, costume and exercises, which are
now invaluable.
The Huguenots left their Indian friends with reluctance. As the ships
coasted along the shores, pursuing their way up the river, the word
“ami,” one of the few French words which the simple red-men had
retained, resounded, in varied accents, from men and women, who
followed the progress of the strangers, running along the margin of
the river, as long as the ships continued in sight. The French have
not often abused the hospitality of the aborigines. In this respect,
they rank much more humanly and honorably than either the English
or the Spanish people. With a greater moral flexibility, which yields
something to acquire more, they accommodated themselves to the
race which they discovered, and, readily conforming to some of the
habits of the red-men, acquired an influence over them which the
people of no other nation have ever been able to obtain. It was with
tears that the simple hunters along May River beheld the vessels of
the Frenchmen gradually sinking from their eyes.
The vessels of Laudonniere passed up the river, himself and parties
of his people landing occasionally, to examine particular spots of
country. They are everywhere received with kindness. Two of the
Indian words—“Antipola Bonassou,”—meaning “Friend and
Brother,”—the French made use of to secure a favorable welcome
everywhere.
Monsieur de Ottigny, a lieutenant of Laudonniere, with a small party,
is conducted into the presence of a Cassique, whose great apparent
age prompts him to inquire concerning it. “Whereunto he made
answer, shewing that he was the first living originall from whence
five generations were descended, as he shewed unto them by
another olde man that sate directly over against him, which farre
exceeded him in age. And this man was his father, which seemed to
be rather a dead carkiss than a living body; for his sinewes, his
veines, his arteries, his bones and other partes appeared so cleerely
thorow his skinne, that a man might easily tell them and discerne
them one from one another. Also his age was so great that the
goode man had lost his sight, and could not speake one onely word
but with exceeding great paine. Monsieur de Ottigni, having seene
so strange a thing, turned to the younger of these two olde men,
praying him to vouchsafe to answer to him that which he demanded
touching his age. Then the olde man called a company of Indians,
and striking twise upon his thigh, and laying his hand upon two of
them, he shewed him by synes that these two were his sonnes;
again smiting upon their thighes, he shewed him others not so olde
which were the children of the two first, which he continued in the
same manner until the fifth generation. But, though this olde man
had his father alive, more olde than himselfe, and that bothe of
them did weare their haire very long and as white as was possible,
yet it was tolde them that they might yet live thirtie or fortie yeeres
more by the course of nature: although the younger of them both
was not lesse than two hundred and fiftie yeeres olde. After he had
ended his communication he commanded two young eagles to be
given to our men, which hee had bred up for his pleasure in his
house.”
A fitting gift at the close of such a narrative! Certainly, a patriarchal
family; and, though we may doubt the correctness of this primitive
mode of computing the progress of the sun, there can be no
question that the Floridians were distinguished by a longevity wholly
unparalleled in modern experience. It is claimed that the anglo-
American races who have since occupied the same region, have
shared, in some degree, in this prolonged duration of human life.
While the lieutenant of Laudonniere was thus held in discourse by
the aged Indians, his commander was enjoying himself in more
luxurious fashion. A particular eminence in the neighborhood of the
river had fixed his eye, which he explored. Here he reposed himself
for several hours. It is pleasant to hear our Frenchman’s discourse of
the beauty of the spot where his siesta was enjoyed.
“Upon the top thereof, we found nothing else but cedars, palms, and
bay trees, of so sovereign odor, that balm smelleth nothing in
comparison. The trees were environed round with vines, bearing
grapes in such quantity that the number would suffice to make the
place habitable. Touching the pleasure of the place, the sea may be
seen plain and open from it; and more than five leagues off, near
the river Belle, a man may behold the meadowes, divided asunder
into isles and islets, interlacing one another. Briefly, the place is so
pleasant, that those who are melancholie would be forced to change
their humour.”
There is no exaggeration in this. Such is the odor of the shrubs—
such is the picturesqueness of the prospect.
Laudonniere departed with great reluctance from a region so
favorable to health, so beautiful to the eye, and which promised so
abundantly of fruits and mineral treasures. His course lay
northwardly, in search of the colony of Captain Albert. He passes the
river of Seine, four leagues distant from the May, and continues to
the mouth of the Somme, some six leagues further. Here he casts
anchor, lands, and is received with friendly welcome by the
Paracoussy, or king of the place, whom he describes as “one of the
tallest and best-proportioned men that may be found. His wife sate
by him, which, besides her Indian beautie, wherewith she was
greatly endued, had so virtuous a countenance and modest gravitie,
that there was not one amongst us but did greatly commend her.
She had in her traine five of her daughters, of so good grace and so
well brought up, that I easily persuaded myself that their mother
was their mistresse.”
Here Laudonniere is again presented with specimens of the precious
metals, and here we find him already in consultation with his men,
touching the propriety of abandoning the settlement of Fort Charles,
the fate of which he has heard in his progress from the Indians, for
the more attractive regions of the river May. His arguments for this
preference, may be given in his own language.
