Ny 5.1.3 Final Exam: Semester 2 Final Exam Exam AP U.S. History Sem 2 Name: Harrison Tang Date AP U.S. History Semester 2 Exam This exam consists of three parts and is worth a total of 80 points. The design of the exam mirrors the writing sections of the AP Exam. + Short Answer: 20 total points + Long Essay: 20 total points ‘* Document-Based Question: 40 total points Part 1: Short Answer This section contains two (2) short-answer questions. Each question is worth 10 points, 1, Answer a, b, and c. a. Briefly explain the domestic debate surrounding U.S. foreign policy following World War I. b. Briefly explain ONE example of how U.S. foreign policy influenced events around the world during the 1930s. c. Briefly explain ONE example of how U.S. foreign policy changed near the end of the 1930s. (A) After World War |, there was a strong domestic debate over whether the United States should remain involved in global affairs or return to isolationism. Many Americans, especially in Congress, opposed joining the League of Nations because they feared it would drag the country into future conflicts. Others, including President Wilson, believed international cooperation was necessary to maintain peace. This debate reflected a larger tension between idealism and realism in U.S foreign policy.(8) One example of U.S. foreign policy influencing global events in the 1930s was the passage of the Neutrality Acts. These laws were meant to prevent the United States from being drawn into foreign wars by banning arms sales and loans to countries at war. Although they aimed to keep the U.S. neutral, the laws also weakened support for countries resisting aggression, such as Ethiopia during Italy's invasion in 1935, showing how U.S. isolationism had consequences abroad. (C) Near the end of the 1930s, U.S. foreign policy began shifting away from strict neutrality with the Cash-and-Carry provision of the Neutrality Act of 1939, This allowed Allied nations like Britain and France to buy arms and supplies from the U.S. as long as they paid in cash and transported the goods themselves. This marked a move toward supporting democratic nations against fascist aggression while still avoiding direct involvement in the war.2. Answer a, b, and c. a. Briefly describe the major successes of ONE social movement during the 1960s and 1970s. Some examples may include: i. The civil rights movement ii, The women's rights movement iii, The counterculture movement b. Briefly describe the major successes of a SECOND social movement during the 1960s and 1970s. c. Briefly describe the major failures of ONE of your selected social movements during the 1960s and 1970s. (A) One major success of the civil rights movement during the 1960s was the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which banned segregation in public places and prohibited employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. Another key success was the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which eliminated barriers like literacy tests and poll taxes, greatly expanding Black voter registration in the South.(B) A major success of the women's rights movement was the passage of Title IX in 1972, which prohibited sex-based discrimination in any federally funded education program. This law opened doors for women in sports and education and helped expand opportunities for women in colleges and universities across the country. (C) One major failure of the women's rights movement was the failure to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Although the ERA passed Congress in 1972 and was approved by many states, it fell short of the required number of state ratifications by the 1982 deadline due to strong conservative opposition, especially from figures like Phyllis Schlafly who argued it would disrupt traditional gender roles.Part 2: Long Essay This section contains one (1) long question worth a total of 20 points. Question: Many historians believe that the Cold War resulted from thinking that developed within the Truman administration during the late-1940s. Develop and support a thesis that addresses this view. Be sure to provide specific evidence to back up your claims. The Cold War, a prolonged period of tension between the United States and the Soviet Union, shaped global politics for nearly half a century. Many historians trace its origins to policy decisions made during the Truman administration in the late 1940s. Indeed, the Truman administration's belief in containing communism, distrust of Soviet intentions, and emphasis on global leadership led to a foreign policy that transformed wartime alliances into Cold War rivalry. The Cold War was largely a result of ideological and strategic thinking that emerged under President Harry Truman, particularly through the development of the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and early military alliances, all of which set the tone for decades of confrontation. At the end of World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as the two dominant world powers, but their alliance had always been based on convenience