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The Oxford Handbook of Culture
and Psychology
O X F O R D L I B R A RY O F P S Y C H O L O G Y

edito r -i n-chi e f

Peter E. Nathan

area e di tor s:

Clinical Psychology
David H. Barlow

Cognitive Neuroscience
Kevin N. Ochsner and Stephen M. Kosslyn

Cognitive Psychology
Daniel Reisberg

Counseling Psychology
Elizabeth M. Altmaier and Jo-Ida C. Hansen

Developmental Psychology
Philip David Zelazo

Health Psychology
Howard S. Friedman

History of Psychology
David B. Baker

Organizational Psychology
Steve W. J. Kozlowski

Methods and Measurement

Todd D. Little

Neuropsychology
Kenneth M. Adams

Personality and Social Psychology

Kay Deaux and Mark Snyder
 OXFORD L I B R A RY OF PSYCHOLOGY

Editor in Chief peter e. nathan

The Oxford Handbook

of Culture and
Psychology
Edited by
Jaan Valsiner

1
1
Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further
Oxford University’s objective of excellence
in research, scholarship, and education.

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Copyright (c) 2012 by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.

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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The Oxford handbook of culture and psychology / edited by Jaan Valsiner.
p. cm. — (Oxford library of psychology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-19-539643-0
1. Ethnopsychology. 2. Culture–Psychological aspects. 3. Social psychology. I. Valsiner, Jaan.
GN270.O94 2012
155.8′2—dc22
2011010264

987654321
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
CONTENTS

Oxford Library of Psychology vii

About the Editor ix

Contributors xi

Contents xv

Chapters 1–1104

Index 1105

v
This page intentionally left blank
O X F O R D L I B R A R Y O F P S YC H O L O G Y

The Oxford Library of Psychology, a landmark series of handbooks, is published

by Oxford University Press, one of the world’s oldest and most highly respected
publishers, with a tradition of publishing significant books in psychology. The
ambitious goal of the Oxford Library of Psychology is nothing less than to span a
vibrant, wide-ranging field and, in so doing, to fill a clear market need.
Encompassing a comprehensive set of handbooks, organized hierarchically, the
Library incorporates volumes at different levels, each designed to meet a distinct
need. At one level are a set of handbooks designed broadly to survey the major
subfields of psychology; at another are numerous handbooks that cover impor-
tant current focal research and scholarly areas of psychology in depth and detail.
Planned as a reflection of the dynamism of psychology, the Library will grow
and expand as psychology itself develops, thereby highlighting significant new
research that will impact on the field. Adding to its accessibility and ease of use,
the Library will be published in print and, later on, electronically.
The Library surveys psychology’s principal subfields with a set of handbooks
that capture the current status and future prospects of those major subdisciplines.
This initial set includes handbooks of social and personality psychology, clini-
cal psychology, counseling psychology, school psychology, educational psychol-
ogy, industrial and organizational psychology, cognitive psychology, cognitive
neuroscience, methods and measurements, history, neuropsychology, personality
assessment, developmental psychology, and more. Each handbook undertakes to
review one of psychology’s major subdisciplines with breadth, comprehensiveness,
and exemplary scholarship. In addition to these broadly conceived volumes, the
Library also includes a large number of handbooks designed to explore in depth
more specialized areas of scholarship and research, such as stress, health and cop-
ing, anxiety and related disorders, cognitive development, or child and adolescent
assessment. In contrast to the broad coverage of the subfield handbooks, each of
these latter volumes focuses on an especially productive, more highly focused line
of scholarship and research. Whether at the broadest or most specific level, how-
ever, all of the Library handbooks offer synthetic coverage that reviews and evalu-
ates the relevant past and present research and anticipates research in the future.
Each handbook in the Library includes introductory and concluding chapters
written by its editor to provide a roadmap to the handbook’s table of contents and
to offer informed anticipations of significant future developments in that field.
An undertaking of this scope calls for handbook editors and chapter authors who
are established scholars in the areas about which they write. Many of the nation’s
and world’s most productive and best-respected psychologists have agreed to edit
Library handbooks or write authoritative chapters in their areas of expertise.

vii
 For whom has the Oxford Library of Psychology been written? Because of its
breadth, depth, and accessibility, the Library serves a diverse audience, including
graduate students in psychology and their faculty mentors, scholars, researchers,
and practitioners in psychology and related fields. Each will find in the Library the
information they seek on the subfield or focal area of psychology in which they
work or are interested.
Befitting its commitment to accessibility, each handbook includes a compre-
hensive index, as well as extensive references to help guide research. And because
the Library was designed from its inception as an online as well as a print resource,
its structure and contents will be readily and rationally searchable online. Further,
once the Library is released online, the handbooks will be regularly and thor-
oughly updated.
In summary, the Oxford Library of Psychology will grow organically to provide a
thoroughly informed perspective on the field of psychology, one that reflects both
psychology’s dynamism and its increasing interdisciplinarity. Once published
electronically, the Library is also destined to become a uniquely valuable interac-
tive tool, with extended search and browsing capabilities. As you begin to consult
this handbook, we sincerely hope you will share our enthusiasm for the more
than 500-year tradition of Oxford University Press for excellence, innovation, and
quality, as exemplified by the Oxford Library of Psychology.

Peter E. Nathan
Editor-in-Chief
Oxford Library of Psychology

viii oxf ord l i b r a ry of psycholo g y

A B O U T T H E E D I TO R

Jaan Valsiner
Jaan Valsiner is a developmental cultural psychologist. He is the founding editor
(1995) of the major international journal Culture & Psychology (Sage) and Editor-
in-Chief of Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Sciences (Springer, from 2007).
He is also the recipient of Alexander von Humboldt Prize (1995) for his interdisci-
plinary work on human development.

ix
This page intentionally left blank
 CO N T R I B U TO R S

Emily Abbey Mario Carretero

Department of Psychology Universidad Autónoma de Madrid and
Ramapo College of New Jersey FLACSO
Mahwah, NJ Argentina
Mayu Akasaka Pradeep Chakkarath
Graduate School of Letters Social Theory and Social Psychology
Ritsumeikan University Ruhr-University-Bochum, Germany
Kyoto, Japan Bochum, Germany
Cor Baerveldt Nandita Chaudhary
Department of Psychology University of Delhi
University of Alberta Department of Human Development and
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada Childhood Studies
Ana Cecília S. Bastos Delhi, India
Federal University of Bahia Michael Cole
Institute of Psychology/Institute of Public Health Department of Communication
Salvador, Brazil University of California, San Diego
Zachary Beckstead La Jolla, CA
Department of Psychology Carla C. Cunha
Clark University Universidade do Minho e Instituto Superior da
Worcester, MA Maia (ISMAI)
Tiago Bento Portugal
Department of Psychology and Communication Harry Daniels
ISMAI - Instituto Superior da Maia (ISMAI) Centre for Sociocultural and Activity Theory
Portugal Research
Angela Bermudez University of Bath
School of Education Bath, UK
Northeastern University Rainer Diriwächter
Boston, MA Department of Psychology
Christophe Boesch California Lutheran University
Max-Planck-Institut fur Evolutionäre Thousand Oaks, CA
Anthropologie Deborah Downing-Wilson
Leipzig, Germany Laboratory of Comparative Human
Ernst E. Boesch Cognition
University of Saarbrücken University of California, San Diego
Germany San Diego, CA
Angela Uchoa Branco Lutz H. Eckensberger
Laboratory of Microgenesis in Social Deutsches Institut für Internationale
Interactions Pädagogische Forschung
Instituto de Psicologia-Universidade de Brasília Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universität
Brasília, Brazil Frankfurt, Germany
Jens Brockmeier Wolfgang Friedlmeier
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
University of Manitoba Grand Valley State University
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada Allendale, MI

xi
Mari Fukuda Irini Kadianaki
Graduate School of Humanities Department of Psychology
Ritsumeikan University University of Cyprus
Kyoto, Japan Nicosia, Cyprus
Alex Gillespie Heidi Keller
Department of Psychology Department of Culture and Development
University of Stirling University of Osnabrueck
Stirling, UK Osnabrueck, Germany
Simona Ginsburg Nikita A. Kharlamov
Department of Natural Science Department of Psychology
The Open University of Israel Clark University
Jerusalem, Israel Worcester, MA
Alfredo González-Ruibal Ayae Kido
Heritage Laboratory, Spanish National Department of Psychology
Research Council (CSIC) Ritsumeikan University
Santiago de Compostela, Spain Kyoto, Japan
Rom Harré Kalevi Kull
Department of Psychology Department of Semiotics
Georgetown University University of Tartu
Washington, D.C. Tartu, Estonia
Bob Heyman Robert Lecusay
Centre for Health and Social Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition
Care Research University of California, San Diego
University of Huddersfield San Diego, CA
Queensgate, Huddersfield, UK Xiaowen Li
Tomo Hidaka Department of Human Development
Graduate School of Humanities East China Normal University
Ritsumeikan University Shanghai, China
Kyoto, Japan Angélica López
Manfred Holodynski Department of Psychology
Institut for Psychology in Education University of California Santa Cruz
University of Münster Santa Cruz, CA
Münster, Germany Ana Flávia do Amaral Madureira
Antonio Iannaccone Department of Psychology
Institute of Psychology and Education Centro Universitário de Brasília
University of Neuchâtel Brasília, Brazil
Neuchâtel, Switzerland Riin Magnus
Robert E. Innis Department of Semiotics
Department of Philosophy University of Tartu
University of Massachusetts Lowell Tartu, Estonia
Lowell, MA Hala W. Mahmoud
Eva Jablonka Department of Social and Developmental
The Cohn institute for the Psychology
History and Philosophy of Science University of Cambridge
and Ideas United Kingdom & Africa and Middle East
Tel-Aviv University Refugee Assistance
Tel-Aviv, Israel Cairo, Egypt
Gustav Jahoda Ivana Marková
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
University of Strathclyde University of Stirling
Glasgow, Scotland, UK Stirling, Scotland, UK

xii contributo r s
Giuseppina Marsico Rebeca Puche-Navarro
Department of Education Science Centro de Investigaciones en Psicología
University of Salerno Cognición y Cultura
Fisciano, Italy Universidad del Valle
Mariann Märtsin Cali, Colombia
School of Social Sciences Elaine P. Rabinovich
Wales Institute of Social and Economic Catholic University of Salvador
Research, Data and Methods Bahia, Brazil
Cardiff University Susan J. Rasmussen
Cardiff, UK Department of Anthropology
Rebeca Mejía-Arauz University of Houston
Department of Psychology Houston, TX
ITESO University Carl Ratner
Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico Institute for Cultural Research and
Fathali M. Moghaddam Education
Department of Psychology Trinidad, CA
Georgetown University Barbara Rogoff
Washington, D.C. Department of Psychology
Kyoko Murakami University of California Santa Cruz
University of Bath Santa Cruz, CA
Department of Education Ivan Rosero
Bath, UK Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition
Behnosh Najafi Department of Communication
Department of Psychology University of California, San Diego
University of California Santa Cruz La Jolla, CA
Santa Cruz, CA João Salgado
Miki Nishida Instituto Superior da Maia (ISMAI)
Graduate School of Core Ethics and Frontier Portugal
Sciences Sergio Salvatore
Ritsumeikan University Università del Salento
Kyoto, Japan Department of Educational, Psychological and
Cristina Novoa Teaching Sciences
Department of Psychology Lecce, Italy
Georgetown University Tatsuya Sato
Washington, D.C. Department of Psychology
A. Bame Nsamenang Faculty of Letters
Human Development Resource Centre Ritsumeikan University
Bamenda, Cameroon Kyoto, Japan
Ria O’Sullivan-Lago Lívia Mathias Simão
Department of Sociology Institute of Psychology
University of Limerick University of São Paulo
Limerick, Ireland São Paulo, Brazil
Seonah Oh Noboru Takahashi
Department of International Studies Department of School Education
Kyoai Gakuen College Osaka Kyoiku University
Gunma, Japan Osaka, Japan
Chengnan Pian Kazuko Takeo
School of Sociology Faculty of Science Division 1
China University of Political Science and Law Tokyo University of Science
Beijing, China Tokyo, Japan

con tribu tors xiii

Eero Tarasti Brady Wagoner
University of Helsinki Department of Communication & Psychology
Institute of Art Research Aalborg University
Helsinki, Finland Aalborg, Denmark
Iddo Tavory Zachary Warren
Department of Sociology Department of Psychology
The New School for Social Research Georgetown University
New York, NY Washington, D.C.
Aaro Toomela Meike Watzlawik
Institute of Psychology Beratungsinstitut für Analyse und
Tallinn University Berufsfindung
Tallinn, Estonia Bremen, Germany
Jaan Valsiner Cynthia E. Winston
Department of Psychology Department of Psychology
Clark University Howard University
Worcester, MA Washington, D.C.
René van der Veer Michael R. Winston
Leiden University Department of History
Department of Education Howard University
Leiden, The Netherlands Washington, D.C.
Bert van Oers Toshiya Yamamoto
Department Theory and Research in Education School of Human Sciences
Faculty of Psychology and Education Waseda University
VU University Tokorozawa City, Saitama, Japan
Amsterdam, The Netherlands Tania Zittoun
Theo Verheggen University of Neuchâtel
Department of Psychology Institute of Psychology and Education
Open Universiteit Nederland Neuchâtel, Switzerland
Heerlen, the Netherlands

xiv contr i buto r s

CONTENTS

Part One • Historical Linkages of Culture and Psychology

Introduction: Culture in Psychology: A Renewed
Encounter of Inquisitive Minds 3
Jaan Valsiner
1. Culture and Psychology: Words and Ideas in History 25
Gustav Jahoda
2. Völkerpsychologie 43
Rainer Diriwächter
3. Cultural-Historical Psychology: Contributions of Lev Vygotsky 58
René van der Veer

Part Two • Inter- and Intradisciplinary Perspectives

4. The Role of Indigenous Psychologies in the Building
of Basic Cultural Psychology 71
Pradeep Chakkarath
5. Cultural Anthropology 96
Susan J. Rasmussen
6. Cross-Cultural Psychology: Taking People, Contexts,
and Situations Seriously 116
Heidi Keller
7. Archeology and the Study of Material Culture: Synergies
With Cultural Psychology 132
Alfredo González-Ruibal

Part Three • Positions in the Field

8. Enactivism 165
Cor Baerveldt and Theo Verheggen
9. Positioning Theory: Moral Dimensions of
Social-Cultural Psychology 191
Rom Harré
10. Macro-Cultural Psychology 207
Carl Ratner

Part Four • Semiosis in Culture and Psychology

11. Social Life of the Sign: Sense-Making in Society 241
Sergio Salvatore

xv
 12. Meaningful Connections: Semiotics, Cultural Psychology,
and the Forms of Sense 255
Robert E. Innis
13. The City As a Sign: A Developmental-Experiential
Approach to Spatial Life 277
Nikita A. Kharlamov
14. Modeling Iconic Literacy: The Dynamic Models for
Complex Cultural Objects 303
Rebeca Puche-Navarro
15. Existential Semiotics and Cultural Psychology 316
Eero Tarasti

Part Five • Action, Self, and Narration

16. Culture: Result and Condition of Action 347
Ernest E. Boesch
17. Culture-Inclusive Action Theory: Action Theory in Dialectics
and Dialectics in Action Theory 357
Lutz H. Eckensberger
18. The Other in the Self: A Triadic Unit 403
Lívia Mathias Simão
19. Dialogical Theory of Selfhood 421
Tiago Bento, Carla C. Cunha, and João Salgado
20. Narrative Scenarios: Toward a Culturally Thick Notion of Narrative 439
Jens Brockmeier
21. Culture in Action: A Discursive Approach 468
Kyoko Murakami
22. Social Representations As Anthropology of Culture 487
Ivana Marková

Part Six • Tools for Living: Transcending Social Limitations

23. Life-Course: A Socio-Cultural Perspective 513
Tania Zittoun
24. Being Poor: Cultural Tools for Survival 536
Ana Cecília S. Bastos and Elaine P. Rabinovich
25. Cultural Psychology of Racial Ideology in Historical Perspective: An
Analytic Approach to Understanding Racialized Societies and Their
Psychological Effects on Lives 558
Cynthia E. Winston and Michael R. Winston
26. Belonging to Gender: Social Identities, Symbolic Boundaries and
Images 582
Ana Flávia do Amaral Madureira
27. Risk and Culture 602
Bob Heyman
28. Constructing Histories 625
Mario Carretero and Angela Bermudez

xvi contents
Part Seven • Emergence of Culture
29. Roots of Culture in the Umwelt 649
Riin Magnus and Kalevi Kull
30. Culture and Epigenesis: A Waddingtonian View 662
Iddo Tavory, Eva Jablonka, and Simona Ginsburg
31. From Material to Symbolic Cultures: Culture in Primates 677
Christophe Boesch

Part Eight • Human Movement Through Culture

32. Encountering Alterity: Geographic and Semantic Movements 695
Alex Gillespie, Irini Kadianaki, and Ria O’Sullivan-Lago
33. Crossing Thresholds: Movement As a Means of Transformation 710
Zachary Beckstead
34. Never “at-Home”?: Migrants between Societies 730
Mariann Märtsin and Hala W. Mahmoud

Part Nine • Culture of Higher Social Regulators: Values,

Magic, and Duties
35. Values and Socio-Cultural Practices: Pathways to Moral Development 749
Angela Uchoa Branco
36. The Intergenerational Continuity of values 767
A. Bame Nsamenang
37. The Making of Magic: Cultural Constructions of the
Mundane Supernatural 783
Meike Watzlawik and Jaan Valsiner
38. Duties and Rights 796
Fathali M. Moghaddam, Cristina Novoa, and Zachary Warren

Part Ten • Cultural Interfaces: Persons and Institutions

39. The Interface Between the Sociology of Practice and the
Analysis of Talk in the Study of Change in Educational Settings 817
Harry Daniels
40.The Work of Schooling 830
Giuseppina Marsico and Antonio Iannacone
41.Collaboration and Helping as Cultural Practices 869
Angélica López, Behnosh Najafi, Barbara Rogoff, and Rebeca Mejía-Arauz
42. A Cultural-Historical Approach to University/Community
Collaborative Interventions 885
Deborah Downing-Wilson, Robert Lecusay, Ivan Rosero, and Michael Cole