“If we passed farther to the north to seeke out Port Royall, it would
be neither very profitable nor convenient,.... although the haven
were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that, in this case, the
question was not so much of the beautie of the place as of things
necessary to sustaine life. And that for our inhabiting, it was much
more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of victuall, than in
goodly havens, faire, deepe and pleasante to the view. In
consideration whereof, I was of opinion, if it seemed goode unto
them, to seate ourselves about the river of May: seeing also, that, in
our first voyage, wee found the same onely, among all the rest, to
abounde in maize and corn; besides the golde and silver that was
found there; a thing that put me in hope of some happie discoverie
in time to come.”
Doubtless the last was the conclusive suggestion. The views of
Laudonniere were promptly agreed to by his followers; and, sailing
back to the river of May, they reached it at daybreak on the 29th
June. “Having cast anchor, I embarked all my stuffe and the
souldiers of my company, (in the pinnace we may suppose,) to sayle
right towards the opening of the river: wherein we entered a good
way up, and found a creeke of a reasonable bignisse which invited
us to refresh ourselves a little, while wee reposed ourselves there.
Afterward, wee went on shore to seeke out a place, plaine, without
trees, which wee perceived from the creeke.”
But this spot, upon examination, does not prove commodious, and it
was determined to return to a point they had before discovered
when sailing up the river. “This place is joyning to a mountaine (hill),
and it seemed unto us more fit and commodious to build a
fortresse;..... therefore we took our way towards the forests.....
Afterwards, we found a large plaine, covered with high pine trees,
distant a little from the other; under which we perceived an infinite
number of stagges, which brayed amidst the plaine, athwart the
which we passed: then we discovered a little hill adjoyning unto a
great vale, very greene and in forme flat: wherein were the fairest
meadows of the worlde, and grasse to feede cattel. Moreover, it is
environed with a great number of brookes of fresh water, and high
woodes which make the vale most delectable to the eye.”
Laudonniere names this pleasant region after himself, the “vale of
Laudonniere.” They pass through it, and, at length, after temporary
exhaustion from fatigue and heat, they recover their spirits, and,
penetrating a high wood, reach the brink of the river, and the spot
which they have chosen for the settlement.
We have preferred, at the risk of being tedious, to quote these
details, in order that the modern antiquarian may, if he pleases, seek
for the traces of this ancient settlement. The foundation was not laid
without due solemnity. Laudonniere remembers that his people are
Christians; and, at the break of day, on the 30th June, 1564, the
trumpets were sounded, and our Huguenots were called to prayer.
The banks of the May, otherwise the St. Johns, [19] then echoed, for
the first time, with a hymn of lofty cheer from European voices.
“There we sang a psalme of thanksgiving unto God.” Prayer was
made, and, gathering courage from the exercise of their devotions,
our Huguenots applied themselves to the duty of building
themselves a fortress. In this work they were assisted by the
Indians. [20] A few days sufficed, with this help, to give their fabric
form. It was built in the shape of a triangle. “The side towarde the
west, which was towarde the lande, was enclosed with a little trench
and raised with towers made in forme of a battlement of nine foote
high: the other side, which was towarde the river, was inclosed with
a palisado of plankes of timber, after the manner that gabions are
made. On the south side, there was a kinde of bastion, within which
I caused an house for the munition to be built. It was all builded of
fagots and sand, saving about two or three foote high with turfes,
whereof the battlements were made. In the middest I caused a
great court to be made of eighteen paces long and broad; in the
middest whereof, on the one side, drawing toward the south, I
builded a corps de garde, and an house, on the other side, towarde
the north.” * * * “One of the sides that enclosed my court,
which I made very faire and large, reached unto the grange of my
munitions: and, on the other side, towarde the river, was mine owne
lodgings, round which were galleries all covered. The principal doore
of my lodging was in the middest of the great place, and the other
was towarde the river. A good distance from the fort, I built an
oven.”
It will be an employment of curious interest, whenever the people of
Florida shall happen upon the true site of the settlement and
structure of Laudonniere, to trace out, in detail, these several
localities, and fix them for the benefit of posterity. The work is
scarcely beyond the hammer and chisel of some Old Mortality, who
has learned to place his affections, and fix his sympathies, upon the
achievements of the Past.
 X.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

Thus, then, was founded the second European settlement on the

Continent of America. The fortress was named LA CAROLINE, in honor
of the French monarch, whom it was still the policy of the
Huguenots to conciliate. The houses were of frail structure, and
thatched with leaves of the palmetto. The domain was a narrow one,
but it was probably sufficiently wide for the genius of Laudonniere.
He soon shows himself sensible of all his dignities as the sole
representative of his master in the New World. From his own
account, he does not appear to have been the proper person for the
conduct of so difficult, if not so great, an enterprise. There is no
doubt that he was sufficiently brave; but bravery, unsustained by
judgment, is at best a doubtful virtue, and, in a situation of great
responsibility, is apt to show itself at the expense of all discretion.