rather than trust. As Europe lay in ruins, the Soviet Union began asserting control over Eastern Europe while the United States pushed for democratic governments and open markets. With Nazi Germany defeated, a new power struggle quickly emerged. In this uncertain postwar world, the Truman administration helpeddefine a new American role rooted in preventing the spread of communism and promoting U.S. influence abroad. This shift in thinking laid the foundation for Cold War policies. One of the most influential examples of Cold War thinking under Truman was the Truman Doctrine, announced in 1947. In response to political instability in Greece and Turkey, Truman declared that it would be the policy of the United States to assist nations where people are trying to fight off control by small groups within their country or by foreign forces. This statement marked a significant turning point in US. foreign policy, as it framed the global struggle in ideological terms: democracy versus communism. Although the Soviet Union was not directly named, it was clear that the policy was aimed at limiting Soviet expansion. The doctrine set a precedent for American involvement in foreign conflicts in the name of fighting communism. This thinking suggested that any gain for communism, anywhere in the world, was a threat to U.S. security and global freedom. This binary worldview defined the Cold War and emerged directly from the assumptions made by Truman and his advisers. Another major Cold War strategy developed under Truman was the Marshall Plan, announced in 1947 as a program to aid the economic recovery of Western Europe. While presented as humanitarian and economic assistance, the plan was also a strategic effort to prevent communism from gaining influence in countries suffering from postwar poverty and instability. By sending over 13 billion dollars in aid, the United States hoped to stabilize European economies and create strong trading partners. At the same time, the Soviet Union rejected the aid and prevented Eastern European nations under its control from participating. This deepened the divide between East and West. The Marshall Plan showed how Truman's administration believed that economic strength and democracy were linked, and that stopping communism required more than just military power—it required financial leadership and the ability to shape global development. This reinforced the idea that the Cold War would be fought on multiple fronts, including economics, and that the United States would take a leading role in shaping the postwar world. Truman's policies also contributed to the Cold War by creating long-term military commitments. In 1949, the United States helped form the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a military alliance between the United States, Canada, and several Western European countries. NATO was based on the idea of collective security, promising that an attack on one member would be considered an attack onall. This was a dramatic shift in U.S. foreign policy, which had traditionally avoided peacetime alliances. The creation of NATO made it clear that the U.S. saw the Soviet Union as a long-term threat and was prepared to use military power to counter it. In response, the Soviets formed the Warsaw Pact in 1955, and the world became divided into two hostile military blocs. The Truman administration also responded to. the Soviet development of atomic weapons by authorizing the development of the hydrogen bomb, further escalating the arms race. These decisions show that the Cold War was not simply a misunderstanding between two former allies, but rather the result of deliberate planning based on the Truman administration's assumptions about Soviet aggression and the need for constant preparedness. The Cold War was not an accident of history or an unavoidable consequence of ideological differences. It was shaped by the specific policies and beliefs of the Truman administration in the late 1940s. Through the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and the creation of NATO, the United States adopted a global leadership role centered on containing communism and challenging Soviet power. These decisions institutionalized the Cold War and established the pattern of rivalry that would dominate international relations for decades. The thinking that developed under Truman turned a wartime alliance into a geopolitical struggle that reshaped the modern world.Part 3: Document-Based Question This section contains one (1) document-based question worth a total of 40 points. Directions: This question is based on the accompanying documents. The documents have been edited for the purpose of this exercise. You are advised to spend 10 minutes planning and 40 minutes writing your answer. In your response, you should do the following: « State a relevant thesis that directly addresses all parts of the question. ‘+ Support the thesis or a relevant argument with evidence from all, or all but one, of the documents. * Incorporate analysis of all, or all but one, of the documents into your argument.