Part Eleven • Social Networks and Cultural Affectivity

43. Affective Networks: The Social Terrain of a Complex Culture 901
Nandita Chaudhary

con ten ts xvii

 44. Peer Relations 917
Xiaowen Li
45. Culture in Play 936
Bert van Oers
46. Affect and Culture 957
Manfred Holodynski and Wolfgang Friedlmeier

Part Twelve • Toward Methodological Innovations

for Cultural Psychology
47.Ambivalence and Its Transformations 989
Emily Abbey
48. Guesses on the Future of Cultural Psychology: Past, Present, and Past 998
Aaro Toomela
49. Culture in Constructive Remembering 1034
Brady Wagoner
50. How Can We Study Interactions Mediated by Money
as a Cultural Tool: From the Perspectives of “Cultural Psychology of
Differences” as a Dialogical Method 1056
Toshiya Yamamoto, Noboru Takahashi, Tatsuya Sato, Kazuko Takeo,
Seonah Oh, and Chengnan Pian
51. The Authentic Culture of Living Well: Pathways to
Psychological Well-Being 1078
Tatsuya Sato, Mari Fukuda, Tomo Hidaka, Ayae Kido, Miki Nishida,
and Mayu Akasaka
52. Psychology Courting Culture: Future Directions and
Their Implications 1092
Jaan Valsiner

Index 1105

xviii contents
 PA RT
1
Historical Linkages of
Culture and Psychology
This page intentionally left blank
Introduction: Culture in Psychology:
A Renewed Encounter of
Inquisitive Minds
Jaan Valsiner

Abstract
This introductory chapter outlines the historical picture of the recent interest in the linking of culture
and psychology, as well as the conceptual obstacles that have stood on the way of re-introducing
complexity of human psychological functions—higher cultural forms—to psychological research
practices. The avoidance of complex and dynamic phenomena (affective processes in feeling, religious
sentiments that take the form of values, and of the high varieties of cultural forms displayed all over the
World) has limited psychology’s knowledge creation. In the past two decades, with the emergence of
cultural psychology at the intersection of developmental, educational, and social psychologies and their
linking with cultural anthropology, sociology, and history, we have observed a renewed effort to build an
interdisciplinary synthesis of ideas. This takes place in the wider social context of the globalizing world.
Psychology needs culture to make sense of the human lives.
Keywords: cultural psychology, causality, quantity, quality, affect, globalization

This Handbook is a milestone in the effort to bring culture into psychology. Such enthusiasm is
re-unite two large domains of knowledge—one cov- needed—as revolutions, both in science and in soci-
ered by the generic term psychology, and the other by eties, need it. Innovation in any science is impos-
the equally general term culture. When two giants sible without the efforts of the scientists to explore
meet, one never knows what might happen—it can the not yet known lands of the ideas that may seem
become a battle or the two can amiably join their nonsensical from the point of view of accepted
forces and live happily ever after. The latter “happy knowledge yet tease the mind.
end” of a fairy tale is far from the realities of the his- The complexity of the task of bringing culture
tory of the social sciences. into psychology as a science has been considerable.
In the case of this Handbook, we have evidence It has been historically blocked by a number of social
of a multisided effort to develop the connections agents (representing rivaling ideologies) who saw in
between culture and psychology. The time may be this a damage to psychology as natural science (see
ripe—discourse about that unity has re-emerged Valsiner, 2012, Chapters 5–9). As a result, psychol-
since the 1980s, and cultural psychology has ogy has suffered from its self-generated image of
become consolidated since the mid-1990s around being an “objective science”—of deeply subjective
its core journal Culture & Psychology (published by and culturally organized phenomena. Such historical
Sage/London). The present Handbook reflects that myopia can be understood as a need for the discipline
tradition, while extending it toward new interdisci- to compete in the representational beauty contest
plinary horizons. The contributors— from all over of the sciences. Yet it cannot win that contest—
the World—enthusiastically take on the task to remaining such a frivolous competitor whose claims

3
to “objectivity” are easily falsified by yet another There can be very many different vantage points
innovation in the social or psychological domain. from where culture could enter into psychol-
ogy in the twenty-first century. First, of course,
Psychology’s “Blind Spot”: Personal Will there are the realistic connections with neighbor-
As a Cultural Phenomenon ing disciplines—cultural anthropology (Holland,
Historical myopia of a discipline has dire conse- 2010; Obeyesekere, 2005, 2010; Skinner, Pach, &
quences. Psychology of the last century turned out Holland, 1998; Rasmussen, 2011), and sociology
to be mute when basic human life phenomena— (Kharlamov, 2012)—from where such efforts could
famines, wars, epidemics, religious piety and preju- find their start. Yet in the last decade we also can
dice, political negotiations, and migration—have observe the move inside of the vast field of psychol-
been concerned. It has refrained from the study ogy. Psychology itself is a heterogeneous discipline—
of higher—volitional—psychological functions, within which we can observe a number of moves
while concentrating on the lower, simpler ones. toward embracing the notion of culture. Although
Thus, psychology of affect has many ways to deal it began from the educational and developmental
with basic emotion categories that are expressed concerns of the 1980s that mostly used the ideas
similarly all around the world—yet has not made of Vygotsky as the center of their new efforts, by
new breakthroughs in understanding the general- 2010s the effort also includes social psychology—
ized feelings that lead to desirous actions and gen- both in Europe and the United States—where the
eralized values. The intentional affective actions generic label “social” becomes frequently taken over
were actively investigated until the beginning of the by “cultural.”
twentieth century in psychology but rarely later. It Second, it is the rapid movement—of messages and
is the semiotic and narrative focus of our contem- people—that renders the former images of homoge-
porary cultural psychology that restores our focus neous classes that dominated cross-cultural psychology
onto these humanly important phenomena. The either moot or problematic. The tradition of compar-
most important cultural invention of the human ing societies (i.e., countries, re-labeled as “cultures”—
psyche is the simple claim, “I want <X>!”—and it e.g., of “the Mexicans” or “the Germans”)—which has
is precisely the least studied and understood theme been accepted practice in cross-cultural psychology—
in contemporary psychology. Although there is loses its epistemological value. Empirical comparisons
increasing interest, in cultural psychology, on the of the averages of samples “from different cultures”
“I” part (e.g., Dialogical Self Theories), the “want” (i.e., countries) can bring out interesting starting data
part of this simple meaning construction is rarely for further analysis by cultural psychology.
analyzed. The notable exception—Heider, (1958, All this is supported by real-life social changes.
1983)—is an example of a synthesis of different It is as if the globalizing movement of people
European philosophical and psychological tra- across country boundaries brings “cultural for-
ditions. Psychology has been fearful of the will- eigners” to be next-door neighbors. The issue of
ful human being and has instead presented the making sense of their ways of living becomes of
human psyche as an object influenced by a myriad interest for the already established colonists of the
of “factors” from all directions—biological, social, given place. It is hard to remain content with the
economic, even unconscious—rather than by the prototypical notions of “being American” when
volition that could break out from all these con- one sees a collective Islamic prayer unfolding in
fines and develop in new directions. the middle of a major U.S. airport. The world is
now different from the last century—we are in
Why Another Effort to Link Psychology close contact with “cultural others,” and all our
With Culture? social-psychological adaptations to this innovation
Given this complex history, bringing culture acquire a cultural accent. Contemporary social
back into psychology is also a very multifaceted psychology picks up the need to study such social
effort in today’s intellectual environment. Yet the events that carry complex cultural accents. It is
realities of social life guide us toward it—in a world supported by the demand of both the lay pub-
where people travel voraciously and their messages lics in different countries and their socio-political
travel instantly, the know-how of how “the others” organizations to understand and administer the
function is both necessary for life and profitable for “cultural others” yet retain their own dominant
businesses. centrality.

4 c ulture in psycholo g y
The Third Effort for Psychology in its Leipzig in 1879. It was followed in North America
History: How Can it Succeed? by the avalanche of the “behaviorist” ideology
This effort—uniting culture and psychology— (Watson, 1913), which has been slow to end. The
that has been taking place from the 1990s to the intermediate birth of “cognitive science” in the
present time is actually the third one1 in the history 1950s from the behaviorist roots was a half-resto-
of psychology. We can observe, in the recent two ration of the focus on higher psychological func-
decades, multiple efforts to bring culture into the tions. Hence, the cultural psychology movement
science in general. Likewise, psychology begins to that started in the 1980s constitutes another effort
enter into cultural arenas in many new ways that in that direction.
Little Albert,2 Ioni,3 or Sultan,4 or even the dogs of
Professor Pavlov could never have thought about. A The Obstacles to Innovation
number of our contributions to this Handbook— As psychology is non-neutral in its context of
those of Christophe Boesch (2012), Alfredo social existence, it is not surprising that its prog-
Gonzalez-Ruibal (2012) and Zachary Beckstead ress is constantly organized by different promoting
(2012)—give the readers a glimpse of new pathways fashions (e.g., the need to look “socially relevant”)
for future development of cultural psychology. in unison with a multitude of conceptual obstacles.
Of course, psychology’s historical inroads can The latter are often the targets of discourse in cul-
be seen to have delayed such return to culture. tural psychology that cannot avoid addressing them.
The issue has been ideological in the history of Their relevance, of course, transcends the work in
the science of psychology—how to treat complex, the realms of cultural psychology and would illumi-
meaningful, intentional, and dynamic psychologi- nate other fields of psychology.
cal phenomena? These phenomena were actively
addressed in the context of emerging psychology in Decision About Where Not to Look:
Germany by philosophers in the first seven decades Axiomatic Dismissal of Complexity
of the nineteenth century—yet all these contri- Many of the habits of psychology, in their
butions were lost as they were guided out of the insistence on the study of elementary phenomena
history of psychology as it was re-written after the (Toomela & Valsiner, 2010), have led to avoid-
1870s. According to most of the history textbook ing the complexities of the human psychological
views, psychology as science was born in 1879. functioning. This happens in a number of ways:
That origin myth dates back to Boring’s work on by imperative to quantify those phenomena
re-writing the history of psychology (Boring, 1929) that are of “scientific interest” and by develop-
that selected as science only some part of the wide ing theories inductively—moving toward gen-
intellectual enterprise of psychology of the nine- eralization from the thus selectively quantified
teenth century. evidence. This all happens with the belief in the
Psychology as a science was born in the work of elementaristic causality (factor X causes
German language environment—first in the 1730s Y; e.g., “intelligence” causes success in problem
(Christian Wolff’s Psicologia empirica in 1732 and solving; or “culture” causes “girls being shy”; see
Psicologia rationalis in 1734), followed by the Toomela, 2012, in this Handbook). In contrast,
anti-Wolff denial of psychology’s place among cultural psychology leaves such causal attributions
other sciences by Immanuel Kant. The birth of behind. Culture here emerges as a generic term
psychology as part of educational curriculae dates to capture the complexity of human lives—rather
to years 1806 and later—when Johann Friedrich than narrowly concentrating on their behavior.
Herbart started his first university course in psy- We are back to the study of psychological dynam-
chology (Jahoda, 2008; Teo, 2007). Yet in the early ics in all of its complexity (Valsiner, 2009a), yet
nineteenth-century psychology was the realm for we are still at a loss about how to do that. The
discourse by philosophers and theologians, with lead from the “second cybernetics” of the 1960s
natural scientists playing a secondary role. This (Maruyama, 1963) and the use of qualitative
power relation reversed in the 1860s in favor of mathematical models (Rudolph, 2006a, 2006b,
the natural sciences—particularly physiology. This 2006c, 2008a, 2008b, 2009; Rudolph & Valsiner,
led to the “elementaristic revolution” in psychol- 2008; Tsuda, 2001) instead of statistical inference
ogy that started from Wilhelm Wundt’s establish- can be a way to overcome the obstacles of unwar-
ing his laboratory of Experimental Psychology in ranted assumptions.

va lsin er 5
The Terminological Difficulty—Culture of imperatives rather than creating innovations.
Is Polysemic Psychology has suffered from too many consen-
Culture is in some sense a magic word—positive sual fixations of the “right” methods in the last
in connotations but hard to pinpoint in any science half-century (Toomela, 2007a), rendering its
that attempts to use it as its core term. Its impor- innovative potentials mute. Cultural psychology
tance is accentuated by our contemporary fashion- as a new direction entails an effort to un-mute
able common language terms (multiculturalism, the discipline. It is helped by the appeal—and
cultural roots, cultural practices, etc.)—hence the uncertainty—of the label culture.
perceived value of the term. Yet much of “nor-
mal science” of psychology continues to produce Culture As a “Container” as Opposed to a “Tool”
hyperempirical work using methods that do not The readers in this Handbook will encounter
consider substantive innovation, even after having two opposite directions in handling of the notion
learned to insert the word culture into politically of culture—that of a container of a homogeneous
correct locations in its various texts. In this sense, class (Fig. I.1A), and that of a unique organizer of
the fate of culture in contemporary psychology person–environment relations (Fig. I.1B). These
continues to be that of up-and-coming novice who two uses have little or nothing in common, once
tries to get its powerful parents to accommodate more indicating the vagueness of the use of culture
to its needs. in our present-day social sciences.
Cultural psychology is being sculpted in a vari- Of course the proliferation of the notion of
ety of versions—all unified by the use of the word culture in the social sciences is no issue of science
culture (Boesch, 1991; Cole, 1996, Shweder, 1990). only. Reasons for that increasing popularity of a
That may be where its unity ends, giving rise to a vague label are to be found beyond the boundar-
varied set of perspectives that only partially link ies of science—in the “culture stress” experienced
with one another. This may be confusing for those by local communities resulting from in-migration
who try to present cultural psychology as a mono- of “others” and temporary (or not so temporary)
lithic discipline—but it is certainly good for the outmigration of “our own” (Appadurai, 2006). Our
development of new perspectives. Heterogeneity globalizing world is also open to various projec-
of a discipline breeds innovation—whereas tions of oneself to the (far-away) others. Politicians
homogenization kills it. History of psychology start to pretend they can say something in a foreign
gives us many examples of originally innovative language in public, whereas production capacities
perspectives turning into established “theories or move from their “First World” locations to the so-
systems”—and becoming followed through sets called “developing countries.”

(A) (B)
C
P
P PERSONS
create
C SOCIETY in C
PERSONS are IN CULTURE
between
them
P P
C

BOUNDARY of “culture” IS ASSUMED BOUNDARY of “society” IS ASSUMED

TO BE RIGID AND DEFINED TO BE FLUID AND CHANGING

Figure I.1 Two meanings of culture in psychology. (A) Culture as a container (P = person). (B) Culture (C) as a tool within person.

6 c ulture in psycholo g y
The Hero Mythology—Replacing centuries (Jahoda, 1993, 2011). Such slow move-
Innovation by Finished Ideas ment results from projection of social values into the
Psychologists like to tell stories—beautiful sto- term—culture is not a neutral term. It is suspect—and
ries—about famous people of their kind who had appealing—at the same time. Its appealing label feeds
clever ideas that are still guiding our contemporary into the advancement of various streams of thought
thinking. Of course, it is in the communication in the social sciences (Rohner, 1984; Sinha, 1996),
process between a science and the society that the and the constructive openness in using it as an intel-
making of such “hero myths” operates in creat- lectual catalyst in psychology continues.
ing cultural connectors (Aubin, 1997, p. 300). The Although it is well-known (Valsiner, 2001,
popularity of “being X-ian” is a token in the pub- 2004a) that the term culture is vague, as it has been
lic legitimization of a particular perspective (e.g., proven indefinable, yet its functional role in public
“Vygotskian” is “promising,” “behavioral” is “past discourse has been growing steadily. Vagueness of a
its prime”)—independently of the particular ideas concept need not be an obstacle in scientific knowl-
used within these perspectives to make sense of some edge-building (many terms in many sciences are)
phenomenon. Freud, Skinner, Piaget, and Vygotsky and are kept vague, so as to enhance their generative
are often put on the pedestal for having revealed potential (Löwy, 1992). As Löwy has explained:
the great secrets of the psyche. Telling such stories
The long-term survival of imprecise terms points to
is dangerous for the ideas of precisely those persons
an important heuristic role. Adopting an over-precise
who are being honored. On the theoretical side,
definition may jeopardize a promising study, while
glory stories of various “giants” such as Vygotsky,
maintaining a poorly defined concept may propel
Bakhtin, Gadamer, Levinas, and others are likely
fruitful research. Imprecise terms may also facilitate
to promote the mentality of following previously
the study of phenomena that share some, yet poorly
expressed ideas, rather than developing new ones.
defined, characteristics, and that may help link
Rather than innovate historically solid intellectual
distinct disciplinary approaches. The fluidity of terms
perspectives—the makers of which tried, but still
at times of conceptual change makes retrospective
did not solve their problems—we seem to enjoy
discovery accounts especially problematic. Discoverers
turning these “classic thinkers” into some gurus and
tend to attribute a later, fixed meaning and imprecise,
follow them ardently. Taking a theoretical perspec-
fluid terms current at the time of the discovery.
tive becomes transformed into a membership of a
(Löwy, 1990, p. 89)
fan club of one or another of such guru figures—
leading to a variety of intra- and intergroup rela- The fate of culture in psychology and anthropol-
tionship issues of such groups of followers. The ogy fits Löwy’s point well. Since the 1990s, we have
main function of theories—being intellectual gen- seen the acceptance of the term by psychologists,
eral tools for understanding—easily gets lost. Social who pride themselves in its vagueness and make it
scientists seem to enjoy the game of social position- useful in various ways. In contrast, cultural anthro-
ing. We can still observe recurrent claims of “being pologists can be seen refusing to use it at all! Culture
X-ian” (“Vygotskian,” “Bakhtinian,” “Freudian,” as a term becomes useless in anthropology, whereas
“Habermasian,” “Levinasian,” etc.). I consider such it is becoming useful in psychology!
claims misleading, because the best way to follow
a thinker is to develop the ideas further—rather Psychology Is Becoming Global
than declare one’s membership in a virtual commu- Globalization in a science—like in economics
nity. But mere membership in a community is no and society—is an ambiguous process. It brings
solution to problems that the members of the com- with it emergence of new opportunities together
munity try to solve. The scientific community is a with the demise of old (and “safe”) practices. The
resource for providing new solutions—rather than immediate result of globalization is the increase of
a club, the membership of which is determined by “sudden contacts” between varied persons of dif-
loyalty to old ones. ferent backgrounds—with all that such contact
implies (Moghaddam, 2006). If “culture” is viewed
Vagueness in Science and its Functions in terms of a “container” (Fig. I.1A) that implies
We know that culture’s journey into psychology selective “border controls,” segregation of immi-
has already been in the making for more than two grants into “we <>they” categories, and emphasis