The object of the colony of La Caroline was a permanent
establishment—a place of refuge from persecution—where the seeds
of a new empire might be planted on a basis which should ensure
civil liberty to the citizen. The proper aim of such a settlement
should have been security, self-maintenance, and peace with all
men. These could only have been found in the economizing of their
resources, in the application of all their skill and industry to the
cultivation of the soil, and in the preservation of the most friendly
relations among the Indians. These, unhappily, were not objects
sufficiently appreciated by Laudonniere. His first error was that
which arose from the universal passion of his time. He had seen the
precious metals of the country—wedges of silver and scraps of gold
—which declared the abundance of its treasures, and aroused all his
passions for its acquisition. His whole energies were accordingly
directed to the most delusive researches. He had scarcely built his
fortress before he sent off his exploring expeditions. “I would not
lose a minute of an hour,” is his language, “without imploying the
same in some vertuous exercise,” and therefore he despatches his
Lieutenant, Ottigny, in seeking for Thimogoa; that king, hostile to
the Paracoussi Satouriova, whom he has pledged himself to the
latter to make war upon. Satouriova gives the lieutenant a couple of
warriors as guides, who were delighted at the mission,—“seeming to
goe as unto a wedding, so desirous they were to fight with their
enemies.”
But Ottigny, whose real purpose is to obtain the gold of the people
of Thimogoa, does not indulge his warlike guides in their desires.
They encounter some of the people whom they seek, and make
inquiries after the treasure. This is promised them hereafter. With
the report of a king named Mayrra, who lives farther up the river,
and abounds in gold and silver, Ottigny returns to La Caroline. Other
adventurers follow, other kings and chiefs are brought to the
knowledge of our Frenchmen. Plates of gold and silver are procured;
large bars of the latter metal; and the lures are quite sufficient to
keep the colonists employed in the one pursuit to the complete
neglect of every other. Instead of planting, they rely for their
provisions wholly upon the Indians; and, for eighteen months, the
lieutenants of Laudonniere penetrated the forests in every possible
direction. They appear not only to have explored the interior of
Florida, Georgia and South Carolina, but to have prosecuted their
insane search even to the Apalachian mountains. It is not
improbable that our antiquarians frequently stumble upon the proofs
of their progress, which they fondly ascribe to a much earlier period.
We preserve, as subjects of proper comparison with aboriginal words
still in use, and by which localities may yet be identified, the names
of many of the chiefs with whom our Frenchmen maintained
communion. From the Indians of King Mollova, Captain Vasseur
obtains five or six pounds of silver. Mollova is the subject of a
greater prince, named Olata Ovae Utina. The tributaries of this great
chief are numerous;—Cadecha, Chilili, Eclavou, Enacappe, Calany,
Anacharaqua, Omittaqua, Acquera, Moquoso, and many others.
Satouriova is the chief sovereign along the waters of the May. He too
hath numerous tributaries. He is the great rival monarch of Olata
Utina. Potanou is one of his chiefs, “a manne cruel in warre, but
pitiful in the execution of his furie.” He usually took his prisoners to
mercy, branding them upon the arm, and setting them free.
Onatheaqua and Hostaqua are great chiefs, abounding in riches,
that dwell near the mountains. According to the tales of the Indians
of May River, the warriors of Olata Utina “armed their breasts,
armes, thighes, legs and foreheads with large plates of gold and
silver.” Molona is a chief of the river of May, near the Frenchmen,
and hostile also to the Thimogoans. Malicá is another of these chiefs
of Satouriova, eager, like all the rest, to shed the blood of the hostile
people whom the Frenchmen have unwisely promised to destroy. In
order to win the favor of Molona, while that Paracoussi is
entertaining them at his dwelling, Capt. Vasseur, returning from an
expedition to the territories of Thimogoa, reports that nothing but
their flight prevented him from utterly destroying that people.
Improving upon his superior, one Francis La Caille, a sergeant,
insisted that, with his sword, he has run two of the Thimogoans
through the body. But this falsehood demands another for its
security. The suspicious Indian insists upon handling the sword,
“which the sergeant would not denie him, thinking that hee would
have beheld the fashion of his weapon; but hee soon perceived that
it was to another ende; for the old man, holding it in his hand,
behelde it a long while on every place, to see if he could find any
blood upon it which might show that any of their enemies had beene
killed. Hee was on the point to say that he had killed none of the
men of Thimogoa; when La Vasseur preventing that which hee
might object, showing, that, by reason of the two Indians which he
had slain, his sword was so bloody, he was enforced to wash and
make it cleane a long while in the river.”
Another of the chiefs, dwelling near the Frenchmen, is Omoloa, an
ally of Satouriova. These two summon Laudonniere to the expedition
for which they have prepared themselves against the Thimogoans,
and are offended that he now excuses himself. He was too busy with
his explorations for any other object. But he sent to request two of
his prisoners from Satouriova, which were denied him; the old
savage properly saying that he owed him no service, as he had
taken no part in the expedition. This irritated the Frenchman, who,
with twenty soldiers, suddenly appeared in the dwelling of the
Paracoussi, and demanded and carried off the prisoners. His policy
was, by freeing these prisoners, and sending them home to their
sovereign, to conciliate his favor; but, in the meantime, he made an
enemy of Satouriova. An expedition was prepared to carry back the
prisoners to Olata Utina. It was confided to Monsieur D’Erlach, one
of Laudonniere’s lieutenants, and consisted of ten soldiers. Their
course lay up the river of May, more than fourscore leagues. They
were received by the great Paracoussi Utina, with much favor, and
were easily persuaded by him to take part in a war which he was
even then waging with his hereditary enemy, Potanou. A surprise is
attempted, and a battle ensues, in which the fire-arms of the French
confound Potanou, and subject him to a sore defeat. One of his
towns is captured, and all its men, women, and children, are made
prisoners. Monsieur D’Erlach returns to La Caroline, with no
inconsiderable spoil of gold and silver, skins painted, and other
commodities of the Indians.