* Focus your analysis of each document on at least one of the following: intended audience, purpose, historical context, and/or point of view. + Support your argument with analysis of historical examples in addition to the documents. * Connect historical phenomena relevant to your argument to broader events or processes * Synthesize the elements above into a persuasive essay. Question: Analyze the factors that determined the success and failure of the labor movement in the United States during the late-19th and early-20th centuries Documents: Document 1: George McNeill, The Labor Movement: The Problem of Today, 1887" [The Kings of Labor] preamble well says, that "The alarming development and aggressiveness of great capitalists and corporations, unless unchecked, will inevitably lead to the pauperization and hopeless degradation of the toiling masses. "The demand of the Knights is, then, that this development shall be checked, not only because of the danger of our institutions from the power of these great monopolists and monopolies, but because of the pauperization and degradation of the workers in consequence thereof. The method of checking and remedying this evilis, first, the organization of all laborers into one great solidarity, and the direction of their united efforts toward the measures that shall, by peaceful processes, evolve the working classes out of their present condition in the wage-system into a co-operative system. This organization does not profess to a political party, nor does it propose to organize a political party but, nevertheless, it proposes to exercise the right of suffrage in the direction of obtaining such legislation as shall assist the natural law of development. It is true that the demands are revolutionary, as it is the purpose of the Order to establish a new and true standard of individual and national greatness.Document 2: Jennie Curtis, Address to 1894 Convention of American Railway Union? Mr. President and Brothers of the American Railway Union: We struck at Mr. Pullman because we were without hope. We joined the American Railway Union because it gave us a glimmer of hope. Twenty-thousand souls, men, women, and little ones, have their eyes turned toward this convention today; straining eagerly through dark despondency for a glimmer of the heaven- sent message which you alone can give us on this earth. Pullman, both the man and the town, is an ulcer on the body politic. He owns the houses, the schoolhouse, and the churches of God in the town he gave his once humble name. And, thus, the merry war ~ the dance of skeletons bathed in human tears — goes on; and it will go on, brothers, forever unless you, the American Railway Union, stop it; end it; crush it out. And so | say, come along with us, for decent conditions everywhere! Document 3: Original preamble to the IWW Constitution, 1905? The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers come together on the political, as well as on the industrial field, and take and hold that which they produce by their labor through an economic organization of the working class, without affiliation with any political party. The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands make the trade unions unable to cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the trade unions foster a state of things which allows one set of workers to be pitted againstanother set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. The trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers. These sad conditions can be changed and the interests of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to ‘one an injury to all. Document 4: Joe Hill, "We Will Sing One Song," 19134 We will sing one song of the meek and humble slave, The horn-handed son of the soil, He's toiling hard from the cradle to the grave, But his master reaps the profits from his toil. Then we'll sing one song of the greedy master class, They're vagrants in broadcloth, indeed, They live by robbing the ever-toiling mass, Human blood they spill to satisfy their greed. Organize! Oh, toilers, come organize your might; Then welll sing one song of the workers’ commonwealth, Full of beauty, full of love and health. We will sing one song of the politician sly, He's talking of changing the laws; Election day all the drinks and smokes he'll buy, While he's living from the sweat of your brow. Then we'll sing one song of the girl below the line, She's scorned and despised everywhere, While in their mansions the "keepers" wine and dine From the profits that immoral traffic bear.Document 5: Letter from Samuel Gompers to Lew Morton, May 31, 1906° As you know the enemies of our international trade unions, the so-called |.W.W. which is another name for the Socialists Labor Party, is doing all it can to get our fellow workmen into trouble wherever it can. The policy they now pursue is to insinuate all sorts of ulterior motives to the officers of international trade unions, and to have the men make demands which they know in advance will be unsuccessful to alienate the loyalty of these men from their international