va lsin er 7
on acculturation (Rudmin, 2010). If, in contrast, hamburgers—in their places). In all of these adapta-
“culture” under globalization is seen as a tool (Fig. tions to such contacts, the diversity of both human
I.1B) it is the issue of relating to one’s next-door cultural and biological forms is being negotiated
neighbor—with both positive (mutual learning and (Kashima, 2007; Moghaddam, 2006).
support from one another) and negative (frictions
and open conflicts over trivial local issues) that The Gains—and Their Pains—in Cultural
come into our focus of observation. Psychology
Science also has to learn to tolerate its often less The last two decades of the twentieth century
affluent but better educated neighbor. Any casual were productive for cultural psychology. Following
reading of leading science journals, which may be the lead of the originators of the rebirth of the
published in North America or Europe, reveals cultural direction (Richard Shweder, Michael
the enormous mixture of the home countries of Cole, James Wertsch and Barbara Rogoff in North
the scientists. People from all continents collabo- America, and Ernest Boesch, Lutz Eckensberger,
rate in the solving of crucial scientific problems. Serge Moscovici, Ivana Markova and Ivan Ivic
Not surprisingly, together with the move toward in Europe), a number of younger-generation
international economic interdependence comes researchers started to look at human phenomena
internationalization of sciences. Like other sci- intertwined with their everyday contexts. By the
ences psychology is no longer dominated by few twenty-first century, many new research directions
(North American or European) models of “doing have become emphasized—ruptures as central for
science” in that area. Instead, creative solutions to new developments (Hale, 2008; Zittoun, 2004,
complex problems emerge from the “developing 2006, 2007, 2010), actuations as a new way to
world,” where the whole range of the variety of unite actions and meanings (Rosa, 2007), gener-
cultural phenomena guarantees the potential rich- alized significant symbols (Gillespie, 2006) as well
ness of psychology. as search for the self through looking at the other
(Bastos & Rabinovich, 2009; Simão & Valsiner,
Cultural Psychology: Its Indigenous Roots 2007) and finding that other in the contexts of
Of course different areas of psychology are dif- social interdependence (Chaudhary, 2004, 2007;
ferentially open to such internationalization— Menon, 2002; Tuli & Chaudhary, 2010). At the
cultural psychology in its recent new upsurge is same time, we see continuous interest in the cul-
thus a “developing science.” Looking back, much tural nature of subjectivity (Boesch, 2005, 2008;
has changed since mid-1990s (Valsiner, 1995, Cornejo, 2007; Sullivan, 2007) and the unpredict-
2001, 2004, 2009a, 2009b), mostly in the con- ability of environments (Abbey, 2007; Golden &
text within which the discourses of re-entering talk Mayseless, 2008). The topic of multivoicedness of
about culture into psychology have been framed. the self as it relates with the world has emerged as
Cultural psychology has been the witness—an a productive theme (Bertau, 2008; Joerchel, 2007;
active one—of the transformations that go on in all Salgado & Gonçalves, 2007; Sullivan, 2007),
of psychology as it is globalizing (Valsiner, 2009a, including the move to consider the opposites of
2009b). Nevertheless, within psychology, cultural polyphony (“intensified nothingness,” Mladenov,
psychology remains “indigenous”—emphasizing 1997). This is embedded in the multiplicity of dis-
the phenomena, rather than data, as these are cen- course strategies (Castro & Batel, 2008) in insti-
tral for science. tutional contexts (Phillips, 2007). Affective lives
Indigenous is not a pejorative word. We are all are situated in social contexts but by persons them-
indigenous as unique human beings, social units, selves as they relate to social institutions.
and societies—coming to sudden contact with oth-
ers of the same kind, and discovering that it is “the Old Disputes in New Form: Immediacy
other” who is indigenous, not ourselves. Different and Mediation
ways of actions follow: changing the other (by mis- It never ceases to amaze me how old disputes re-
sionary or military conquests) or using the other for emerge in terminologically new ways. When in the
production (by importing slaves, or allowing “guest 1950s psychologists were disputing the immediacy
workers” temporarily into “our country” to allevi- of perception (a la James Gibson) in contrast to the
ate labor shortages), or for consumption (creating constructive nature of the perceptual act (a la Jerome
consumer demands for our products—arms or Bruner and Leo Postman, 1950—not to forget

8 c ulture in psycholo g y
Ansbacher, 1937 for the origins), then 50 years it is the latter to which the enactivist viewpoint
later, we find a similar dispute in cultural psy- adheres.
chology around the issues of enactivism, focusing
on the immediate nature of cultural actions— Construction of Signs and Their Use—
and mediation—that centers on the distancing Alternative to Immediacy
from (yet with) the immediate action (Baerveldt In contrast to the enactivist orientation, the
& Verheggen, 1999, 2012; Kreppner, 1999; semiotic meditational direction (Boesch, 2005,
Christopher & Bickhard, 2007; Crisswell, 2009; 2008, 2012; Lonner & Hayes, 2007; Valsiner,
Verheggen & Baerveldt, 2007). Furthermore, 2007) accepts the notion of mediation as an axi-
the immediacy dispute is built around the John omatic given and concentrates on the construction
Dewey-inspired look at human development as of what kind of mediating systems can be discovered
seamless linking of person and context (Rogoff, in human everyday activities and in the domains
1982, 1993, 2003). The question of boundaries of feeling and thinking. The focus on cultural
between person and environment has been actively tools—or symbolic resources (Zittoun, 2006,
disputed in the last two decades. Of course, human 2007, 2012)—necessarily prioritizes the medita-
beings live within the boundary—circumscribed tional view in cultural psychology. This is further
by their skin. Futuristic film-makers, such as supported by the work to bring Charles S. Peirce’s
David Kroonenberg, have recently experimented semiotics to cultural psychology (Innis, 2005, 2012;
with images that make the skin transferrable and Rosa, 2007; Sonesson, 2010). Yet bringing in the
let objects enter and exit through the skin in sur- philosophy of Peirce is a kind of “Trojan horse” for
prising—and horrifying—ways. cultural psychology—if on the manifest level such
The roots of this new focus on immediacy are in importation allows for new look at the multitude
the resurgence of the centrality of the body in theo- of signs that organize human lives. Such appealing
rizing about human beings and its abstracted corol- closeness to reality is supported by Peirce’s abstrac-
lary in terms of the processes of embodiment of the tions as a mathematician.
mental processes (Varela, Thompson, & Ross, 1991).
Refocusing on the body—under the philosophy of The Unresolved Problem: Units of
fighting against “mind–body dualisms”—leads to Analysis
the elimination of the mind. And with the elimina- The difficulty of returning to the psychological
tion of the mind goes the focus on mediation. complexity in the context of cultural psychology is
in the rest of psychology accepting the notion of
Immediacy in Its Enactivist Form analysis units as the atomistic concept of divisibil-
The enactivist position has been put forth ity of the complexity to simplicity. Yet that tradi-
succinctly: tion cannot work if complexity as it exists—rather
than as it could be eliminated—is on the agenda for
Enactivism avoids the notion of “mediation” and
researchers (Matusov, 2007).
problematizes the representational or semiotic
The root metaphor of the question of units in
status of social and cultural objects in general.
psychology has been the contrast between water
Representation is a sophisticated social act and in
(H2O) and its components (oxygen and hydrogen),
that sense it is tautological to add the adjective
used in making the point of the primacy of the
“social.” Moreover, this specification becomes
Gestalt over its constituents widely in the late nine-
misleading when “social” is understood in terms of
teenth- through early twentieth-century thought.
sharedness, even when the notion of sharedness is
The properties of water are not reducible to those
systemic rather than aggregate one.
of either hydrogen or oxygen—water may put out a
(Verheggen and Baerveldt, 2007, p. 22)
fire, whereas the constituents of it burn or enhance
Of course, the enactivist move against ideas of burning. Hence the whole, a water molecule, is
mediation triggers a counteroffensive (Chryssides more than a mere “sum” of its parts. Furthermore,
et al., 2009) defending the role of social represen- it is universal—the chemical structure of water
tation processes precisely as acts of social construc- remains the same, independent of whatever biologi-
tion. The focus on social representation can be cal system (e.g., human body, cellular structure of a
dialectical (Marková, 2003, 2012), and the act of plant) or geological formation (e.g., an ocean, or in
representing can itself be embodied. It seems that a water bottle) in which it exists. Vygotsky expressed

va lsin er 9
the general idea of what a unit of analysis needs to of all social discourses about the phenomena, as
be like in psychology: well as about the social sciences that study these
phenomena. This challenge is most visible in the
Psychology, as it desires to study complex
field—in the deeply politically embedded activities
wholes . . . needs to change the methods of analysis
of NGOs in their relations with local government
into elements by the analytic method that reveals
agencies, community structures, and personal goals
the parts of the unit [literally: breaks the whole into
(Bourdier, 2008). Culture in the field is a politi-
linked units—metod . . . analiza, . . . razchleniayushego
cally contested, non-neutral complex used by all
na edinitsy]. It has to find the further undividable,
disputing sides for their objectives (Wikan, 2002).
surviving features that are characteristic of the given
Possibly precisely because of such multiplicity of
whole as a unity—units within which in mutually
vested interests, the process of “Westernization” can
opposing ways these features are represented [Russian:
be replaced by a notion of parallel development of
edinitsy, v kotorykh v protivopolozhnom
societies in contact. As Kagitçibasi (2005, p. 267)
vide predstavleny eti svoistva].5
has commented:
(Vygotsky, 1999, p. 13)

Vygotsky’s notion of units fits into the general . . . as societies modernize (with increased
structure, emphasizing the unity of parts and focus- urbanization, education, affluence etc.), they do
ing on their relationship. not necessarily demonstrate a shift toward western
However, it is easy to see how Vygotsky’s dialec- individualism. A more complex transformation is
tical units—into opposing parts of the whole—go seen in family patterns of modernizing societies with
beyond the water analogy. The whole (water)— cultures of relatedness. The emerging pattern shares
parts (oxygen, hydrogen) and relations—are fixed important characteristics with both individualism
as long as water remains water. In reality of human and collectivism while, as the synthesis of the two, it
development, the wholes are open to transforma- is significantly different from each.
tion. Together with charting out the pathways to Thus the crucial issue in cultural psychology is
synthesis, inherent in that unit is the constraining to handle phenomena of synthesis. So far the field
of options—the structure of the unit rules out some is as far from a productive solution for that prob-
possible courses for emergence. lem as Wundt, Krueger, and Vygotsky were about
Vygotsky found that holistic unit in word mean- a century ago. Psychology lacks the formal lan-
ing, as that meaning includes a variety of mutually guage that made chemistry back in the nineteenth
opposite and contradicting versions of “personal century capable of solving the synthesis problem
sense” (smysl). Through the dynamic oppositions theoretically.
(contradictions) between subunits (of “personal
sense”) of the meaning (znachenie), the latter devel- Varied Perspectives: Contested by
ops. Thus, we have a hierarchical unit where the “Indigenous” Psychologies
transformation of the znachenie at the higher level The meta-theoretical decision to build hierar-
of organization depends on the dialectical syntheses chical models of relationships means a new return
emerging in the contradictory relationships between to the question of parts–whole relationships. The
varied smysl’s at the lower level. And conversely, the parts belonging to a whole are necessarily operat-
emerged new form of znachenie establishes con- ing at a level subservient to that of a whole, and
straints on the interplay of smysl’s at the lower level. we have a minimal hierarchical system. That system
The loci of developmental transformations are in the is guaranteed by the central role of the agent—the
relations between different levels of the hierarchical acting, feeling, and thinking human being who is
order, not at any one level. always within a context while moving beyond the very
same context by one’s goal-oriented actions. As Tania
Tension Between Macro-Social and Zittoun has explained it:
Micro-Social Levels: Hierarchical
Relationships . . . there is no such thing as a context-free
Ratner’s (2008, 2012) call for a macrocultural competence or skill. However, the setting is not
psychology fills the void at the boundary of psy- everything; every activity is also undertaken by a
chology and sociology. Although doing that it person, actively making sense of the situation, of its
faces a new challenge—that of the political nature whereabouts, its goals and resemblances with other

10 culture in psycho log y

 situations met by her—these processes are in large direct the knowledge construction along its political
part not conscious. orientations.
(Zittoun, 2008, p. 439)
Self-Reflexivity of Psychology: Advantages
Thus, by the very act of modifying the setting, of the “Cultural Look”
the person (actor) creates a hierarchical relationship Psychology’s theory construction site is itself
that sets oneself above the setting, yet in ways that culturally organized. It includes sensitizing con-
remain bounded with the setting (“bounded inde- cepts (social representations)—meanings that give
terminacy,” Valsiner, 1997). This hierarchy can be direction to empirical efforts of researchers (Joffe &
hidden from self-reflexivity and can occur at the Staerklé, 2007, p. 413). A sensitizing concept may
intuitive level of Umwelts. From a generic idea, block the advancement of a direction of research for
“either X or Y” (person OR context), we move to long time—as the history around developmental
“X into Y into X into Y . . .”—a mutually recursive logics (Valsiner, 2008b) shows. Although the core
feed-forward process. notion of “taking” may guide Western psychological
There is much to learn from the indigenous move- theories to accept the rationality of benefit maximi-
ment in contemporary psychology (Chakkarath, zation axiom that leads to the “independent self ”
2005, 2012; Choi, Han, & Kim, 2007; Li, 2007; notion as normative, the Indian focus on “giving”
Krishnan & Manoj, 2008). The productive use of the (Krishnan & Manoj, 2008) sets the stage for differ-
indigenous psychology movement for the concep- ent versions of “interdependent self ” theories. The
tual texture of cultural psychology becomes available generic social representation accepted in the occiden-
after the “colonizing” (treating “the other” society as tal worlds—such as Aristotelian two-valent logic—
a data source) and “independence” (the “other soci- makes the emergence of multitrajectory holistic
ety” claiming the value of their indigenous concepts) (yet structured) concepts much more complicated
is overcome. Instead of mere equality claims of the than in many cases of indigenous meaning systems.
“others’ ” concepts, the science of psychology can Existing meta-level social representations guide the
overcome its Euro-centric historical orientation by directions of theory construction in the sciences.
making some of these concepts the core terms (and For example, Western psychologies have had
treating their Euro-centric analogues as their deri- difficulty accepting the notion of development
vates). As Durghanand Sinha has noted: as it entails synthetic emergence of generalized,
Long before WHO defined health in positive abstracted phenomena. The focus has been on
terms as a state of complete physical, mental and “what was” (memory, history) or on “what we now
social well-being, the Indian conceptualization was think that was” (Galasinska, 2003; Goldberg, Borat
completely holistic as reflected in Susrut’s definition: and Schwartz, 2006; Mori, 2008; Wagoner, 2008,
prasannamendriyamanah swastha (or health is state of 2011) and rarely has considered “what is not yet—
delight or a feeling of spiritual, physical and mental but is about to become.” What is “being measured”
well-being). The aspect of sama or avoidance of is assumed to be “out there” in its essentialist form
extremes and having various bodily processes and (fixed quality) and in different amounts (quanti-
elements in the right quantity (neither too little nor ties). Once the quality is immutably fixed, it cannot
too much), that is, of maintaining proper balance, transform into new forms—hence, the difficulty of
has been constantly emphasized . . . well-being is nit developmental thinking in occidental psychologies.
equated with fulfillment of needs and production of It is only at present that questions of processes by
material wealth through the control and exploitation which the movement toward the future occurs begin
of nature. The capacity to develop and maintain to be analyzed (Järvinen, 2004; Sato et al., 2007).
harmonious relationship with the environment is Cultural psychology cannot deal with behavior as
considered vital. something “out there” that can be observed. Instead,
(Sinha, 1996, p. 95) we can observe meaningful conduct of goal-oriented
organisms (not only humans—Sokol-Chang, 2009)
Of course no governmental organization (WHO, who are in the process of creating one’s actual life
UN, or any other) has a privilege in defining scien- trajectories out of a diversity of possibilities (Sato
tific terms. A science cannot start from a local defi- et al., 2007, 2012). That process may be poorly
nition of a socio-political kind—it would reduce its captured by the use of real numbers (Valsiner &
generalizability and would let a social institution Rudolph, 2008), and hence careful qualitative

va lsin er 11
analyses of particular versions of human conduct are Gananath Obeyesekere’s Cultural World of
the empirical core of cultural psychologies. Person in Context
Culture for Obeyesekere consists of internal-
The Range of the Handbook—And ized ideas in the minds of persons, mediated by
Its “Missing Pages” consciousness. Because consciousness is primar-
Obviously a handbook of 51 chapters is a huge ily personally constructed, the “sharing” of culture
corpus of ideas and seems to be fully comprehen- between persons can only be episodic and partial
sive. Unfortunately we did not succeed in includ- (see Obeyesekere, 1977—demon possession is a per-
ing all the expected and desired relevant authors in sonal-psychological phenomenon that is not shared
the Handbook, for various reasons—mostly linked with others, yet can be exorcised by cultural rules).
with workloads and travel. Thus, the voices of tra- Furthermore, specific sophistic readings of cultural
ditional experimental social psychology (of Shinobu texts by constructive persons can bring into being
Kitayama and Hazel Markus), and its adamant forms of conduct that seemingly deviate from cul-
critiques (Richard Shweder), psychoanalytic cul- tural meanings yet are incorporated into those by
tural anthropology (Gananath Obeyesekere, Sudhir special conditions (e.g., the making of “Buddhist
Kakar), sociology of complex societies (Veena Das, eggs”; see Obeyesekere, 1968, p. 30). He has shown
Rama Chan Tripathi), socio-cultural semiotic per- how constructed discourses—such as the stories
spectives (Alberto Rosa), and the cultural psychol- of Maori cannibalism—proliferate (Obeyesekere,
ogy of work processes (Yrjö Engeström) did not 2005).
materialize by the time the Handbook project was
to be finished. The following entails a brief synopsis Culturally Reformed Psychoanalysis
of some of these. Obeyesekere has been working within a psycho-
analytic paradigm, enriching it with his hermeneutic
Social Psychology of Cultural Self—The stance, and diligently trying to reformulate its con-
Stanford Tradition ceptual structure on the basis of empirical evidence
The “Stanford tradition” emanating from the from the Sinhalese cultural contexts (Obeyesekere,
work of Hazel Markus since 1980s and prolif- 1963, 1968, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1981, 1984, 1990).
erating in North American social psychology is He has also taken a look at encounters between soci-
an outgrowth from the contextualist orientation eties (Obeyesekere, 1993) that reveal the “work of
in personality psychology of the 1970s. Markus’ culture,” as it
work starts from an empirical emphasis on the
. . . is the process whereby symbolic forms existing on
schematic self-descriptions. She gives new theoreti-
the cultural level get created and recreated through
cal life to William James’ notion of possible future
the minds of people. It deals with the formation
selves that is conceptualized in terms of subjective
and transformation of symbolic forms, but is not a
approach/withdrawal tendencies of a person who is
transformation without a subject as in conventional
facing possible futures (Markus & Nurius, 1986).
structural analysis . . .
Furthermore, the emphasis on “possible selves” con-
(Obeyesekere, 1990, p. xix)
stitutes a return to Gordon Allport’s idea of hier-
archical organization of personality and tentatively The work of culture is a developmentally pro-
explains the role of the personally constructed “pos- gressive process in its main scope (even if it may
sible selves” in the regulation of personality devel- include moments of temporary “regressions” in its
opment (e.g., Markus & Wurff, 1987). Although course—e.g., a person’s dissociation of the existing
proceeding from self-personological roots, Markus personality organization and being in turmoil for
creates a contrast between different collective cul- long periods of time (Obeyesekere, 1987, p. 104).
tures in terms of the opposition of independence The key idea is cultural constraints set up condi-
versus interdependence notions that organize the tions under which personal symbolic action takes
selves (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). In years since, place—be this the construction of women’s preg-
Kitayama has developed the notion of interdepen- nancy cravings in Sri Lanka (Obeyesekere, 1963,
dent self into a major research program in experi- 1985) or sorcery for retribution (Obeyesekere,
mental social psychology. The normal state of the 1975). On the other hand, each person acts in
self is interdependent—independence is merely a one’s unique ways, has unique personal history, and
special condition of interdependence. hence any “standard ritual” (e.g., that of exorcism

12 culture in psycho log y

of “demon dominance,” Obeyesekere, 1977, or in Obeyesekere adds this constructive-disjunctive
Christian traditions, Obeyesekere, 2010) needs to (of the symbol from the motive) dimension to the
accommodate a variety of specific conditions that culture-work idea, thus liberating the psychoanalytic
may be characteristic of a particular person. perspective from its expression-interpreting fate.