While thus engaged in the avaricious search for the precious metals,
Laudonniere began to receive some intimations of the error into
which he had fallen. The mistakes of his policy were beginning to
appear in their consequences. His ships had long since departed for
France. He had no present hope but in himself and his neighbors;
and his garrison were about to suffer from the want of necessaries
such as they should have relied upon their own industry to secure.
The provisions furnished by the Indians were rapidly failing them.
They had offended Satouriova, and thus forfeited the supplies which
his favor might have furnished. In the always limited stores of the
natives, there was a natural limit, beyond which they could neither
sell nor give; since, to do so, would be to lose the grain necessary
for sowing their fields at the approaching season. The exigencies of
the colonies finally compelled them to seize upon the stores which
the providence of the Indians compelled them to retain. These thus
despoiled, withdrew promptly from the dangerous neighborhood,
and, but for a fortunate, and seemingly providential circumstance,
which afforded them succor for awhile, the distress of the garrison
might have realized anew the misfortunes of the people of Fort
Charles. We must let Laudonniere himself record the event, which
had such beneficial consequences, in his own language:
“Thus,” said he, “things passed on in this manner, and the hatred of
Paracoussi Satouriova against mee did still continue, untill that, on
the nine and twentieth of August, a lightning from heaven fell within
halfe a league of our fort, more worthy, I believe, to be wondered
at, and to be put in writing, than all the strange signes which have
beene scene in times past. For, although the meadows were at that
season all greene, and halfe covered over with water, neverthelesse
the lightning, in one instant, consumed above five hundred acres
thereof, and burned, with the ardent heate thereof, all the foules
which took their pastime in the meadowes—which thus continued for
three dayes space—which caused us not a little to muse, not being
able to judge whence this fire proceeded. One while we thought that
the Indians had burnt their houses and abandoned their places for
feare of us. Another while we thought that they had discovered
some shippes in the sea, and that, according to their custome, they
had kindled many fires here and there. * * * I determined to
sende to Paracoussi Serranay to knowe the truth. But, even as I was
about to sende one by boate, sixe Indians came unto me from
Paracoussi Allimicany, which, at their first entrie, made unto mee a
long discourse, and a very large and ample oration (after they had
presented mee with certain baskets full of maiz, of pompions, and of
grapes), of the loving amity which Allimicany desired to continue
with mee, and that he looked, from day to day, when it would please
mee to employ him in my service. Therefore, considering the
serviceable affection that hee bare unto mee, he found it very
strange that I thus discharged mine ordnance against his dwelling,
which had burnt up an infinite sight of greene meadowes, and
consumed even downe unto the bottom of the water.”
The simple message of the Paracoussi, suggested some advantages
to Laudonniere, who did not now scruple to admit that all the
mischief had been done by his wanton ordnance. He had shot, not
really to injure his neighbor, but to let him form a proper idea of
what he might do, in the way of mischief, should he have the
provocation at any time. Since, however, the Paracoussi had come to
the recollection of his duties, he, Laudonniere, would protect him
hereafter. The red-man had only to continue faithful, and the white
man would stifle his ordnance.
The sequel of this strange fire from heaven, may be given in few
words. For three days it remained unextinguished, and, for two more
days, the heat in the atmosphere was insupportable. The river
suffered from a sympathetic heat, and seemed ready to seethe. The
fish in it died in such abundance, of all sorts, that enough were
founde to have laden fiftie carts. The air became putrid with the
effluvia; the greater number of the garrison fell sick, and suffered
nearly to death; while the poor savages removed to a distance from
the region, which, since the settlement of the colonists, had been
productive of little but mischief unto them. The distress of
Laudonniere, under these events, was increased by discontents and
mutinies among his people. They were not of a class so docile as
their predecessors under Albert. These, certainly, would not have
borne so patiently with such a sway. The government of
Laudonniere, if not a wise, was not a brutal or despotic one. But
they threatened equally his peace and safety. They had cause for
apprehension, if not for commotion. The promised supplies from
France, which were to be brought by Ribault, had failed to arrive,
and the discontent in the colony was beginning to assume an aspect
the most serious. At this point, our narrative must enter somewhat
more into details, and, for the sake of compactness, we must
somewhat anticipate events.
 XI.
CONSPIRACY OF LE GENRÉ.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY.