unions. Document 6: "Anarchy's Red Hand," New York Times, May 6, 1886° The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight, and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr Johann Most. There had been skirmishes all day between the police and various sections of the mob which had no head and no organization. In every instance the police won. In the afternoon a handbill, printed in German and English called upon “workingmen” to meet at Des Plaines and Randolph streets this evening “Good speakers,” it was promised. “will be present to denounce the latest atrocious act of the police — the shooting of our fellow workmen yesterday afternoon.” Document 7: Eugene V. Debs, June 16, 19187 Comrades, friends and fellow-workers, for this very cordial greeting, this very hearty reception, | thank you all with the fullest appreciation of your interest in and your devotion to the cause for which | am to speak to you this afternoon. To speak for labor; to plead the cause of the men and women and children who toil; to serve the working class, has always been to me a high privilege; a duty of love.| have just returned from a visit over yonder, where three of our most loyal comrades are paying the penalty for their devotion to the cause of the working class. They have come to realize, as many of us have, that it is extremely dangerous to exercise the constitutional right of free speech in a country fighting to make democracy safe in the world. | realize that, in speaking to you this afternoon, there are certain limitations placed upon the right of free speech. | must be exceedingly careful, prudent, as to what I say, and even more careful and prudent as to how | say it. | may not be able to say all I think; but | am not going to say anything that | do not think. | would rather a thousand times be a free soul in jail than to be a sycophant and coward in the streets. They may put those boys in jail—and some of the rest of us in jail—but they can not put the Socialist movement in jail. Those prison bars separate their bodies from ours, but their souls are here this afternoon. They are simply paying the penalty that all men have paid in all the ages of history for standing erect, and for seeking to pave the way to better conditions for mankind.During the late-19th and early-20th centuries, the American labor movement experienced both significant momentum and serious setbacks. As industrialization accelerated and wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, workers organized to demand better pay, hours, and conditions. While labor groups succeeded in raising awareness and organizing broad support among the working class, their efforts often failed due to internal divisions, strong opposition from business and government, and fears of radicalism. The success and failure of the labor movement during this period were shaped by both the solidarity and passion of workers, and the resistance they faced from conservative institutions, mainstream unions, and the public. Following the Civil War, the United States entered a period of rapid industrialization. Large corporations, monopolies, and trusts emerged, and working conditions in factories, mines, and railroads became increasingly harsh. As wealth and power centralized among capitalists, workers sought to organize for rights and protections. Labor unions such as the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor (AFL) began forming to address these concems. However, this era was also marked by fear of socialism, frequent violent strikes, and government hostility toward organized labor. These conflicting forces set the stage for both labor achievements and labor suppression. One major factor that contributed to the labor movement's success was its ability to inspire solidarity and passion among workers. Jennie Curtis's address to the American Railway Union in 1894 emphasized how poor conditions and hopelessness drove people to organize. She said workers had joined the union because it gave them “a glimmer of hope,” and spoke on behalf of “twenty-thousand souls" desperate for change (Document 2). Her passionate plea for decent conditions reveals the power of collective identity and the emotional force behind labor organizing, Similarly, Eugene V. Debs praised the sacrifice of those jailed for labor activism and celebrated the workers’ willingness to stand up for rights despite the threat of punishment (Document 7). His speech was delivered in a moment of heightened government repression, yet he still insisted that the movement's purpose was to "pave the way to better conditions for mankind.” Both documents reflect the belief that unity, moral strength, and a shared vision could empower the working class, especially in the face of injustice. This same call for worker empowerment is echoed in Joe Hill's 1913 song, which urged workers to "organize your might” and create a society “full of love and health” (Document 4). Hill's lyrics united workers across trades and appealed to common hardships and aspirations. These sourcesshow that labor's greatest successes came from its