Overdetermination by Meaning Richard Shweder—The Voice of Culture

Perhaps the most central innovation of the psy- for Psychology
choanalytic thought that Obeyesekere introduces Starting from an anthropological background,
(and that moves him irreversibly away from psy- Richard Shweder’s voice in psychology over the
choanalytic explanations of the occidental ortho- recent two decades has undoubtedly pointed to
dox kind) is the move from overdetermination of the need to consider culture in psychology as a
motive (as emphasized by Freud and reflected in primary constituting factor of the self (Shweder,
dream analysis) to overdetermination of meaning 1984, 1991; Shweder & Much, 1987; Shweder
(Obeyesekere, 1990, p. 56). All events in human & Sullivan, 1990, 1993). The cultural richness of
life occur in polysemic contexts, being framed by India has certainly fascinated Europeans in very
a variety of cultural meanings, operating simulta- many ways, but it is rarely that occidental sci-
neously at different levels of symbolic remove from ence has attempted to provide in-depth analyses
deep motivations. Some of the cultural meanings of the cultural constructions in the Hindu world.
are closer to the motivations (events) that origi- Shweder’s approach recognizes the heterogeneity
nally triggered the personal symbolization process, and culture-inclusiveness of moral reasoning of
which utilized culturally available means. However, human beings (Shweder, 1995; Shweder & Much,
in human development, some levels of symboliza- 1987; Shweder, Mahapatra, & Miller, 1987).
tion may lose all of their connection with the ini- Shweder returns to the emphasis of culturally con-
tial “triggering event” and acquire symbolic life stituted person as an agent in both subjective and
of their own in the personality of an individual. collective domains:
Furthermore, Obeyesekere’s theoretical transposi-
tion of the notion of overdetermination to the sym- . . . to imaginatively conceive of subject-dependent
bolic level is an important idea: objects (intentional worlds) and object-dependent
subjects (intentional persons) interpenetrating each
. . . ”[S]ymbolic remove” is based on the other’s identities or setting the conditions for each
psychoanalytic idea that symbols in principle, if not other’s existence and development, while jointly
always in practice, show infinite substitutionability. undergoing change through social interaction . . .
Related to this idea is another principle of the work (Shweder, 1990, p. 25)
of culture that psychoanalysis has not, and could
not, consider seriously since it would threaten The personal minds (object-dependent persons)
the isomorphism between symbol and symptom. construct mental and affective order out of chaos of
And that is the principle of disconnection of the everyday events—hence, an illusory view of reality
symbol from the sources of motivation. Substitution is constructed by persons but on the basis of the
implies that symbiol X related to motive Y can be culture. Shweder has been a consistent critic of psy-
replaced by symbols A, B, or C . . . n. A, B, C are all chology’s “culture myopia” (taking the role of “the
“isomorphic replacements” of X, related to motive grand confusionist” by his own designation), point-
Y in identical or similar manner. “Disconnection” ing out that psychology—even its cross-cultural
questions the postulated isomorphism and version—has ignored culture as the central player in
suggests that A,B,C, . . . n might exhibit degrees the domain of human psyche.
of symbolic remove from Y and might eventually
lose its connection with Y . . . Admittedly, total A Single Example Matters: How Mr.
disconnection is rare, but one can make a reasonable Babaji is Important for Psychology
case that the more the symbol is removed from the Shweder’s specific work on the organization of
sources of motivation the more it gets the attribute the self in Hindu collective-cultural contexts takes
of arbitrariness, thus approximating the Saussurean the form of elaboration of specific personal-cul-
idea of the arbitrary relation between signifier and tural transformations of socially shared knowledge.
signified. Everyday conversations surrounding the developing
(Obeyesekere, 1990, p. 58) person are filled with cultural suggestions for how

va lsin er 13
to interpret the nature of experience in accordance the concerns by many scholars over the twentieth
with social representations (Markova, 2003, 2011). century (e.g., Baldwin, 1930; Michell, 1999, 2003,
Shweder encountered specific collective-cul- 2005; Rudolph, 2006a, 2006b), they point out:
tural organization of moral discourse in his efforts
Quantification is neither a necessary nor sufficient
to apply Kohlbergian moral dilemmas in Hindu
condition for science. No-one questions the scientific
contexts in Orissa. His elaborate dispute with
status of biology without quantification . . . . The
the informant Babaji (Shweder & Much, 1987,
price of quantification is a ‘loss’ of information, as
pp. 235–244) revealed how a Western collective-
when rich qualitative data are reduced to sets of
culturally shared “moral dilemma” (stealing/not
numbers, such as frequency counts, means, and
stealing a drug under life-threatening illness of
variances. Quantitative data have to be translated
one’s wife and drug-owner’s refusal to provide it
into qualitative statements if their meanings and
by special arrangements) can be translated into a
implications are to be spelled out, communicated to
completely different personal-cultural issue (i.e.,
and received by the researcher’s audience.
sinning vs. not sinning via stealing for one’s wife,
(Ho et al., 2007, p. 380)
even if the latter’s life is in jeopardy). By way of spe-
cific combination of collective-cultural meanings Qualitative perspectives are clearly on the ascent in
of “sin,” “wife” (as “belonging to” the husband), contemporary psychology at large (Diriwächter &
“multiple lives,” and “inevitability of death,” a set Valsiner, 2006, 2008; Gelo, Braakman, & Benetka,
of alternative personal-culturally allowable scenar- 2008; Mey & Mruck, 2005, 2007; Michell, 2004).
ios for the action of the person in a dilemma situa- This is more easily fitted to cultural psychology—
tion is being constructed (see also Menon, 2003, on where the molar level units of analysis resist quanti-
Hindu moral discourses). Cultural-psychological fication anyway (e.g., Toomela, 2008b, pp. 64–65,
investigations are necessarily of unique events—yet on psychology’s production of meaningless num-
of those that happen within a hierarchy of social bers). To ask the question “how much of [X= “love”,
contexts. Instead of situating cultural psychology “hatred”. . . .]?” presumes the unitary quality of that
on the socio-political landscape (Ratner, 2008, X and its nature together with homogeneity of the
2012), it is the macro-social organization of soci- presumed substance (X), which makes it possible to
ety that becomes analyzed in micro-social activity apply quantitative measurement units to it. Hence
contexts. Here the traditions of micro-sociology of the assumption of quantifiability rules out from the
culture give cultural psychology a lead—generaliza- outset the possibility of transformation of quality
tion from a carefully studied single specimen can by separating the latter from whatever numbers
be sufficient. are attached to the phenomena in the act of “being
measured.”
Qualitative Methodology As the Root for
All Methods in Psychology Unity of Quality and Quantity
A liberation movement is happening in psy- All quantitative approaches constitute a subclass
chology—an effort to topple the socially norma- of qualitative ones but not vice versa. Psychology
tive fixed role of the quantitative methods as having treats numbers as if they are objective in contrast
the monopoly of being “scientific.” Yet making to mathematics. For example, the difference of 0
the qualitative and quantitative methods look like (zero) and 1 (one) and 2 (two) in case of psychol-
they oppose each other as two rivals is an unpro- ogy’s assumption of interval or ratio scale treats each
ductive stance—which is even not overcome by the of these numbers as equally meaningful. Yet they are
“cocktail” metaphor of giving preference to “mixed not; the concept of 0 (zero) is in its quality different
methods.” from 1 or 2. Zero indicates a dialogue:
In reality, quantity is a derivate of quality. As
Zero means both all (excessive) or none (void). The
Ho et al. (2007) have demonstrated, contemporary
dialogical process includes the middle, which gets
social sciences that treat qualitative and quantitative
excluded in the dichotomies.
methods as if these were opposing methodologies
(Tripathi & Leviatan, 2003, p. 85)>
are introducing a false dichotomy. Research ques-
tions in psychology—as long as psychology is not Thus, psychology’s—not only cultural psycholo-
hyperformalized by mathematical ideas—are asked gies’—core conceptual problem is not merely “dual-
in philosophical terms, hence qualitatively. Echoing isms” of all kinds but of the understanding of the

14 culture in psycho log y

dualities (or multiplicities) inherent in what seems functioning—between the consensual reflection
to be a unitary point to which a number can be eas- about one’s group membership (e.g., “as an X [i.e.,
ily assigned (Wagoner & Valsiner, 2005). “an American”] I am Y [“individualistic”], not Z
The issue—treating science of psychology as an [“collectivistic”]) and the circumstances for action
act of assigning numbers to qualitative phenom- (“while an X in general—in situation S, I am Z”).
ena (to get data) has been discussed critically by Because each person is context-bound, no statement
Rudolph (2006a, 2006b, 2006c, 2009) as well as about one’s cultural label (“individualist” vs. “collec-
Toomela (2007b, 2008a). The social consensus of tivist”) can characterize the negotiation between the
number assignment guarantees no science—hence opposites and the situation demands. The tension
much of psychology’s data analytic practices are of is thus granted by the social community (see Mead,
the kind of cultural artifacts that may belong to a 2001/1931, on the role of community in U.S.
museum rather than contribute to advancement of society). By the regular cross-cultural psychology
knowledge. The cultural nature of the meaning of nomenclature, the United States is considered to be
“statistical significance” has been shown to be one “individualistic,” yet if one looks at the level of person–
of such widespread artifacts (Ziliak & McCloskey, community relations, it looks very “collectivistic.”
2008). That person is therefore necessarily analyzable as
More importantly, the crucial conceptual mis- a dynamic structure of multiple parts—such as
hap in psychology is the reduction of the notion of Autonomous-Related Self (Kagitçibasi, 1996, 2005;
abstract formal models of mathematics to the use of Tuli & Chaudhary, 2010) or in terms of dialogical
only one kind of numbers—real numbers. At the self (Hermans, 2001, 2002; Hermans & Dimaggio,
same time, many cultural-psychological phenom- 2007; Salgado & Gonçalves, 2007).
ena are better fitted with models using imaginary It is here—at the unity of various parts within
numbers (Valsiner & Rudolph, 2008) and topologi- the whole—that cultural-psychological processes
cal models (Rudolph, 2008a, 2008b, 2009). Such make stability out of instability; parents operate at
number systems may be better fitted for dealing the intersection of various cultural models (Keller,
with the phenomena of uncertainty of living (Abbey, Demuth, & Yovsi, 2008), and kindergarten teachers
2004, 2007, 2011; Golden & Mayseless, 2008) and evoke danger scenarios for children in the middle of
with dynamic boundaries-making (and unmaking) mundane everyday activities (Golden & Mayseless,
in human social lives (Madureira, 2007a, 2007b, 2008). The cultural-psychological worlds are relational
2011; Tsoulakas, 2007). Tsoukalas (2007) has worlds, yet that recognition leads us to inquire into
brought the issue of religiosities—differentiating what relational could mean.
doctrinal and imagistic types—back to our focus
of attention. Specific cultural practices of commu- Relationships As Boundaries
nication—turned into institutionalized framework Cultural tools both set up boundaries—by way
through activities like prayer (del Rio & Alvarez, of classification—and set the stage for transforming
29007), asking for forgiveness (Brinkmann, 2010; them (Boesch, 2008). As Boesch sets up these two
Phillips, 2007), apologizing, and many others may functions of culture—classification and transforma-
lead the way toward cultural psychology of religious tion—we can expand these from two different func-
sentiments. tions into one. Although classification (“this belongs
to A”) creates the distinction with the rest (non-A),
From Oppositional Terms to Unity of it also sets up the boundary {A || non-A}. The act of
Opposites classifying is simultaneously boundary-setting, and
Psychology has usually adhered to exclusive sepa- boundary is the trigger for its overcoming, by way of
ration of opposites along the lines of Aristotelian- transformation {A |is becoming| non-A}. As such,
Boolean two-valued logic. Consider the basic classification and transformation are two mutually
opposition of “individualist” versus “collectivist” linked processes. Boundaries of gender (Madureira,
cultures—a staple organizer of knowledge in cross- 2007a, 2007b, 2011) and body (Ingold, 2004) turn
cultural psychology. Societies on the Globe are out to be both solidly protected and quasi-perme-
divided into either “individualist” or “collectivist” able. Human social life entails constant boundary
and contrasted with each other. construction (Joffe & Staerklé, 2007) and trans-
Matsumoto (2003) has specified the location formation—social classes create their boundaries
where tension can be located in human cultural in urban globalizing worlds (Tevik, 2006) together

va lsin er 15
with opening up the possibility of transcending types become coordinated in the making of a holis-
these boundaries. By creating boundaries, we cre- tic cultural order (Diriwächter & Valsiner, 2008).
ate objects, which are simultaneously physical and Last—but not least—the increasing interest
cultural entities. in objects in cultural psychology leads to its new
relationship with another discipline—that of arche-
Cultural Objects ology. Empirical evidence from the structure of
Objects are not just material “things” that exist objects used by human beings in the past in various
in and of themselves but distinguished contrasts social contexts becomes functional for understand-
between a figure and the ground. Thus, a black ing the present and the future (González-Ruibal,
point on a white surface is an object, based on a 2005, 2006, 2011). It is in this historical focus—of
relationship of the figure and the ground. Human objects-in-their context (in case of archaeology)
cultural histories are filled with hyper-rich construc- and meanings-in-their context (in case of cultural
tion of such objects through abundant use of signs. psychology)—that a new interdisciplinary synthesis
We create our lives through ornaments, which seem of knowledge is likely to emerge in the future.
to us to carry decorative purposes, yet these decora-
tions abound and can be found in unexpected loca- Preview of the Handbook
tions (Valsiner, 2008). By our constructive actions The 12 sections of the Handbook are merely an
we turn things into objects. orientation device for the reader to orient oneself
We live among objects—and relate to them: in the large heterogeneous field of cultural psychol-
ogy. The chapters in the historical section (I) situate
The words “object,” objectus, objet, Gegenstand, ogetto,
both the previous efforts to unite culture and psy-
voorwerp all share the root meaning of a throwing
chology (Diriwächter, 2012; Jahoda, 2012) as well
before, a putting against or opposite, an opposing.
as provide an insight into the role of Vygotsky (van
In the English verb “to object” the oppositional,
der Veer, 2011). Different other chapters in other
even accusatory sense of the word is still vivid. In an
parts of the Handbook (Magnus & Kull, 2012 on
extended sense, objects throw themselves in front
the role of von Uexkyll; Tarasti, 2012, on various
of us, smite the senses, thrust themselves into our
philosophical tendencies that underlie the semiotic
consciousness. They are neither subtle nor evanescent
perspectives in cultural psychology) show how the
nor hidden. Neither effort nor ingenuity nor
scientific minds of various backgrounds have been
instruments are required to detect them. They do not
looking for solutions to similar problems. History
need to be discovered or investigated; they possess
of the social sciences is a rich ground for finding
self-evidence of a slap in the face.
out how different theoretical efforts emerged—yet
(Daston, 2000, p. 2)
failed to reach solutions to the problems.
It is not surprising that cultural psychology becomes The key message from our turn to history is the
increasingly interested in the study of meaningful need to rejuvenate the theoretical schemes of psy-
objects. Cultural objects are everywhere—in our pri- chology by touching on similar solutions attempted
vate domains of homes (including the homes them- in other sciences. Semiotics (Innis, 2010, 2012;
selves) and in public (in the streets, town squares, Magnus & Kull, 2012; Tarasti, 2012) stands out as
etc.). They are both stationary (temples, monu- a new and very promising peer for psychology. This
ments, etc.) and moving (buses, trains, airplanes, is complemented by bringing the science of archeol-
etc.). As Bastos (2008) pointed out, these objects ogy into contact with psychology (Gonzalez-Ruibal,
can be seen as “tattoos on the collective soul,” and 2012).
they bring into cultural psychology the method- Cultural psychology benefits from conceptual-
ological credo of visual anthropology. The kind of izing the notion of positioning—a geographic met-
meaning-making in the creation of such (moving aphor that allows for elaboration of the multiplicity
or stationary) wholes is of hybrid nature, includ- of psychological phenomena (Harré, 2012; Bento
ing indexical, iconic, and symbolic signs (to follow et al., 2012). When the notion of positioning is linked
C. S. Peirce’s basic typology). Cultural psychologists with that of social representations (Aveling et al.,
of the semiotic orientation have usually detected 2010) we gain a multifaceted dynamic view into the
varied versions of encoded versions in their descrip- human lives as these move through various social
tions of objects, whereas the jeepney example forces settings. Obviously such positions are themselves
us to look for principles by which different sign embedded in the macro-social settings, as Ratner