The necessities of the colony now began to open the eyes of

Laudonniere in respect to the errors of which he had been guilty. He
found it important to discontinue his explorations among the Indian
tribes, and to employ his garrison in domestic labors. They must
either work or starve. Their tasks in the fields were assigned
accordingly. This produced discontent among those who, having for
some time, in Europe as well as recently in the new world, been
chiefly employed as soldiers, regarded labor as degrading, and still
flattered themselves with the more agreeable hope of achieving their
fortunes by shorter processes. Their appetite for the precious metals
had been sufficiently enlivened by the glimpses which had been
given them, during their intercourse with the natives, of the
unquestionable treasures of the country. It was still farther whetted
by the influence of two persons of the garrison. One of these was
named La Roquette, of the country of Perigort; the other was known
as Le Genré, a lieutenant, and somewhat in the confidence of
Laudonniere. Le Genré was the bold conspirator. La Roquette was
perhaps quite as potential, though from art rather than audacity. He
pretended to be a great magician, and acquired large influence over
the more ignorant soldiers on the score of his supposed capacity to
read the book of fate. Among his professed discoveries through this
medium, were certain mines of gold and silver, far in the interior, the
wealth of which was such—and he pledged his life upon it—that,
upon a fair division, after awarding the king’s portion, each soldier
would receive not less than ten thousand crowns. The arguments
and assurances of La Roquette persuaded Le Genré, among the rest.
He was exceedingly covetous, and sought eagerly all royal roads for
the acquisition of fortune. He was more easily beguiled into
conspiracy, in consequence of the refusal of Laudonniere to give him
the command of a packet returning into France. It was determined
to depose and destroy the latter. Several schemes were tried for this
purpose; by poison, by gunpowder, all of which failed, and resulted
in the ruin only of the conspirators. With this introduction we
introduce the reader more particularly to the parties of our history.

XII.
THE CONSPIRACY OF LE GENRÉ.—
CHAP. I.
Le Genré, one of the lieutenants of Laudonniere, was of fierce and
intractable temper. His passions had been thwarted by his superior,
whose preferences were clearly with another of his lieutenants,
named D’Erlach. [21] This preference was quite sufficient to provoke
the envy and enmity of Le Genré. His dislike was fully retorted, and
with equal spirit by his brother officer. But the feelings of D’Erlach,
who was the more noble and manly of the two, were restrained by
his prudence and sense of duty. It had been the task of Laudonniere
more than once to interfere between these persons, and prevent
those outrages which he had every reason to apprehend from their
mutual excitability; and it was partly with the view to keep the
parties separate, that he had so frequently despatched D’Erlach
upon his exploring expeditions. One of these appointments,
however, which Le Genré had desired for himself, had given him no
little mortification when he found that, as usual, D’Erlach had
received the preference from his superior. It was no proper
disparagement of the claims of others that D’Erlach had been thus
preferred. That he was a favorite, was, perhaps, quite as much due
to his own merits as to the blind partiality of his superior. In
choosing him for the command of his most important expeditions,
Laudonniere was, in fact, doing simple justice to the superior
endowments of caution, prudence, moderation, and firmness, which
the young officer confessedly possessed in very eminent degree. But
Le Genré was not the person to recognize these arguments, or to
acknowledge the superior fitness of his colleague. His discontents,
fanned by the arts of others, and daily receiving provocation from
new causes, finally wrought his blood into such a state of feverish
irritation, as left but little wanting to goad him to actual
insubordination and mutiny.
Laudonniere was not ignorant of the factious spirit of his
discontented lieutenant. He had been warned by D’Erlach that he
was a person to be watched, and his own observations had led him
equally to this conviction. His eye, accordingly, was fixed keenly and
suspiciously upon the offender, but cautiously, however, so as to
avoid giving unnecessary pain or provocation. But Laudonniere’s
vigilance was partial only; and his suspicions were by no means so
intense as those of D’Erlach. Besides, his attention was divided
among his discontents. He had become painfully conscious that Le
Genré was not alone in his factious feelings. He felt that the spirit of
this officer was widely spreading in the garrison. The moods of
others, sullen, peevish, and doubtful, had already startled his fears;
and he too well knew the character of his personnel, and from what
sources they had been drawn, not to be apprehensive of their
tempers. Signs of insubordination had been shown already, on
various occasions; and had not Laudonniere been of that character
which more easily frets with its doubts than provides against them,
he might have legitimately employed a salutary punishment in
anticipating worse offences. The looks of many had become
habitually sullen, their words few and abrupt when addressed to
their commander, while their tasks were performed coldly and with
evident reluctance. Without exhibiting any positive or very decided
conduct, by which to leave themselves open to rebuke, their
deportment was such as to betray the impatience of bitter and
resentful moods, which only forbore open utterance by reason of
their fears. Laudonniere, without having absolute cause to punish,
was equally wanting in the nice tact which can, adroitly, and without
a fall from dignity, conciliate the inferior. Angry at the appearances
which he could neither restrain nor chastise, he was not sufficiently
the commander to descend happily to soothe. In this distracted
condition of mind, he prepared to despatch his third and last vessel
to France, to implore the long-expected supplies and assistance.