emotional appeal, moral purpose, and grassroots unity. Despite their passion, labor groups often struggled due to internal divisions and opposition from powerful conservative forces. The IWW's preamble argued that traditional trade unions were ineffective because they divided workers by craft and allowed bosses to “pit one set of workers... against another” (Document 3). This critique shows how disagreements over strategy weakened the movement. The IWW promoted radical solidarity across all trades, but more moderate groups like the AFL opposed this approach. Samuel Gompers, head of the AFL, criticized the IWW as dangerous and misleading, saying it tried to “get our fellow workmen into trouble” and sabotage legitimate trade unions (Document 5). His point of view reflects the divide between mainstream labor and more radical factions. Gompers feared that extremism would discredit the movement and alienate public support. This internal conflict made it harder for workers to present a united front. Furthermore, the fear of anarchism and socialism, especially after violent incidents like the Haymarket Riot, turned public opinion and media coverage against labor. The New York Times article from 1886 condemned "the villainous teachings of the Anarchists" and described labor unrest as mob violence and bloodshed (Document 6). Its harsh language and sensational tone show how the press often framed workers as dangerous rather than oppressed. This public fear allowed businesses and the government to justify harsh crackdowns on strikes and protests. Together, these documents demonstrate how both ideological splits within the labor movement and widespread fear of radicalism limited its success. Even with strong organizing and moral clarity, the labor movement was often limited by structural forces beyond its control. George MeNeill’s description of the Knights of Labor shows their peaceful mission to fight “the alarming development... of great capitalists and corporations” (Document 1). He praised the goal of turning the wage system into a cooperative one, but he admitted their goals were “revolutionary.” While their intent was to use peaceful methods, even nonviolent calls for economic reform were seen as threats to the capitalist order. Outside of the documents, events like the Homestead Strike of 1892 and the Pullman Strike of 1894 show how major labor actions were met with violence, federal troops, and legal suppression. The courts regularly ruled in favor of businesses, and the government used injunctions to break strikes. The legal and political system favored owners, and labor laws to protect workers did not emerge until the New Deal era, Still, some success was achieved. Labor raised public awareness, inspired new ideas about workplace justice, and laid the foundation for future reforms such as child labor lawsand the eight-hour workday. These gains, though limited in the short term, were critical in changing the long-term trajectory of American labor. The labor movement in the late-19th and early-20th centuries was shaped by both deep worker solidarity and fierce opposition from conservative forces. While workers built powerful networks and inspired national conversations about fairness and rights, internal divisions, public fear of radicalism, and institutional barriers often limited their progress. Nonetheless, their courage and vision helped shift American attitudes toward labor and planted the seeds for future reforms. The story of this era is one of struggle, sacrifice, and the ongoing pursuit of justice in a rapidly changing industrial society.1. George McNeill, The Labor Movement: The Problem of Today, (Boston: Bridgeman and Co., 1887), 485. 2. Jennie Curtis, “Address to 1894 Convention of American Railway Union" (speech), Illinois Labor History Society. Accessed August 28, 2014, http://www..illinoislaborhistory.org/articles/225-address-to-1894-convention-of- american-railway-union-htm. 3. Original preamble to the Industrial Workers of the World, 1905. Industrial Workers of the World: Its History, Structure and Methods. Accessed August 28, 2014, http://www.iww.org/about/official/StJohn/2. 4, Joe Hill, “We Will Sing One Song," 1913 (song lyrics). (New York: Folkways Records, 1954), 3. Smithsonian Folkways, http://media.smithsonianfolkways.org/liner_notes/folkways/FW02039.pdf. 5. Samuel Gompers, letter to Lew Morton, May 31, 1906. The Samuel Gompers Papers, University of Maryland at College Park, http://www.gompers.umd.edu/triww1906.htm, 6. "Anarchy's Red Hand," New York Times, May 6, 1886. 7. Eugene V. Debs (speech), June 16, 1918. Documented Rights, National Archives and Records Administration, http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/documented-rights/ Copyright © 2018 Apex Learning Inc. Use ofthis material is subject to Apex Learning's Terms of Use. Any unauthorized copying reuse, or redistribution is prohibited. Apex Learning ® and the Apex Learning Logo are registered trademarks of Apex Learning Inc Advanced Placement and AP are registered trademarks ofthe College Board 5.1.3 Final Exam: Semester 2 Final Exam