16 culture in psycho log y

(2008, 2012) reminds us. Through the synthesis using narratives (Brockmeier, 2011) or focusing on
of positioning theory, social representation theory the micro-level discourse phenomena (Murakami,
(Marková, 2003, 2012), and the macro-cultural 2011) is a notable direction for future development
look, cultural psychology can arrive at a hierarchy of of culture within psychological research. Into the
“niches” of socially embedded and personally con- human propensity of narrating—all over the life-
structed phenomena. All these are united through course—enter different semiotic resources (Eco,
the use of semiotic tools at all levels of that social 2009; Zittoun, 2007, 2012) and we consolidate our
hierarchy (Innis, 2012; Salvatore, 2012; Sonesson, selves around the images of fictional characters from
2010; Tarasti, 2012). novels, movies, or revered historical figures. The
Yet at the beginning of all efforts to unite culture connections of psychological data and different lit-
and psychology is the act—a purposeful, meaning- erary constructions are being explored in contempo-
ful, future-oriented movement by a willful person rary cultural psychology (Brinkmann, 2006, 2007,
(Boesch, 2011; Eckensberger, 2011). Action theory 2009; Johansen, 2010; Moghaddam, 2004). The
is unabashedly focused on the symbolic (see also creative writers may have had better insights into
Bruner, 1986; Salvatore, 2011). Although the semi- the complexities of the human psyche than North
otically organized ACTING PERSON–SOCIAL American college undergraduates diligently putting
POSITIONING–SOCIAL REPRESENTATION– pencil marks onto the myriads of Likert scales.
MACRO-CULTURAL ORDER hierarchy could be It is for the reason of providing resources that
considered the vertical axis of cultural psychology, it culture in psychology needs to consider the history
is important to pay attention to its horizontal coun- of human beings (Carretero & Bermudez, 2012;
terpart. The latter entails the transitions between Winston & Winston, 201=2). That history entails
different culturally structured contexts within which the construction of meaning about one’s social
human beings act, position themselves, and become and economic status as well as that of the others.
involved in macro-social activities. The home leads, “Being poor” may look different from various defi-
through an entrance, to the street, the city square, nitions of social positioning, as can objective state
to the road that leaves the city for the rural coun- of economic status (Bastos & Rabinovich, 2009,
tryside. Airplanes take us 10 kilometers above the 2012). So does the construction of the notion of
ground, where our positioning ourselves is sur- race (Winston & Winston, 2012). Behind all these
rounded by white clouds and thinking of the past socially constructed human phenomena are very
that we left behind while taking off and the future real biological bodies of Homo sapiens. Historically
that awaits us in the airport where we are about to oriented cultural psychology needs to look at the
land. Kharlamov (2012) brings to cultural psychol- phylogenesis of cultural means. The Handbook pro-
ogy the notion of moving between different spaces— vides a glimpse into our thinking about the new-
and the role of constant meaning construction “on est developments in the studies of primate cultures
line” as such movement takes place. This resonates (C. Boesch, 2012) and gives the readers a glimpse
well with the focus on migration as human main into the biosemiotic look at the animal world
modus operandi—from micro-migration (movement (Magnus & Kull, 2012). Theoretically, contempo-
between home and workplace, home and school), rary cultural psychology shares the ground with epi-
temporary work-related migration (sailors at sea, genetic thinking in biology (Tavory et al., 2012).
guest workers in foreign lands), immigration, and Human beings move around—as tourists, pil-
establishment of oneself in a far away place. By the grims, traders, warriors, or vagabonds. In such
twenty-first century, the latter includes extra-terres- movements, they enhance their horizons of “the
trial spaces—as long as the ideas of “colonizing the Other”—persons, customs, habits, and economic
Moon” (or Mars) are entertained as potential future opportunities. Understanding people-in-movement
projects. In all these migrations—real or imaginary, is a crucial task for cultural psychology (Gillespie
temporary or permanent—we can observe the unity et al., 2012; Kharlamov, 2012). The hybrid trajec-
of the self and the other (Bento et al., 2012; Simão, tory of self-willed movement—the pilgrimage—is
2012). The human being needs to relate to the other a cultural phenomenon that dynamically unites the
to be oneself and develop further while being one- otherwise static rural–urban, religious–secular, and
self. An important part in that is creating stories— nomadic–sedentary oppositions. The pilgrim’s path
both about oneself and about the other. In this is not geographic but psychological (Beckstead,
respect, the developing qualitative research practice 2012).

va lsin er 17
 Complex psychological functions of social kind Encountering the rich material in this Handbook
are covered in Part X of the Handbook. Perhaps the is a multilinear experience for the reader—a worth-
most crucial issue is the way in which duties and while effort, so as to make sense of where psychol-
rights (Moghaddam et al., 2012) are linked with the ogy so far has failed and to get some ideas of better
construction of values (Branco, 2012). In a coun- future for the human sciences of the future. It is our
terweight to the Euro-American discourse on such hope that this Handbook becomes a rich resource
higher processes, Nsamenang (2012) has provided for future generations of thinkers who want to see
a contextualized perspective from the vantage point culture in the psyche and let psychology as a science
of African societies. enter the social realities of cultural organization.
The basic tenet of cultural psychology—in con-
trast to cross-cultural psychology—is the inclu- Notes
sion of the social institutions in which people 1. The first two having been the times of Völkerspsychologie,
1860–1920, and the efforts of the “culture and personality”
participate in the study of the cultural ways of
school in cultural anthropology in the 1950s.
living (see Valsiner, 2007, on two ways of knowl- 2. The boy who was trained by John B. Watson, one of the
edge creation). Our Handbook looks at a number originators of behaviorism
of social practices—those in the macro-structure 3. The infant chimpanzee who was raised by Ladygina-Kohts
of a school (Daniels, 2012; Marsico & Iannacone, (2002, original in 1935 ) in the classic study of chimpanzee
development in human environments
2012, Marsico, Komatsu & Iannaccone, 2012) The
4. Wolfgang Köhler’s best known research participant on the
educational contexts can—and do—change; our Tenerife.
Handbook covers the ways in which interventions 5. It is important to note that the intricate link with the
have been observed (Downing-Wilson et al., 2012; dialectical dynamicity of the units—which is present in the Rus-
Lopez et al., 2012). sian original-- is lost in English translation, which briefly stated
only the main point in a summarizing fashion: “Psychology, which
All human beings who participate in the activi-
aims at a study of complex holistic systems, must replace the method
ties of social institutions are acting on the basis of of analysis into elements with the method of analysis into units”
their affective relations with the immediate social (Vygotsky, 1986, p. 5). Yet it remains unclear in the English
worlds. Chaudhary (2012) demonstrates how the translation what kinds of units are to be constructed—those that
normative stance for such relations is the strategic entail oppositional relationships between parts—while in the
Russian original it is made evident.
coalition-making in family networks—filled with
affective construction of dramas. The centrality of
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24 culture in psycho log y

 CHAPTER

Culture and Psychology: Words and

1 Ideas in History

Gustav Jahoda

Abstract
This chapter provides an historical overview of the links of culture and psychology from antiquity to the
present time. The roots of interest in culture are traced to the social practices of travel—exploration,
trade, conquest, and administration—that lead to experiencing other human beings as living by very
different practices. Psychology emerged in the eighteenth and nineteenth century European thought
that carried various cultural prejudices into its mainstream. This took place in the context of basic
philosophical tension between nature and nurture as causal streams resulting in cultural differences. Over
most of the period nurture predominated, with a sharp reversal during the nineteenth century when race
came to the fore.Yet it was after the middle of that century that the terminology began to change and
culture—the name, not the concept—entered the vocabulary. Cultural psychology of today is in a position
to see mind and culture as mutually constituted.
Keywords: history, culture, Völkerpsychologie, mind, exploration, customs

Like some Freudian terms, culture has now it meant producing or developing something, such
become part of our everyday vocabulary. As such, it as “the culture of barley” or “the culture of the arts,”
is usually coupled with a range of adjectives to indi- and it is still applied in this sense, as in the phrase
cate some undefined properties of a category, such “the culture of bacteria.” In English, the first use of
as “adolescent culture,” “consumer culture,” “liter- “Culture” in the figurative sense of improvement
ary culture,” “tabloid culture,” “visual culture,” and or refinement by education and training dates back
so on. Such ordinary usage is regarded as unprob- to the early sixteenth century. More than three fur-
lematic, whereas the social sciences have agonized ther centuries had to elapse before it was employed
over the meaning of culture for more than half a in more or less its current quasi-technical sense by
century and continue to do so. In 1952, Kroeber Tylor ([1871]1958), whose approach will be more
and Kluckhohn published their well-known mono- fully discussed later. Initially culture was mainly used
graph that listed some 160 proposed definitions. in the singular to denote a property of humankind
For reasons that will be explained later, no defini- in general, and it was not until the 1930s that a clear
tion will be offered here, but the history of the word distinction came to be drawn between “culture-in-
will be outlined. general” and “a culture” as one of many different
The original source of the term was cultivation1, cultures.
as in “agriculture,” although already in Roman So far this may seem rather straightforward, but in
times Cicero used the expressions cultura animi for fact matters are more complicated. Tylor’s definition
the training of the mind and cultura mentis in a figu- began with the phrase “Culture or Civilization . . . ,”
rative sense to refer to philosophy. But for centuries indicating his view, then widely held, that these

25
terms were synonyms2. There are further compli- apart from the cumbersomeness of a constantly
cations because, as shown by Elias (1982), there changing vocabulary, there is a case for using the
are national differences in the meanings of these term culture as a kind of rough-and-ready shorthand
terms. In France, civilisation was seen as a univer- for past ideas. The argument rests on the fact that
sal feature of the (superior) West, encompassing a the absence of a term does not preclude the presence
cluster of features including economic, political, of concepts, otherwise articulated, which at least
technological, social, and moral ones. In Germany, broadly correspond to, or overlap with, what we
for historical reasons, civilization that transcends understand today by culture. These include expres-
national boundaries was conceived as something sions like “customs” or “the genius of a people.”
external and even threatening to their Kultur, Such notions again go back to antiquity and gradu-
which embodied their particular national values. In ally came to be more clearly formulated, so that
more recent times, these distinctions have become by the eighteenth century prominent thinkers put
somewhat blurred without being altogether elimi- forward ideas dealing with the relationship between
nated.3 It will be clear, therefore, that the term cul- salient features of peoples or societies and their psy-
ture is of relatively recent origin and that there are chological characteristics.
variations over time and place in the manner it is An example of past usage will help to illustrate
understood. this, and I have chosen for this purpose Michel de
Montaigne’s famous essay “On cannibals” written
Psychology: Its Historical Roots in the sixteenth century:
Let me now turn briefly to psychology, a term that
. . . il n’y a rien de barbare et de sauvage en cette
goes back to the end of the seventeenth century.
nation . . . sinon que chacun appelle barbarie ce qui
There was and remains a general consensus that it
n’est pas de son usage; comme de vray il semble que
refers to the study of the (mainly human) mind. In
nous n’avoms autre mire de la verité et de la raison
the present—historical—context, it will be inter-
que l’exemple et idée des opinions et usances du pais
preted more broadly as psychological features attrib-
ou nous sommes.
uted to (usually other) peoples.
(Montaigne [1580] 1954, p. 33)
At this point the reader might well begin to
doubt whether the implicit promise of the title of In the above, reproduced in the original archaic
this chapter is really capable of being fulfilled, as French, Montaigne is saying that everyone calls
it entails a retrospective application of the concepts “barbarism” whatever does not correspond to their
of “psychology” and “culture.” There seems to be own customs; and he states that we have no other
no fundamental difficulty with regard to psychol- criterion of truth and reason than the example of the
ogy, as long as one thinks of it as concerned with opinions and customs of the country in which we
the mind, which in turn is a key aspect of human find ourselves. Now these “opinions and customs”
nature. Ideas about human nature not only go back are important aspects of what we mean by culture.
to the beginning of recorded history but exist in The view that Montaigne can be regarded as having
some form in all known human societies, and they been concerned with culture is widely shared, and
are being studied now under the heading of “indige- a number of commentators have described him as
nous psychologies.”4 For earlier periods, long before one of the first “cultural relativists”—that is, taking
the advent of specializations, one can draw freely on the view that each culture should be judged only in
the writings of a wide range of thinkers, including terms of its own standards. Corresponding notions,
philosophers, physicians, naturalists, travelers and, such as Voltaire’s “moeurs et esprit” or Hume’s “moral
later, anthropologists and sociologists. Such usage causes” of differences between peoples, were wide-
is sanctioned by the practice of most conventional spread in the eighteenth century. This, of course,
histories of psychology. For despite of the fact that should not occasion any surprise. A term like culture
the term psychology dates back only to the sixteenth is a kind of construct that groups together a set of
century, authors usually have no compunction in phenomena and what makes up the set will largely
tracing origins back to antiquity. be a function of implicit or explicit theoretical
By contrast, there appear at first sight to be assumptions. Past thinkers made different assump-
strong objections to the retrospective use of the tions and applied different labels, yet they were
elusive term culture, which has undergone radical concerned with similar phenomena. Even today the
changes over time. Let me try to show that, quite boundaries between what is and what is not to be

26 c ulture an d psycho log y

treated as culture remain fuzzy, with considerable prevalent in their time. On the other hand, Thucidides
divergences of views. Thus I would submit that it is (c. 460–c. 400 BC) and Herodotus (c. 485–c. 425
defensible to employ the term culture diachronically BC) were historians whose work was at least partly
to designate a certain commonality of—admittedly based on observations. The former’s History of the
somewhat vague—meanings. Peloponnesian war was a masterly account of Greek
history but not only that. Thucidides wanted to
Antiquity and Middle Ages5 explain that history in terms of what he regarded
The Greeks as fundamental human nature and sought to ana-
The origins of most aspects of western thought lyze the motivations of the actors and as such was
can be traced back to figures from ancient Greece, described by Collingwood ([1946] 1961, p. 142) as
and the present theme is no exception. Among the founder of psychohistory. In undertaking this
them, one of the most prominent was of course analysis, he did not ignore the effect of external cir-
Aristotle (384–322 BC), whose teachings retained cumstances as these interacted with the common
their authority for more than one-and-a-half millen- human nature. The same principle was applied by
nia. Mainly in de Anima (but also in other works), his contemporary Hippocrates (c. 460–c. 377 B.C.)
he laid the foundations of a theoretical psychology. the “father of medicine.” According to him, one has
Here only a few relevant comments can be singled to consider a series of factors to arrive at a correct
out. Aristotle often disagreed with his teacher Plato judgment about illnesses: general human nature,
(c.428–c.348), but when it came to the external fac- the particular constitution of the individual, the cli-
tors (chiefly climatic and geographical) influencing mate in general and its specific manifestation, and
peoples’ psychologies, they followed much the same regional influences.
lines: Although Thucidides was able to personally
observe aspects of the war, he did not have much
Some regions are unsuitable or unfavourable, to say about other peoples. Herodotus, on the other
probably owing to the prevailing winds and the heat hand, traveled widely and collected extensive ethno-
of the sun; others because of the water or even the graphic data in Egypt, Babylonia, India, Persia, and
food that comes from the soil and which not only Scythia (the region north of the Black Sea). The list
provides better or poorer nourishment, but also can of topics he covered is a long one, including: race,
have no lesser consequences on the souls. looks, intelligence, virtues and vices, language, occu-
(Plato, Politeia II) pations and skills, food, sexuality, various rites (e.g.,
This is not to say that Plato placed major emphasis naming and funerals), sciences, arts, religion, his-
on such influences, because he took the view that tory, notable personalities, geography, and climate.
willingness to learn, strength of memory, and a keen In addition to direct observation, he also questioned
mind can be produced by education and appropri- local people. Well aware of the dangers of what we
ate laws. now call “ethnocentrism,” he was rarely judgmental.
Aristotle went into rather more details: His view is epitomized in the following passage:
. . . if someone were to assign to every person in the
Namely the peoples of the cold regions and those
world the task of selecting the best of all customs,
in Europe have a courageous character, but are
each one, after thorough consideration, would
behind in intelligence and skill; they also prefer to
choose those of this own people, so strongly do
be free but lack an organized state and are incapable
humans believe that their own customs are the best
of dominating their neighbours. Asian peoples, by
ones. Therefore only a madman would treat such
contrast, are intelligent and artistically gifted but
things as a laughing matter. There are many weighty
inactive, and therefore they live in subjection and as
proofs which confirm that all people have these
servants. The Greek people lives so to speak in the
strong attachments to their own customs, but let me
middle between them and therefore partakes of both
describe this particularly interesting one: during his
these characters. For it is courageous and intelligent.
reign, Darius summoned the Hellenes at his court
Hence it is free, has the best state, and is able to
and ask them how much money they would accept
dominate everything . . . . .
for eating the bodies of their dead fathers. They
(Aristotle, Politeia VII)
answered that they would not do this for any amount
The views of these philosophers were entirely of money. Later, Darius summoned some Indians
speculative, no doubt drawing on ideas that were called Kallatiai, who do eat their dead parents. In the

ja h oda 27
 presence of the Hellenes . . . he asked the Indians how 500 to 1500. It has rightly been called the “Age
much money they would accept to burn the bodies of Faith”—gone were the bold speculations of the
of their dead fathers. They responded with an outcry, Greeks, and horizons narrowed. A great deal was
ordering him to shut his mouth lest he offend the written on what might be called “Christian psy-
gods. Well then, that is how people think, and so it chology” by St. Augustine or Thomas Aquinas, but
seems to me that Pindar was right when he said in his not without merit it was essentially the study of the
poetry that custom is king of all. soul.7 Contact with the world outside Europe was
(Herodotus [c. 440 BC], 2008, Book III, p. 38) limited, except for Muslim countries, which were
seen as the enemy. The world beyond was perceived
Herodotus also related the story of the Egyptian king
as being peopled by Pliny’s “monstrous races” (cf.
Psymmetichos (seventh century BC), who wanted
Friedman, J.B. (1981). The typical description cited
to find out experimentally who the first people were.
below is from the fabled Sir John Mandeville’s travel
For this purpose he obtained two newborn children
reports:
and handed them to shepherds, with strict instruc-
tions that not a single word must be spoken in their And in those isles there are many manner of folk
presence. One day, after 2 years, the children called of divers conditions. In one of them is a manner of
“bekos.” They repeated this when brought before folk of great stature, as they were giants, horrible
the king, who instituted enquiries from which he and foul to the sight; and they have but one eye,
learned that “bekos” was the Phrygian word for and that is in the midst of their forehead. They eat
“bread.” Hence, he concluded that they were the raw flesh and raw fish. In another isle are foul men
most ancient people.6 of figure without heads, and they have eyes in either
This brief sketch has concentrated on a just a few shoulder one, and their mouths are shaped round like
outstanding figures, and many more contributed. a horseshoe, y-midst their breasts. In another isle are
Even so, it will be clear that the outlook of some of men without heads; and their eyes and their mouths
the intellectual elite was wide-ranging and, in some are behind their shoulders.
respects, remarkably modern. (Letts ([1346?] 1953, Vol.1, pp. 141, 142)