It was a fine evening, at the close of September, such an evening as
we frequently experience during that month in the South, when a
cool breeze, arising from the ocean, ascends to the shores and the
forests, and compensates, by its exquisite and soothing freshness,
for the burning heat and suffocating atmosphere of the day. Our
Frenchmen at La Caroline were prepared to enjoy the embraces of
this soothing minister. Some walked upon the parapets of the
fortress, others lay at length along the bluff of the river, while others
again, in the shade of trees farther inland, grouped together in
pleasant communion, enjoyed the song or the story, with as much
gaiety as if all their cares were about to be buried with the sun that
now hung, shorn of his fiery locks, just above the horizon.
Laudonniere passed among these groups with the look of one who
did not sympathize with their enjoyments. He was feeble, dull, and
only just recovering from a sickness which had nigh been fatal. His
eye rested upon the river where lay the vessel, the last remaining to
his command, which, in two days more, was to be despatched for
France. He had just left her, and his course now lay for the deep
woods, a mile or more inland. He was followed, or rather
accompanied, by a youth, apparently about nineteen or twenty years
of age—a younger brother of D’Erlach, his favorite lieutenant. This
young man shared in the odium of his brother, as he also was
supposed to enjoy too largely the favors of Laudonniere. The truth
was, that he was much more the favorite than his brother. He was a
youth of great intelligence and sagacity, observing mind, quick wit,
and shrewd, capacious remark. The slower thought of his
commander was quickened by his intelligence, and relied, much
more than the latter would have been willing to allow, upon the
insinuated, rather than expressed, suggestions of the youth.
Alphonse D’Erlach, but for his breadth of shoulders and activity of
muscle, would have seemed delicately made. He was certainly
effeminately habited. He had a boyish love of ornament which was
perhaps natural at his age, but it had been observed that his brother
Achille, though thirty-five, displayed something of a like passion. Our
youth wore his dagger and his pistols, the former hung about his
neck by a scarf, and the latter were stuck in the belt about his waist.
The dagger was richly hilted, and the pistols, though of excellent
structure, were rather more remarkable for the beauty of their
ornaments than for their size and seeming usefulness as weapons
for conflict.
“And you think, Alphonse,” said Laudonniere, when they had entered
the wood, “that Le Genré is really anxious to return to France in the
Sylph.”
“I say nothing about his return to France, but that he will apply to
you for the command of the Sylph, I am very certain.”
“Well! And you?——”
“Would let him have her.”
“Indeed! I am sorry, Alphonse, to hear you say so. Le Genré is not fit
for such a trust. He has no judgment, no discretion. It would be a
hundred to one that he never reached France.”
“That is just my opinion,” said the youth, coolly.
“Well! And with this opinion, you would have me risk the vessel in
his hands?”
“Yes, I would! The simple question is, not so much the safety of the
vessel as our own. He is a dangerous person. His presence here is
dangerous to us. If he stays, unless our force is increased, in
another month he will have the fortress in his hands; he will be
master here. You have no power even now to prevent him. You
know not whom to trust. The very parties that you arm and send out
for provisions, might, if they pleased, turn upon and rend us. If he
were not the most suspicious person in the world—doubtful of the
very men that serve him—he would soon bring the affair to an issue.
Fortunately, he doubts rather more than we confide. He knows not
his own strength, and your seeming composure leads him to
overrate ours. But he is getting wiser. The conspiracy grows every
day. I am clear that you should let him go, take his vessel, pick his
crew, and disappear. He will not go to France, that I am certain. He
will shape his course for the West Indies as soon as he is out of our
sight, and be a famous picaroon before the year is over.”
“Alphonse, you are an enemy of Le Genré.”
“That is certain,” replied the youth; “but if I am his enemy, that is no
good reason why I should be the enemy of truth.”
“True, but you suspect much of this. You know nothing.”
“I know all that I have told you,” replied the young man, warmly.
“Indeed! How?”
“That I cannot tell. Enough that I am free to swear upon the Holy
Evangel, that all I say is true. Le Genré is at the head of a faction
which is conspiring against you.”
“Can you give me proof of this?”
“Yes, whenever you dare issue the order for his arrest and that of
others. But this you cannot do. You must not. They are too strong
for you. If Achille were here now!”
“Ay! Would he were!”
They now paused, as if the end of their walk had been reached.
Laudonniere wheeled about, with the purpose of returning. They had
not begun well to retrace their steps before the figure of a person
was seen approaching them.
“Speak of the devil,” said Alphonse, “and he thinks himself called;
here comes Le Genré.”
“Indeed!” said Laudonniere.
“See now if I am not right—he comes to solicit the command of the
Sylph.”
They were joined by the person of whom they had been speaking.
His approach was respectful—his manner civil—his tones subdued.
There was certainly a change for the better in his deportment. A
slight smile might have been seen to turn the corner of the lips of
young D’Erlach, as he heard the address of the new comer. Le Genré
began by requesting a private interview with his commander. Upon
the words, D’Erlach went aside and was soon out of hearing. His
prediction was true. Le Genré respectfully, but earnestly, solicited the
command of the vessel about to sail for France. He was civilly but
positively denied. Laudonniere had not been impressed by the
suggestion of his youthful counsellor; or, if he were, he was not
prepared to yield a vessel of the king, with all its men and
munitions, to the control of one who might abuse them to the worst
purposes. The face of Le Genré changed upon this refusal.