The Romans The existence of the “monstrous races,” including

A great deal of their learning was transmitted creatures that were half-human and half-goat, was
to the Romans from the Greeks, and their brilliant believed by Albertus Magnus (1200–1280), one
innovations were mainly in technology. A huge of the great scholars of the Middle Ages. For him
compendium of all then existing knowledge, from a marginal case on the boundary between animal
Astronomy to Zoology, was assembled by Pliny the and human was the pygmy, of whom he probably
Elder (pp. 24–79). It includes sections on humans heard from Greek sources. His main criteria were
and quasi-humans, the latter becoming important psychological ones: pygmies have memory and are
later. In Julius Caesar’s account of the Gallic war, able to compare memory images, but they lack
he discussed not merely the characters of different abstract concepts. Albertus likened them to feeble-
tribes but described how cultural change can come minded humans possessing only the shadow of
about: reason. Hence, he concluded, they are incapable of
civitas—what we would call culture.
Among them the most courageous are the Belgers, An earlier saint and scholar, Isidore of Seville
because they live most remote from the civilization (c. 560–c. 636) had put forward a climatic theory of
(cultu atque humanitate) of the Roman province; and psychological characteristics:
also because traders bringing luxury goods, which
could weaken their character, seldom reach them. In accordance with diversity of climate, the
(De bello Gallico , I,I,3) appearance of men and their colour and bodily size
vary and diversities of mind appear. Thence we see
Other writers, like Tacitus, made similar comments. that the Romans are dignified, the Greeks unstable,
Generally, however, much of their thought on the the Africans crafty, the Gauls fierce by nature . . .
topic was derived from the Greeks. (cited in Slotkin, 1965, p. 5)

The Middle Ages Climatic theories of various kinds persisted until

These lasted from the fall of the Roman Empire the nineteenth century and were not confined
to the Renaissance, roughly the millennium from to Christian Europe. Regarding Europeans, the

28 c ulture an d psycho log y

Muslim writer Masudi (?1–956) noted, “The far- the way for a renewed interest in the cultures of
ther they are to the north the more stupid, gross, Greece and Rome, which in turn liberated minds.
and brutish they are” (cited in Lewis, 1994, p. 139). Renaissance travelers eagerly sought personal fame
In the year 1068, Said Ibn Ahmad, from Toledo in as well as proclaiming the goal of converting the
Spain, wrote a treatise on the types of cultures. He pagans. One can clearly discern the ethnocentric
divided them into two groups: those who contribute anchoring of the concern with exotic peoples. At
to science and learning, including Arabs, Egyptians, the same time there was a search for a perspective
Greeks, Romans and Jews and those he considered whereby one might locate “the Others” in time and
to be progressively more stupid and ignorant with space for the purpose of systematic comparison, and
increasing distance from the sun, including people with a view to gaining a better understanding of
living in the north; Chinese and Turks were treated one’s own individuality and society (Rowe, 1965).
as marginal. The period was also characterized by an
The most remarkable of the Muslim Arab schol- immense—albeit somewhat diffuse—curiosity,
ars was Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) who wrote a trea- manifesting itself in a passion for collecting a wide
tise on the history and theory of social and political range of natural objects and artifacts, as well as by
change, which he regarded as cyclical. Many of his receptivity to new ideas. The travel literature result-
ideas have an astonishingly modern ring, such as ing from these voyages therefore found an avid
his view that stability depends on “group feeling”; public. Although the first-hand accounts by travel-
again, here are his comments on culture: ers were often sober and factual, it did not follow
that belief in the fabulous had disappeared. Popular
Culture is not an independent substance, but a
travel books embroidered the tales—describing, for
property . . . of another substance which is man.
example, the inhabitants of the New World as “blue
Hence the natural character of culture must have
in colour and with square heads.” One of the most
reference to what is natural to man, i.e. to his nature
successful of these collections, the Cosmographia
and is what differentiates him from the rest of the
by Sebastian Muenster (1544), presented an indis-
animal world.
criminate mixture of the old “monstrous races” and
(Mahdi, 1971, p. 173)
the newly discovered “savages.” Yet despite the per-
Significantly, the subtitle of his opus is A Study in sistence of fables, the Renaissance saw an unprec-
the Philosophic Foundation of the Science of Culture. edented expansion of the European intellectual
Although it is not clear what Arabic word was horizon in terms of both the physical and human
glossed as culture, there can be little doubt that it worlds.
must be close to our concept, probably more so With a vast expansion of travel, exploration, and
than any of the notions discussed so far. colonization, the material available for comparative
studies grew proportionately. From the beginning
From the Renaissance to the of that period, advice to travelers came to be pub-
Enlightenment lished. The advice included general admonitions of
Renaissance a vague kind (e.g., to mark down things observed)
In Christian Europe the fantastic image of the and moral warnings about dallying with women.
outside word was slow to change even after the Other works listed various kinds of customs and
dawn of the voyages of exploration. These began institutions that should be recorded and also men-
with Marco Polo who visited India and the Far East tioned the need to note the psychological disposi-
at the end of the thirteenth century. During the fif- tions of the people as well as their moral character,
teenth century, the Portuguese explored the West qualities, and abilities. Varen’s (1650) Geographica
Coast of Africa, later getting to the Cape of Good generalis achieved a wide circulation among travel-
Hope shortly before Columbus reached America. ers. The topics it covered, reproduced below (from
The following century saw the conquest of Mexico Malefijt, 1974, p. 45), are by no means outdated:
and Peru by the Spaniards, who also found New
Guinea. 1. Stature, shape, skin color, food habits
It was a new breed of men, created by the 2. Occupations and arts
Renaissance cult of the individual, who embarked 3. Virtues, vices, learning, wit [in the sense of
on these hazardous voyages of exploration. The all- intelligence]
embracing theological shell had cracked, opening 4. Marriage, birth, burial, name giving

ja h oda 29
 5. Speech and language Of Children and Their Manners
6. State and government With us, a child of 4 years does not yet know
7. Religion how to eat properly; those in Japan eat by them-
8. Cities and renowned places selves with chopsticks from the age of 3 years.
9. History With us it is customary to whip and chastise
10. Famous men, inventions, and innovations boys; in Japan it is very rare to act in this manner,
and this applies even to reprimands.
It would, of course, be anachronistic to suppose that
the authors of such guides were thinking in terms of
anything like culture and psychology, as these cat-
The Japanese Manner of Eating
egories were then nonexistent. All they show is an
and Drinking
We drink with only one hand; the Japanese
interest in a range of topics we include under these
always do with two.
rubrics.
We like dishes cooked with milk, cheese, butter,
Among the travel literature, one of the most
or bone marrow; the Japanese abominate all that,
remarkable works, dealing with Japan, will be
which smells very bad to their nose.
briefly outlined. The first substantive contact with
Altogether Frois listed more than 400 binary
Europe began with Portuguese missionary activity
oppositions, throughout his tone remains neutral
in the sixteenth century, and from this stemmed
and objective. Differences capture attention and
the first coherent account of Japanese culture. The
interest, as already shown by Herodotus when writ-
Jesuit Father Louis Frois (1532–1597) wrote a slen-
ing about the “peculiar customs” of the Egyptians.
der volume entitled Treatise on the Contradictions
For example, he noted that Egyptian priests have
and Differences in Customs (Frois, [1585] 1998).
shaven heads, whereas in other nations they have
In the preface, he wrote: “Many of their customs
long hair.
are so strange and distant from ours that seems
almost unbelievable that there could be so many
oppositions [between us and] people who are so
The Sixteenth and Seventeenth
civilized [une grande police], have such a lively spirit
Centuries
The existence of a wide diversity of peoples
and natural wisdom” (p. 13). Evidently the good
having been established, the general question
Father was favorably disposed toward the Japanese,
arose as to the nature of the differences. The most
although he could hardly have approved of some
commonly postulated cause remained the cli-
of the customs he described. A few examples of
mate, viewed in broad sense,8 although there were
oppositions from several of his categories are cited
some dissenters. Jean Bodin (1530–1596) tried
below.
to classify peoples in terms of north and south
but was troubled by the fact that people in the
Persons and Their Clothes
same latitudes can differ. Nevertheless, as already
With us, there are many men and women with
noted, such ideas persisted. About the same
brownish spots on the skin; this is very rare with
time, a social interpretation of differences gained
Japanese, even though they are White. (Author’s
ground—namely, in the variety of customs. It was
emphasis added)
Montaigne, already cited, who most eloquently
With us, wearing painted clothes would be
described the power of custom:
regarded as mad or ridiculous; the Japanese do it
customarily. . . . the principal effect of the force of custom is to
seize and grip us so firmly, that we are scarcely able
Of Women, Their Persons and to escape from its grasp, and to gain possession of
Their Manners ourselves sufficiently to discuss and reason out its
In Europe, the honor and the supreme good of commands. In truth, since we imbibe them with
young women are the modesty and the inviolate our mother’s milk, and the world shows the same
cloister of their purity; the women of Japan set little face to our infant eyes, we seem to be born to
store by virginal purity, and losing it neither dishon- follow the same path; and the common ideas that
ors them nor prevents them from marrying. we find around us, and infused into our souls with
With us it is rare that women know how to write; the seed of our fathers, appear to be general and
an honorable woman in Japan would be held in low natural.
esteem if she did not know how to do it. (Cited in Slotkin, 1965, pp. 56–57)9

30 c ulture an d psycho log y

In his famous essay “On Cannibals” and else- began to change. It was the age of the scientific revo-
where, Montaigne applied this to what we would lution and John Locke (1632–1704), friend of Isaac
call “cultural differences” Newton, was an empiricist who stressed the need
for observation. His views on the environmental
The different customs I find in one nation after
determination of people’s characteristics were much
another please me by their very diversity . . . I am
the same as those of Descartes. Other developments
ashamed when I see my countrymen steeped in that
at that time contributed to the formation of a fresh
silly prejudice which makes them fight shy of any
perspective. Ludwig Seckendorf (1626–1692) and
customs that differ from their own . . .
William Petty (1623–1687) elaborated a system of
(p. 55)
social statistics dealing with births and deaths, show-
This insight was repeatedly voiced throughout the ing that human life is subject to order and regularity
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Here are some and could be studied quantitatively.
examples:
The Enlightenment
It is good to know something of the customs of In the eighteenth century, the authority of the
different people in order to judge more sanely of our churches became undermined by Newton’s dem-
own. onstration that the physical universe is lawful.
(Descartes, p. 104) This prompted the question whether one might
But there is another force, that ravishes away the not envisage causal laws of mind and society.
minds of men, and makes them addicted to certain Montesquieu was one of the first to attempt the for-
affections. Namely, that spirit which being appropri- mulation of such laws that would account for differ-
ate to every region, infuseth into men, as soon as they ences between societies (1689–1755):
are borne, the habits and affections of their owne I have first of all considered mankind, and concluded
country. that its infinite variety of laws and customs did not
(Barclay, p. 106) uniquely arise from arbitrary fancy. I have postulated
the principles, and have seen how particular cases fit
Custom is our nature. . . . What are our natural
them neatly.
principles but principles of custom ? In children they
(Montesquieu, [1748] 1964, p. 529)
are those which they have received from the habits of
their fathers . . ,. A different custom will cause differ- In the same work (p. 641), he also proposed that
ent natural principles. This is seen in experience; and various influences, including “the examples of
if there are some natural principles ineradicable by things past,” create “a general spirit [esprit général]”
custom, there are also some customs opposed to na- that corresponds fairly closely to what we mean by
ture, ineradicable by nature, or by a second custom. culture. The underlying assumption, then widely
(Pascal, p. 120) shared, was that human nature remains constant
and that differences result from varying historical
It is interesting that Pascal struggled with the prob-
circumstances. It was an optimistic age, based on
lem of the relationship between, in our terms,
the belief in inevitable progress driven by reason. Its
“nature versus culture,” an issue that has not gone
effects were regarded as cumulative. A typical state-
away. This is because culture is now often seen as
ment is that by Adam Ferguson (1723–1816). He
an evolutionary product (e.g., Aunger, 2000). The
begins by listing the commonalties between animals
general tendency to refer to custom in the sense
and humans, and then goes on:
of our culture long continued. Even at the end of
the nineteenth century, Bagehot (1872) employed Yet one property by which man is distinguished has
the phrase “the cake of custom” to refer to cultural been sometimes overlooked . . . In other classes of
traditions. Apart from custom, there is one other animals, the individual advances from infancy to
kind of expression, rare at that time but becoming age or maturity; and he attains, in the compass of a
more frequent subsequently: Harrington explained single life, to all the perfection his nature can reach;
national differences in terms of “The Genius of the but in the human kind, the species has a progress
Nations” (Slotkin 1965, p. 130). as well as the individual; they build in every age on
So far nearly all the ideas that have been reviewed the foundations formerly laid; and, in a succession
have been impressionistic and speculative, but dur- of years , tend to perfection in the application of
ing the second half of the seventeenth century, that their faculties, to which the aid of long experience is

ja h oda 31
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
remonstrer par son ambassadeur; et qu'elle vous prioit, d'ung cueur
de bonne seur, de ne vouloir, à la persuasion et praticque de ceulx
qui, possible, n'ont bonne intention à vostre grandeur, laysser
oprimer la réputation de Mon dict Seigneur le Duc, ny la vye de son
serviteur, si elle y attouchoit en rien;
Et, quand à ce que le comte de Couconnas avoit dict du comte de
Montgommery, elle me pouvoit dire, avec vérité, de n'avoyr entendu
ung seul mot d'icelluy Montgommery, depuis sa folle entreprinse, et
qu'il sentoit bien, où qu'il fût, qu'il l'avoit offancée, et qu'il n'avoit à
demander ny espérer rien de ce royaulme; dont elle vous prioit, Sire,
de vous en mettre en tout repos; qu'elle auroit grand playsir que
donnissiés la paix, et ung honneste accommodement en la religion, à
voz subjectz, affin de satisfère à vostre parolle, et divertyr les
inconvénientz de ceste guerre, qui ne pourroient, sellon qu'elle les
comprenoit, estre sinon bien grands et dangereux; et, en cas qu'ilz
ne se voulusent contanter de la rayson, qu'elle louoit bien fort
qu'eussiés faict une bonne provision de forces pour les y
contreindre; en quoy elle vous offroit, de bon cueur, tout ce à quoy
vous jugeriés bon et honneste de l'employer.
J'ay mis peyne, Sire, de luy agréer, par toutes les bonnes parolles
que j'ay peu, sa bonne et vertueuse responce, et, après aulcunes
particullarités, je me suis arresté ung peu à luy dire, touchant
Monseigneur le Duc et le Roy de Navarre, que Voz Majestez Très
Chrestiennes les avoient trouvés si esloignés de toutes malles
pensées, et avoyr l'intention et l'inclination si vertueuses et si
généreuses, à tout ce qui estoit de leur debvoir et de leur honneur,
envers Dieu et Vostre Majesté, que Vous, et la Royne, vostre mère,
me mandiés que, pour vostre singullier contantement, vous n'y
sçauriés desirer rien de plus, ny de mieulx, et qu'il n'y avoit jamays
eu ung plus naturel amour, ny une plus parfaicte intelligence, entre
vous, que mayntenant;
Et, pour le regard de La Molle, que je luy voulois bien monstrer ce
que la Royne m'en escripvoit, du XXVe du passé, dont luy ay leu la
lettre.
Et elle m'a dict qu'elle craignoit seulement le danger du serviteur,
pour la réputation de Monseigneur; et m'a demandé comme il alloit
de Monsieur de Montmorency.
Je luy ay dict qu'il continuoit tousjours le debvoir d'ung grand et
loyal, et très fidelle subject, vers Vostre Majesté, et que c'estoit luy
qui, ayant examiné le faict, et cognu la grande tromperie qu'on avoit
voulu uzer à Voz Majestez, et à ces jeunes princes, avoit jugé qu'il
estoit besoing de chastiement; dont il tenoit son lieu près de Voz
Majestez, avec plus de crédit et d'authorité que jamays.
Et, sur la fin, la dicte Dame m'a comentée la pleincte de ses
subjectz, touchant les prinses et otrages, que les Françoys leur
faysoient sur mer, et du peu de justice qu'ilz trouvoient en France; et
qu'elle vous supplyoit très cordiallement, Sire, d'y pourvoir, affin de
fermer la bouche à aulcuns des siens, qui prenoient occasion, par là,
de mal opiner sur l'entretènement de vostre mutuelle amityé. Sur
quoy, luy ayant déduict plusieurs choses pour rejecter la coulpe sur
elle, et sur les siens, ainsy qu'elle en a advoué une grande partie,
elle m'a fort gracieusement licencié. Et sur ce, etc. Ce Xe jour de
may 1574.

Ce que dessus estoit bien advancé d'escripre, quand la

dépesche de Vostre Majesté, du IIe du présent, est arrivée,
laquelle satisfaict amplement, et par très bon ordre, à mes
précédantes, et à plusieurs aultres choses qu'il estoit
besoing que je sceusse; dont en iray entretenir, ung jour
de ceste sepmayne, ceste princesse, et mettray peyne de
la tenir tousjours la mieulx disposée, que je pourray, vers
Vostre Majesté.
Tout à ceste heure, me vient d'arryver une aultre
dépesche, du IIIIe du présent, avec la nouvelle de la
détention de messieurs de Montmorency et de Cossé. Je
traicteray de l'une et de l'aultre avec la dicte Dame, et
puis vous manderay ce qu'elle m'en aura dict.
 CCCLXXXIe DÉPESCHE
—du XVI
e jour de may 1574.—

(Envoyée jusques à Calais par la voye du Sr Acerbo.)

Changement apporté dans les bonnes dispositions des Anglais par les
exécutions de Coconas et de La Mole, et l'arrestation de Mrs de
Montmorenci et de Cossé.—Grands armemens faits en Angleterre, qui
peuvent être dirigés contre la France.—Sollicitations de Montgommery
pour avoir des secours.—Audience.—Mécontentement d'Élisabeth au sujet
de l'exécution de La Mole.—Conseils qu'elle donne au roi.—Nouvelle
proposition de l'entrevue, faite par l'ambassadeur.—Disposition d'Élisabeth
à reprendre la négociation du mariage.

Au Roy.
Sire, devant le dixiesme de ce moys, je n'avoys poinct cognu que les
Angloys eussent aulcune dellibération contre Vostre Majesté, ny pas
une contre le repos de vostre royaulme, en faveur des eslevez; ains
que toutz leurs appretz et appareils, tant par mer que par terre,
s'adressoient contre l'armée d'Espaigne, à laquelle, nonobstant qu'ilz
eussent accordé l'octroy du passage libre, et de pouvoir entrer dans
les portz, et toutes aultres faveurs et rafraychissementz qu'elle
voudroit demander, comme à flote d'amys et confédérez, la
résolution estoit néantmoins prinse de luy oposer une aultre
gagliarde armée, de toutz les grandz vaysseaulx de ceste princesse,
et de plusieurs aultres particulliers, jusques au nombre de cent; non
sans quelque secrette intelligence, avec le prince d'Orange et avec
ceulx de la Rochelle, que, au cas qu'avec cent aultres bons navyres
qu'ilz debvoient avoyr lors en mer (sçavoir le dict prince, soixante
dix, pour sa part, et iceulx de la Rochelle trente, équippés aulx
despens du contract de sel qu'ilz ont faict avec les Ollandoys), icelluy
prince attachât le combat, qu'indubitablement il seroit assisté des
Angloys. Et desjà estoit arresté que l'amyral mesmes d'Angleterre, et
plusieurs gentilshommes de court, et aultres principaulx
personnages du royaulme, yroient à l'entreprinse. Dont les six
premiers vaysseaulx, avec deux mille cinq centz hommes, debvoient
sortir, le XXe du présent, soubz la conduicte de milord Havart, et le
reste de l'armée s'aller dresser, en la plus grande dilligence que fère
se pourroit, à Porsemue, pour estre preste, ung peu avant la St
Jehan.
Mais aussytost que les deux évènementz, de l'exécution du comte de
Couconnas et de La Molle, et puis de l'emprisonnement de MMrs les
mareschaulx de Montmorency et de Cossé, ont esté rapportés icy, le
X
e de ce moys, par le courrier de leur ambassadeur; à quoy ilz

adjouxtent davantage que Mr le mareschal Dampville a esté aussy

faict prisonnier à Narbonne, il n'est pas à croyre la mutation et
changement de volontés qu'on a incontinent veu en ceste court. Et
n'ay peu encores descouvrir, Sire, si, en leurs fréquentes et longues
tenues de conseil, ilz ont rien ordonné contre ce qu'ilz avoient
dellibéré auparavant, ny à quoy présentement ilz se résolvent; tant y
a que je supplye très humblement Vostre Majesté de donner tout le
meilleur ordre, qu'elle pourra, aulx portz et places qui regardent
l'Angleterre; car, là où auparavant je n'entendoys, de toutes partz,
icy, que bonnes parolles de paix avecques la France, maintenant l'on
m'en rapporte, à toute heure, de bien contrayres. Et je sçay bien que
ceulx cy n'ont faute d'inclination à la cause des eslevez, et si, sont si
picqués de l'exécution de ces deux gentilshommes, et de la
détention des aultres trois seigneurs, croyant fermement que cella a
esté conduict par la menée du party, qu'ilz estiment estre leur
adversayre, que je ne fay doubte que Vostre Majesté n'ayt à sentir,
ou ouvertement, ou soubz main, de la contradiction, de ce royaulme,
avant la fin de l'esté; bien que je m'y opposeray le plus qu'il me sera
possible.
Et suyvant ce qu'il vous a pleu me commander, Sire, que je
advertisse les gouverneurs, mes voysins, de ce que je pourrois
descouvrir qui leur importeroit, j'ay desjà escript, de ma main, à Mr
de Calliac une entreprinse qu'on avoit sur Bolloigne, laquelle a esté
offerte au prince d'Orange, qui, sellon qu'on m'a dict, l'a refuzée; et
depuis, celluy, qui l'a mené, a esté icy, et a parlé à ceulx de ce
conseil. Aussy a parlé à eulx ung, qu'on nomme Lelua, homme de
peu d'apparance et de petite qualité, qui dit estre envoyé de la part
du Prince de Condé, pour encourager à la guerre les françoys qui
sont par deçà, et les assurer que, dans le prochain moys de juillet, il
sera avec une armée bien près de Paris.
Et le comte de Montgommery a escript, de son costé, en ceste court,
conformément à ce que m'avez mandé de luy, qu'il estoit sorty de St
Lo; mais dict que c'est avec trois centz chevaulx, et ce, à deux fins:
l'une, pour soulager les vivres et monitions de la place, et l'autre
pour assembler des forces, affin d'aller lever Mr de Matignon de
devant le dict St Lo, ainsy qu'il l'a levé, luy, de devant Valoignes;
mais aulcuns présument qu'il l'a faict pour ne se vouloir enfermer, et
pour munir, le mieulx qu'il pourra, Quarantan, qui est ung lieu sur la
mer, affin de s'en pouvoir rettirer quand il voudra. Et cependant il
sollicite avec très grande instance ceulx qui ont, icy, affection à son
entreprinse, de l'aller trouver bientost, ou bien de luy envoyer ung
bien prompt secours, dont j'entendz que le jeune La Moyssonnyère,
qui se faict nommer le cappitaine Mondurant, s'est desjà
secrettement appresté, avec soixante ou quatre vingts françoys,
pour s'y acheminer, à la file.
Et d'ailleurs j'ay aulcunement suspect cest armement des Angloys,
parce que aulcuns des parans et amys du dict Montgommery vont
dessus: ce qui me faict, de rechef, suplier très humblement Vostre
Majesté de fère réytérer, tout le long de la coste, l'advertissement de
s'y tenir sur ses gardes, et envoyer ung peu de renfort de gens de
guerre partout; bien qu'à dire vray, Sire, ceste princesse ne m'a
encores faict démonstration, ny déclaration aulcune, que je puisse
ny doibve sinon interpréter en très bonne part; car m'ayant assigné
l'audience à jeudi dernier, et se trouvant, d'avanture, pressée de
beaucoup d'aultres affères, elle me dépescha ung de ses valletz de
chambre pour me pryer que je voulusse avoyr pacience jusques au
deuxiesme jour ensuyvant; mais, comme le messager me fallit,
j'arrivay lorsqu'elle n'y pensoit pas. Néantmoins elle ne voulut que je
m'en retournasse sans la voyr, dont supercéda ses aultres affères, et
m'ouyt fort volontiers.
A laquelle je récitay, par le menu, la teneur des deux dépesches de
Vostre Majesté, du IIe et IIIe du présent, sur lesquelles je confesse
librement qu'elle monstra de ne rester guyères contente, ny de
l'exécution des deux premiers, ny de la prison des deux seconds;
mais elle fit bien une grande allégresse de l'amandement qu'aviez
senty en vostre mal, et de l'espérance qu'aviez de vostre prochaine
et parfaicte guérison, pour laquelle elle vous prioit de croyre qu'elle
faysoit continuelles prières à Dieu, aussy dévotement comme pour la
conservation de sa propre vye.
Et s'est mise à discourir qu'elle creignoit bien fort que, par les aguetz
et artiffices d'aulcuns, qui avoient faict de grands dessings sur vostre
malladye, Vostre Majesté et la Royne, vostre mère, ne vous
layssissiés conduyre à jouer vous mesmes, contre vostre propre
repos, et seureté, ces divers roolles qu'aviez commancé en vostre
mayson, car elle le conjecturoit ainsy sur aulcunes dilligences, qu'on
luy avoit mandé, qui s'estoient faictes en Allemaigne, et qu'elle
desireroit, de bon cueur, pouvoir estre quelques heures près de Voz
Majestez, pour vous dire librement ce que, possible, vous ne sçavez,
ny nul vous l'ozoit dire; et que, d'une chose avoit elle à se plaindre
grandement de vous deux, touchant l'exécution de La Molle, et en
faysoit plus de tort à la Royne que non pas à vous, car,
principallement, elle s'en estoit addressée à elle pour la prier qu'elle
voulût considérer, en cella, l'honneur de son filz, lequel elle luy
proposoit pour mary; dont elle pensoit avoyr aulmoins impétré que,
quand le procès seroit parachevé, la communicquation luy en seroit
sommayrement faicte, premier que de passer à l'exécution, ainsy
que son ambassadeur le luy avoit escript; et la lettre, que je luy
avoys faicte voyr, de la Royne, sembloit parler en ce sens; mais que
toutes ses prières et remonstrances n'avoient peu gaigner une heure
de temps en cella, dont elle voyoit bien que son crédit devers Voz
Majestez estoit par trop petit; et néantmoins qu'elle n'attandoit sinon
une pareille précipitation de jugement contre les aultres deux
prisonniers, par la dilligence de leurs adversayres, qui vous vouloient
fère ruyner ce party, affin que le leur se trouvât seul, et supérieur, et
nullement contredict en vostre royaulme; ce qu'elle n'estimoit estre
la seureté de Voz Majestez.
Néantmoins, puisque, ny ce qu'elle vous pourroit donner de conseil,
ny de consolation, ny d'assistance, en voz présentz affères, pouvoit
estre bien prins, ny tenu en grand compte, elle s'en déporteroit, et
recourroit à prier Dieu pour vous, qu'il voulût bien conduyre voz
affères, et donner à elle le sens de conduyre bien les siens par deçà
la mer, adjouxtant plusieurs aultres choses en termes fort exprès,
tant des personnes que des évènementz passés, et de ceulx qu'elle
crainct à l'advenir; et avec tant d'apparance d'affection que j'ay esté
contrainct de luy réplicquer:
Que je la supplioys de se souvenir que, en toutes grandes et
excellantes qualités de bonne seur, elle estoit germayne de Vostre
Majesté, et, comme telle, il falloit qu'elle jugeât ceste matière
d'estat, et non sellon le discours de ces passionnez, que je
cognoissois bien, qui avoient parlé à elle; et qu'elle debvoit penser
de ne pouvoir avoyr amityé en France qui luy sceût estre utile, ny
inimityé qui luy peût estre dommageable, que aultant qu'elle se
feroit proprement amye ou ennemye de Vostre Majesté, et non de
quel qui fût de voz subjectz; et que je ne voulois rien dire contre le
comte de Couconnas et La Molle, qu'aultant que Vostre Majesté m'en
avoit escript, suyvant leur condempnation par arrest de vostre
parlement, ny de MMrs les mareschaulx de Montmorency et de
Cossé, sinon qu'ilz avoient esté tenus, jusques icy, pour fort
honnorables, fort prudentz et fort loyaulx conseillers et subjectz;
desquelz néantmoins la réputation, sur l'examen de leurs faictz, ne
pourroit estre aultre que celle que vous en aurez; et que je la
supplioys qu'en lieu de se courroucer, elle se voulût condouloyr,
avecques vous, de la violence qu'elle jugeoit bien que Vostre Majesté
et la Royne, vostre mère, aviez souffert en vous mesmes, premier
que de la fère à ces deux personnages, lorsqu'aviés esté contrainct
de mettre la main sur eulx; et que vous en souffriés encores plus, à
ceste heure, en les gardant en prison, que eulx d'y estre gardés;
Et qu'au reste, de plusieurs grands ennuys, qui vous venoient de ces
accidantz, celluy estoit très grand, que vous vous trouviés contrainct
de différer, pour quelques jours, vostre voyage de Bolloigne; lequel
néantmoins vous proposiés plus fermement que jamays d'accomplir,
aussytost qu'auriés ung peu accommodé voz affères, affin de
conduyre l'entrevue, puisque l'affère n'estoit plus accroché qu'à
ceste seule difficulté: qu'elle peût avoyr agréable la personne, sellon
que ne desiriés rien tant au monde que de vous conjoindre en une
perpétuelle confédération et alliance avec elle et avec sa couronne,
par le moyen de ce mariage;
Et sur ce qu'elle avoit craint que Monseigneur le Duc fût en
maulvaise intelligence avec Voz Majestez, auquel cas, elle disoit de
ne pouvoir jamays plus avoyr si bonne opinion de luy comme
auparavant, que j'avoys commandement de luy respondre, encores
une foys, ce que la Royne Mère en avoit respondu à son
ambassadeur, et ce que je avoys eu charge de luy en dire, icy, à elle:
que vous l'aviez trouvé si esloigné de cella, et avoyr l'inclination si
droicte et si vertueuse, à tout ce qui estoit de son debvoir vers Dieu
et Vostre Majesté, et vers la Royne, sa mère, que toutz deux n'y
pouviés desirer rien de plus, ny de mieulx, pour vostre parfaict
contantement; et luy aviez trouvé ung desir qui tendoit tant à
acquérir honneur, avec dignité et réputation, sans blasme, que vous
pouviés dire qu'il avoit le cueur aultant généreulx et royal que prince
qui fût au monde.
Elle m'a respondu que je me gardasse bien d'avoyr si maulvayse
opinion d'elle, qu'elle eût emprunpté ce qu'elle m'avoit dict du
discours de pas ung des siens; ains qu'elle l'avoit prins de la vraye
bonne affection qu'elle portoit à Vostre Majesté, et qu'elle prioit Dieu
qu'elle eût veu plus de mal en ces accidantz, que vous n'en y
eussiés, puis après ce, trouvé; et que, de vostre voyage, de
Bolloigne, elle pouvoit bien présumer que les ennemys du propos,
lesquelz vous sçavoient bien tirer ailleurs, vous pourroient bien
divertyr d'y venir, mais qu'elle remettoit cella à Dieu; seulement me
vouloit dire, et me l'a dict en riant, qu'elle estoit d'assez bon lieu
pour avoyr ung prince libre à mary, et qu'elle n'en vouloit poinct de
pire condicion.
Et ainsy, après plusieurs devis, dont les aulcuns ont esté proférés
d'affection, et les aultres ont esté assez gracieulx, je me suis, pour
ceste foys, licencié d'elle.

Et sur ce, etc. Ce XVI

e jour de may 1574.

A la Royne
Madame, en une partie de la lettre que je fay présentement au Roy,
je y mectz les advis que j'ay à mander à Voz Majestez, et, en l'aultre,
je y touche les propos que ceste princesse m'a ceste foys tenus,
laquelle m'a fort prié de vous représanter, le plus vifvement que je
pourrois, la juste occasion, qu'elle avoit, de se tenir pour offancée
que n'eussiés voulu avoyr quelque esgard à ce qu'elle vous avoit
faict dire et remonstrer pour La Molle et Couconnas, qui pourtant
n'estoit chose qui touchât à elle, ains proprement à l'honneur de
vostre filz et par conséquent au vostre. Sur quoy, après l'avoyr
layssée ung peu eslargir en sa collère, je me suis vifvement opposé
à la pluspart de son discours, et en sommes venus en une
contestation non petite; mais encor que je sçay bien que la rayson a
esté de mon costé, elle, comme grande Royne, ne s'est volue laysser
vaincre, jusques à ce que je luy ay dict que je m'assuroys que Vostre
Majesté luy feroit cognoistre que l'exécution, dont elle se pleignoit,
de ces deux gentilshommes, estoit très juste, et n'avoit peu estre
plus longtemps différée; et qu'il faudroit qu'elle prînt rayson en
payement. Ce qu'elle, à la fin, a accepté. Et puis, j'ay suivy à luy dire
que je vous escriprois ardiment que j'avoys facillement recueilly, du
propos et des contenances d'elle, qu'elle n'avoit nulle malle
impression de Monseigneur le Duc, vostre filz.
Elle m'a respondu qu'elle ne vouloit estre si ingrate que d'avoyr en
mauvayse estime ung prince, qui monstroit de l'avoyr bonne d'elle;
mais que je vous disse ardiment, et s'est mise à soubrire, qu'elle ne
prendroit poinct de mary, les fers aulx pieds. Et, pour ceste foys, je
n'ay peu tirer aultre chose d'elle sinon qu'elle verra ce que le
cappitaine Leython luy rapportera de la part de Voz Majestez.
Au surplus, Madame, je me suis beaucoup consolé de ce que, en me
commandant, par vostre lettre du IIe de ce moys, d'avoir encores
ung peu de pacience jusques à ce que ces présentz affères soient
ung petit remis, il vous plaist m'assurer, qu'aussytost qu'ils le seront,
Vostre Majesté mesmes me moyennera mon congé, et fera que le
Roy, qui monstre estre bien contant de mon service, m'uzera
quelque digne récompense. Je remercye très humblement Vostre
Majesté de l'une et de l'aultre promesse, et, comme ayant besoing
de toutes les deux, je les accepte et supplie très humblement Vostre
Majesté les accomplir, et qu'il luy playse se souvenir que nul
gentilhomme, de toutz ceulx qui sont au service de Voz Majestez, a
esté plus longuement continué, et sollicité au travail, que moy, ny
plus longtemps oblié à la récompense; et que beaucoup de
nécessitez me pressent, à ceste heure, de ne pouvoir plus attandre.
Dont, entre aultres, je vous puis assurer, Madame, avecques vérité,
que la cherté est si extrême, icy, que, depuis ung an, toutes
provisions sont enchéries par moytié, et quelques unes excèdent le
double, de sorte qu'il s'en fault par trop que l'estat ordinayre
d'ambassadeur y puisse suffire. A quoy je supplye très humblement
Vostre Majesté y fère avoyr de l'esgard, et qu'il ne me soit faict tant
de tort que de me oster, ou retarder, les gages de la chambre et la
pension de douze centz livres: car, avec les autres pertes que j'ay
faictes, ce seroit me conduyre à mendicité, dont j'espère que Vostre
Majesté m'en préservera. Et sur ce, etc.