“You deny me all trust, Monsieur,” he said. “You refused me the
command when my claim was at least equal to that of Ottigny. You
denied me that which you gave to D’Erlach, and now—Monsieur, do
you hold me incompetent to this command?”
“Nay,” said Laudonniere, “but I better prefer your services here—I
cannot so well dispense with them.”
A bitter smile crossed the lips of the applicant.
“I cannot complain of a refusal founded upon so gracious a
compliment. But, enough, Monsieur, you refuse me! May I ask, who
will be honored with this command?”
“Lenoir!”
“I thought so—another favorite! Well!—Monsieur, I wish you a good
evening.”
“You have refused him, I see,” said Alphonse, returning as the other
disappeared.
“Yes, I could do no less. The very suggestion that he might convert
the vessel to piratical purposes, was enough to make me resolve
against him.”
And, still discussing that and other kindred subjects, Laudonniere
and his young companion followed in the steps of La Genré towards
the fortress.

CHAPTER II.
That night the young Alphonse D’Erlach might have been seen
stealing cautiously from the quarters of Laudonniere, and winding
along under cover of the palisades to one of the entrances of the
fortress. He was wrapped in a huge and heavy cloak which
effectually disguised his person. Here he was joined by another,
whom he immediately addressed:
“Bon Pre?”
“The same: all’s ready.”
“Have they gone?”
“Yes!”
“Let us go.”
They went together to the entrance. The person whom Alphonse
called Bon Pre, was a short, thick-set person, fully fifty years of age.
They approached the sentry at the gate.
“Let us out, my son,” said Bon Pre; “we are late.”
When they were without the walls, they stole along through the
ditch, concealed in the deep shade of the place, cautiously avoiding
all exposure to the star-light. On reaching a certain point, they
ascended, and, taking the cover of bush and tree, made their way to
the river, and getting into a boat which lay beneath the banks,
pushed off, and suffered her to drop down the stream, the old man
simply using the paddle to shape her course. A brief conversation, in
whispers, followed between them.
“You told him all?” asked Bon Pre.
“No; but just enough for our purpose. As I told you, he believes
nothing. He is too good a man himself to believe any body
thoroughly bad.”
“He will grow wiser before he is done. You did not suffer him to
know where you got your information?”
“No—surely not. He would have been for having a court, and a trial,
and all that sort of thing. You would have sworn to the truth in vain,
and they would assassinate you. We must only do what we can to
prevent, and leave the punishment for another season. If time is
allowed us——”
“Ay, but that ‘if!’” said the old man. “Time will not be allowed. Le
Genré will be rather slow—but there are some persons not disposed
to wait for the return of the parties under Ottigny and your brother.”
“Enough!” said D’Erlach—“Here is the cypress.”
With these words, the course of the canoe was arrested, the prow
turned in towards the shore, and adroitly impelled, by the stroke of
Bon Pre’s paddle, directly into the cavernous opening of an ancient
cypress which stood in the water, but close to the banks. This
ancient tree stood, as it were, upon two massive abutments. The
cavern into which the boat passed was open in like manner on the
opposite side. The prow of the canoe ran in upon the land, while the
stern rested within the body of the tree. Alphonse cautiously stepped
ashore, and was followed by his older companion. They were now
upon the same side of the river with the fortress. The course which
they had taken had two objects. To avoid fatigue and detection in a
progress by land, and to reach a given point in advance of the
conspirators, who had taken that route. Of course, our two
companions had timed their movements with reference to the
previous progress of the former. They advanced in the direction of
the fort, which lay some three miles distant, but at the distance of
fifty or sixty yards from the place where they landed, came to a knoll
thickly overgrown with trees and shrubbery. A creek ran at its foot,
in the bed of which stood numerous cypresses—amongst these
Alphonse D’Erlach disappeared, while Bon Pre ascended the knoll,
and seated himself in waiting upon a fallen cypress.
He had not long to wait. In less than twenty minutes, a whistle was
heard—to which Bon Pre responded, in the notes of an owl. The
sound of voices followed, and, after a little interval, one by one,
seven persons ascended the knoll, and entered the area which was
already partially occupied by Bon Pre. There were few preliminaries,
and Le Genré opened the business. Bon Pre, it is seen, was one of
the conspirators and in their fullest confidence. He had left the fort
before them, or had pretended to do so. They had each left at
different periods. We have seen his route. It is only necessary to
add, that they had come together but a little while before their
junction at the knoll. Of course, their several revelations had yet to
be made. Le Genré commenced by relating his ill success in regard
to the vessel.
“We must have it, at all hazards,” said Stephen Le Genevois, “we can
do nothing without it.”
“I do not see that;” was the reply of Jean La Roquette. This person,
it may be well to say, was one possessing large influence among the
conspirators. He claimed to be a magician, dealt much in predictions,
consulted the stars, and other signs, as well of earth as of heaven;
and, among other things, pretended, by reason of his art, to know
where, at no great distance, was a mine of silver, the richest in the
world. Almost his sole reason for linking himself with the
conspirators, was the contempt with which his pretensions had been
treated by his commander, in regard to the search after this mine.
“I do not see,” he replied, “that this vessel is so necessary to us. A
few canoes will serve us better.”
“Canoes—for what?” was the demand of Le Genevois.
“Why, for ascending the rivers, for avoiding the fatigue of land
travel, for bringing down our bullion.”
“Pshaw! You are at your silver mine again; but that is slow work. I
prefer that which the Spaniard has already gathered; which he has
run into solid bars and made ready for the king’s face. I prefer
fighting for my silver, to digging for it.”
“Ay! fighting—no digging;” said Le Genré and he was echoed by
other voices. But La Roquette was not to be silenced. His opinions
were re-stated and insisted upon with no small vehemence, and the
controversy grew warm as to the future course of the party—
whether they should explore the land for silver ore, or the Spanish
seas for bullion.
“Messieurs,” said one named Fourneaux, “permit me to say that you
are counting your chickens before they are out of the shell. Why
cumber our discussion with unnecessary difficulties? The first thing
to consider is how to get our freedom. We can determine hereafter
what use we shall make of it. There are men enough, or will be
enough, when we have got rid of Laudonniere, to undertake both
objects. Some may take the seas, and some the land; some to
digging. Each man to his taste. All may be satisfied—there need be
no restraint. The only matter now to be adjusted, is to be able to
choose at all. Let us not turn aside from the subject.”
These sensible suggestions quieted the parties, and each proceeded
to report progress. One made a return of the men he had got over,
another of the arms in possession, and a third of ammunition. But
the question finally settled down upon the fate of Laudonniere, and
a few of his particular friends, the young D’Erlach being the first
among them. On this subject, the conspirators not only all spoke,
but they all spoke together. They were vehement enough, willing to
destroy their enemy, but their words rather declared their anger,
than any particular mode of effecting their object. At length
Fourneaux again spoke.
“Messieurs,” said he, “you all seem agreed upon two things; the first
is, that, before we can do anything, Laudonniere and that young
devil, D’Erlach, must be disposed of; the second, that this is rather a
difficult matter. It is understood that they may rally a sufficient force
to defeat us—that we are not in the majority yet, though we hope to
be so; and that a great number who are now slow to join us, will be
ready enough, if the blow were once struck successfully. In this, I
think, you all perfectly agree.”
“Ay—ay! There you are right—that’s it;” was the response of Le
Genré and Stephen Le Genevois.
“Very well; now, as it is doubtful who are certainly the friends of
Laudonniere, it is agreed that we must move against him secretly. Is
there any difficulty in this? There are several ways of getting rid of
an enemy without lifting dagger or pistol. Is not the magician here—
the chemist, La Roquette?—has he no knowledge of certain poisons,
which, once mingled in the drink of a captain, can shut his eyes as
effectually as if it were done with bullet or steel? And if this fails, are
there not other modes of contriving an accident? I have a plan now,
which, with your leave, I think the very thing for our purpose.
Laudonniere’s quarters, as you all know, stand apart from all the
rest, with the exception of the little building occupied by the division
of Le Genré, with which it is connected by the old bath-room. This
bath-room is abandoned since Laudonniere has taken to the river.
Suppose Le Genré here should, for safe-keeping, put a keg of
gunpowder under the captain’s quarters? and suppose farther, that,
by the merest mischance, he should suffer a train of powder to
follow his footsteps, as he crawls from one apartment to the other;
and suppose again, that, while Laudonniere sleeps, some careless
person should suffer a coal of fire to rest, only for a moment, upon
the train in the bath-house. By my life, I think such an accident
would spare us the necessity of attempting the life of our beloved
captain. It would be a sort of providential interposition.”
“Say no more! It shall be done!” said Le Genré. “I will do it!”
“Ay, should the other measure fail; but I am for trying the poison
first;” said Fourneaux, “for such an explosion would send a few
fragments of timber about other ears than those of the captain. He
takes his coffee at sunrise. Can we not drug it?”
“Let that be my task;” said old Bon Pre, who had hitherto taken little
part in this conference.
“You are the very man,” said Fourneaux. “He takes his coffee from
your hands. La Roquette will provide the poison.”
“When shall this be done?” demanded Le Genré. “We can do nothing
to-night. It will require time to-morrow to prepare the train.”
“Ay, that is your part; but may not Bon Pre do his to-morrow? and
should he fail——”
“Why should he fail?” demanded La Roquette. “Let him but dress his
coffee with my spices, and he cannot fail.”
“Yes,” replied Bon Pre, “but it is not always that Laudonniere drinks
his coffee. If he happens to be asleep when I bring it, I do not wake
him, but put it on the table by his bedside, and, very frequently, if it
is cold when he wakes, he leaves it untasted.”
“Umph! but at all events, there is the other accident. That can be
made to take effect at mid-night to-morrow—eh! what say you, Le
Genré?”
“Without fail! It is sworn!”
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