Ce XVI
e jour de may 1574.
 CCCLXXXIIe DÉPESCHE
—du XXIII
e jour de may 1574.—
(Envoyée exprès jusques à Calais par Jehan Volet.)
Audience.—Plainte contre une expédition préparée par le capitaine
Montdurant.—Assurance de la reine qu'elle en arrêtera le départ.—
Continuation des armemens.—Nouvelles instructions données au capitaine
Leython.—Nouvelles de Marie Stuart.—Plaintes des Anglais à raison des
prises.—Sollicitations de l'ambassadeur pour obtenir la juste récompense
de ses services.

Au Roy.
Sire, estant adverty que le cappitaine Montdurant, avec envyron
quatrevingtz soldatz, qu'il a ramassez icy, s'en alloit trouver la
comtesse de Montgommery vers Hamptonne, en intention de
s'embarquer au dict lieu, pour passer aulx isles de Gerzey et de
Grènesey, et, des dictes isles, aller descendre en celle poincte de
Normandye, qui est près de Carantan, pour se joindre au comte de
Montgommery, ou bien pour tenter luy mesmes quelque entreprinse
par dellà, je suis allé remonstrer à la Royne d'Angleterre que, de tant
que je ne résidois près d'elle que pour y estre procureur et directeur
du bien de l'amityé qu'elle vous avoit jurée, et pour divertyr le mal
qui pourroit naystre de quelque altération si, d'avanture, elle y
survenoit, je la voulois bien supplyer de fère en sorte qu'on ne peût
dire que, de la ville capitalle de son royaulme, et de ses portz et
isles, fût party ung équipage pour vous aller fère la guerre; et qu'elle
deffendît que la folle entreprinse du comte de Montgommery n'eust
poinct de suite, d'icy, affin qu'on cognût, à bon escient, qu'elle n'en
avoit poinct prins le commancement; et qu'il ne pourroit rien advenir
de plus répugnant à la ligue et confédération, qu'elle vous avoit
jurée, ny rien de plus contrayre aulx promesses et offres
honnorables, qu'elle vous avoit rescentement faictes, que si elle
n'empeschoit le voyage du dict cappitayne Montdurant; et que
pourtant elle voulût, par ceste petite chose, esclarcyr le monde
comme elle dellibéroit procéder dorsenavant vers vous, et comme
vous auriés à juger, cy après, de ses intentions.
La dicte Dame, d'une fort franche volonté, et sans aulcune remise,
m'a respondu qu'elle le feroit, et a prins incontinent le nom du
cappitayne pour envoyer empescher son embarquement. Et m'a dict,
davantage, qu'ayant sceu que quelques ungs avoient achepté des
pouldres pour envoyer en France, qu'elle avoit mandé les retenir
pour elle, et les avoit payées et faictes mettre dans la Tour; et
qu'elle espéroit vous fère cognoistre qu'elle avoit Dieu et son
sèrement, et le debvoir de l'amityé, qu'elle vous avoit promise,
devant les yeulx. Et si, m'a touché, en termes couvertz, quelque
particullarité de l'armement de ses navyres pour me fère
comprendre qu'elle les dressoit contre l'armée d'Espaigne; mais je
n'ay faict semblant de l'entendre, car je m'attandz, Sire, que, sur
l'advis que je vous en ay donné, Vostre Majesté me commandera
d'en parler ouvertement à la dicte Dame, affin de tirer d'elle, là
dessus, la plus expresse déclaration que je pourray.
Les six premiers navyres de son dict armement sortiront à la fin de
ce moys, et non plus tost, et les aultres, puis après, s'yront
conduysant, tout à loysir, à Porsemmue, où desjà l'on prépare les
vivres, le biscuit, la cher, et aultres provisions, pour les avitailler; et
le comte de Bethfort part bientost pour aller donner ordre, en
Cornoialle et Dauncher, que les mariniers et gens de guerre, qu'il
faudra mettre dessus, se trouvent prestz. Néantmoins je sentz bien
que les évènementz de France font que ceulx cy traictent plus
gracieusement avec le Roy d'Espaigne qu'ilz ne faysoient auparavant,
et qu'il semble qu'ilz entreront en beaucoup de modération avecques
luy, ainsy que luy, de son costé, les en recherche; et que
difficillement se garderont ilz qu'ils n'employent, en une façon ou
aultre, quelque partie de leur armement en faveur des eslevez de
vostre royaulme, bien que je ne cesseray de m'y oposer tousjours,
autant qu'il me sera possible.
L'on a envoyé nouvelle instruction au cappitayne Leython, depuis
l'exécution du comte de Couconnas et de La Molle, et depuis
l'emprisonnement de messieurs les Mareschaulx; dont j'estime qu'il
parlera en toute aultre façon à Vostre Majesté qu'on ne le luy avoit
commandé, à son partement. Néantmoins je desire qu'il vous playse
le renvoyer bien contant, et mander, par luy, beaucoup d'honnestes
satisfactions à la Royne, sa Mestresse, et pareillement à ses deux
conseillers.
Elle est après à dépescher quelque personnage, et croy que ce sera
Quillegreu, eu Escosse, devers le comte de Morthon, par prétexte de
traicter de certains désordres qui sont nays en la frontyère; mais je
croy que c'est pour conférer avecques luy sur le passage de l'armée
d'Espaigne. Je ne vous toucheray rien, icy, des nouvelles du dict
pays, parce que le sieur de Molins, qui en vient tout freschement,
vous en aura donné bon compte. La Royne d'Escosse, vostre belle
sœur, se porte bien, et, hier, je présentay, de sa part, une basquinne
de satin incarnat, à ouvrage d'argent, fort menu, et tout tissu de sa
main, à la Royne d'Angleterre, laquelle a eu très agréable le présent,
et l'a trouvé fort beau, et l'a prisé beaucoup, et m'a semblé que je
l'ay trouvée fort modérée vers elle. J'ay, icy, des lettres que la dicte
Royne, vostre belle seur, escript à Voz Majestez, mais je n'ay encores
congé de les vous envoyer. Ce sera par Halley, son vallet de
chambre, qui est icy, l'ung de voz chevaulcheurs d'escuyerie, lequel
les attand. Et semble qu'il n'y aura rien de mal que Voz Majestez luy
respondent quelquefoys; car ceulx cy voyent bien passer
ordinayrement des lettres d'elle, qui vous vont provoquant et
obligeant de luy respondre.
J'ay tant faict que sir Artus Chambernon s'est contanté de me bailler
ses procurations pour les fère tenir à l'ambassadeur d'Angleterre, et
promect de se monstrer, en sa charge, aultant vostre serviteur qu'il
luy sera possible, n'ayant voulu permettre que son filz soit allé
trouver le comte de Montgommery, son beau père. Il vous plerra,
Sire, luy fère avoyr quelque bonne provision de justice sur les biens
du dict de Montgommery, pour la dot de sa belle fille.
Ceulx cy me rengrègent, plus que jamays, la pleincte des prinses, et
le manquement de justice en France; dont y en a aulcuns, dans ce
conseil, qui, par deux et trois foys, ont pressé ceste princesse de
permettre à ses subjectz d'armer pour en avoyr la revenche, et
mesmement contre deux navyres de Vostre Majesté, qui s'appellent,
l'ung le Prince et l'aultre l'Ours, lesquels, depuis naguyères, ont faict
plusieurs prinses, et icelles, avec grande violence et meurtre, sur les
Angloys; dont je vous supplie très humblement, Sire, y vouloir
pourvoir.
Et pour la fin, je remercyeray très humblement Vostre Majesté des
favorables responces qu'il vous a pleu fère à celluy des miens qui
vous a parlé de celle petite abbaye de Néelle, que ung mien frère,
qui naguyères a esté tué dans Sarlat, me tenoit, et qui vous a
présenté aussy ung placet pour mes gages de la chambre, et pour la
petite pencion de douze centz livres qu'il plaist à Vostre Majesté me
donner; qui sont choses raysonnables et sur lesquelles je ne veux
sinon très bien espérer de Vostre Majesté, parce qu'elle ne voudra
jamays oublier ny mon long service ny ma fidellité, ny me laysser
tomber en l'extrême pouvreté, où je serois réduict, si elle n'avoit
souvenance, à ceste procheyne distribution, de m'accomplir la
libéralité de quelque bienfaict, selon que, longtemps y a, il luy a pleu
me la promettre, et laquelle j'ay plus longuement attandue que nul
aultre gentilhomme qui soit à son service; et, tout ensemble, me
récompenser de la perte que je fay, estant icy, de celle petite abbaye
de Néelle que Monseigneur le Duc a donnée à ung de ses
secrettères, qui m'estoit venue, par résignation, d'ung de mes
parantz; et avoyr esgard, Sire, touchant ma pencion, et gages, que
la cherté est si extrême et insupportable en ce lieu, où Vostre
Majesté me détient plus longtemps et plus extraordinayrement qu'il
n'a jamais faict nul aultre ambassadeur, que l'estat qu'elle m'y donne
n'y peut de beaucoup suffire. Et sur ce, etc.

Ce XXIII
e jour de may 1574.
 CCCLXXXIIIe DÉPESCHE
—du XXIX
e jour de may 1574.—
(Envoyée exprès jusques à Calais par Hallay.)
Assurance que les armemens d'Angleterre sont dirigés contre l'Espagne.—
Nécessité de se tenir cependant sur ses gardes en France.—Nouvelles
d'Allemagne et d'Écosse.—Instances de Montgommerry auprès des
Anglais.—Avis donné par l'ambassadeur aux gouverneurs des côtes de
l'expédition du capitaine Montdurant.

Au Roy.
Sire, je ne puis encores descouvrir que, en toutes ces longues
assemblées de conseil, que ceulx cy ont quasy toutz les jours
tenues, depuis ung moys en ça, il y ayt esté rien déterminé contre
Vostre Majesté; ains mes advis se rapportent qu'ilz ont dressé leurs
délibérations à ordonner, comme ils pourront, par leur appareil de
mer, lequel ilz préparent tousjours, bien résister à l'entreprinse qu'ilz
se persuadent que le Roy Catholique a sur ce royaulme ou bien sur
l'Irlande, et comme, sans commancer aulcune infraction de paix, de
leur costé, ilz rendront inutilles les efforts de l'armée qui s'attand
d'Espaigne, au cas qu'elle essaye rien sur eulx; et de faict, les
parolles de ceste princesse, et de ceulx qui guident plus ses
intentions, tendent à me fère bien espérer de leurs déportementz
pour Vostre Majesté; et mesmes ont escript aulx portz de ne laysser
sortir, avec armes, ceulx qui s'acheminoient vers le comte de
Montgommery. Néantmoins, pour la façon de laquelle j'entendz qu'ilz
parlent des évènementz de France, qui ne se peuvent tenir qu'ilz ne
supportent tousjours la cause des eslevez, et qu'ilz ne desirent bien
fort qu'ilz ne soient poinct opprimés, et admettent ordinayrement
leurs agentz à traicter de leurs affères avec eulx; et que, parmy
aulcuns de ceulx qui s'apprestent pour aller sur leurs grands
navyres, il court ung bruict sourt qu'ilz feront quelque descente en
Normandye ou en Guyenne; je me résouls, d'ung costé, Sire, de
retenir ceste princesse, aultant que je pourray, en vostre dévotion, et
de divertyr, s'il est possible, qu'il ne vous viegne nul mal d'elle ny des
siens, ou le moins que fère se pourra, et vous supplyer très
humblement, de l'aultre, que vous ne layssiés, pour cella, de vous
pourvoir contre leur armement, comme contre suspectz amys, ou
bien contre couvertz ennemys, affin qu'ilz ne vous puissent uzer de
surprinse. Dont, de jour en jour, je ne faudray de vous escripre ce
que je pourray approfondir davantage de leurs dellibérations,
desquelles, sellon qu'au retour du cappitayne Leython ilz se
trouveront bien ou mal satisfaictz de sa légation, j'en pourray, lors,
plus certeynement juger.
Il leur est arrivé, depuis trois jours, ung Courier d'Allemagne,
dépesché par ung, leur agent, qui se tient à Franckfort, et, soubdain
le conseil s'est assemblé là dessus; où j'entendz qu'il a esté résolu
que promptement seront envoyés cinquante mille escuz en
Hambourg et à Colloigne, pour estre remis à ung Jehan Lith, facteur
de Me Grassen, auquel sera mandé comme et à qui il les faudra
distribuer. Et parce qu'on y employe quelque forme de crédict
d'Anvers, il semble que ce soit plustost une provision pour le prince
d'Orange, que non une emplète contre Vostre Majesté; mais, de tant
qu'on dict que Me Randolphe sera bientost dépesché devers les
princes protestantz, je vous supplie très humblement, Sire, ordonner
quelqu'ung qui le sache bien observer de dellà.

Me Quillegreu est commandé de se tenir prest pour aller en Escosse,

et j'entendz que c'est pour une praticque qu'on a descouvert que
quelques seigneurs du pays menoient pour restablir l'authorité de la
Royne d'Escoce. Il va voyr ce qui en est, et va traicter avec le comte
de Morthon du passage de l'armée d'Espaigne, et comme il aura à
s'en gouverner.
Le comte de Montgommery avoit envoyé, icy, ung des siens, nommé
Lafouloyne, pour luy admener des soldatz, et luy procurer quelques
secours; mais il s'en est retourné aujourdhuy, fort mal accompaigné,
n'ayant peu praticquer, en ceste ville, que six ou sept hommes. J'ay
adverty Mr de Sigoignes de la dellibération, que le cappitayne
Montdurant a faicte, de descendre près de Carantan, avec les quatre
vingtz soldatz qu'il a ramassés par deçà; dont je m'assure qu'il en
advertyra Mr de Matignon pour y pourvoir, et pareillement Mr de la
Melleraye, au cas qu'il s'efforçât de descendre ailleurs. Sur ce, etc.

Ce XXIX
e jour de may 1574.
 CCCLXXXIVe DÉPESCHE
—du IIII
e jour de juing 1574.—

(Envoyée exprès jusques à Calais par la voye du Sr Acerbo.)

Armemens maritimes faits par Me Grinvil.—Assurance qu'ils sont destinés

pour l'Irlande et pour un voyage de découverte.—Résolution des Anglais
de se joindre aux vaisseaux du prince d'Orange et de la Rochelle pour
combattre la flotte d'Espagne.—Avis donné par l'ambassadeur d'un coup
de main qui doit s'exécuter en France.—Nécessité d'exercer une active
surveillance auprès du roi et des princes.

Au Roy.
Sire, estant adverty que, oultre l'armement des grandz navyres de
ceste princesse, lequel va tousjours en avant, ung particullier de ce
royaulme, nommé Grinvil, gentilhomme tenu en très bon compte en
ceste court, et qui, dès l'entrée de l'hyver, a commancé de mettre
sept bons navyres en équippage de guerre, avecques voix de vouloir
aller descouvrir quelque destroict vers le North, ayant layssé passer
la sayson d'un tel voyage, ne laysse pourtant de se préparer, à ceste
heure, en toute dilligence, pour s'aller mettre sur mer avec les
susdictz sept navyres et encor trois davantage, qu'il y a joinctz de
nouveau; et qu'il s'est desja expédié de court pour aller fère son
embarquement, en divers endroictz, sellon que ses susdictz navyres
sont distribués en divers portz de ce royaulme, où plusieurs
gentilshommes vont estre de la partye, et des soldatz ou mariniers,
jusques au nombre de quinze centz hommes, en tout, j'ay eu le dict
appareil pour bien fort suspect; de tant mesmement qu'on m'a dict
qu'icelluy Grinvil a associé avecques luy le sir Artus Chambernon.
Dont j'ay incontinent envoyé rechercher bien curieusement, par
toutz mes advis, où se pouvoit addresser cette entreprinse. Et voicy,
Sire, ce qu'on m'en a rapporté:
Que le dict Grinvil, ayant longtemps sollicité la permission de pouvoir
aller fère ceste descouverte, qu'il a en main, et en ayant, jusques à
ceste heure, esté empesché par ceulx qui portent, icy, le faict du Roy
d'Espaigne et du Roy de Portugal, qu'il a sceu enfin si bien
remonstrer l'utillité qui adviendra de son voyage à tout ce royaulme,
si on le luy laysse parachever, qu'avec la faveur de ses amys il a
obtenu de le pouvoir fère, en ce toutesfoys que, devant toute
œuvre, il yra donner quelque forme de secours, qui luy a esté
prescripte, au comte d'Essex, en Irlande; et de là il prendra, puis
après, sa route où il prétend aller, sans luy estre néantmoins loysible
de descouvrir en endroict, où les Espaignols et Portugoys ayent
desjà actuellement descouvert, et sans qu'il puisse attempter rien
contre les amys de ce royaulme, spéciallement contre Vostre
Majesté. Et, par ainsy, mes advertissementz portent que je ne doibs
prendre allarme, ny vous en donner aulcune, de l'entreprinse du dict
Grinvil.
Et m'a l'on rapporté, davantage, Sire, que ceste princesse, jeudy
dernier, entre ses plus privés, a dict qu'elle estoit fort marrye qu'on
vous fît prendre, ny que vous vous imprimissiés, aulcune sorte de
deffiance, du costé de ce royaulme; car elle vous maintiendroit, sans
aulcun doubte, l'amityé qu'elle vous avoit promise, et qu'il n'y auroit
nul qui la vous ozât enfeindre. Et, de faict, encor que j'aye des
présumptions bien violentes contre les Angloys, à les avoyr suspectz
ez présentz troubles de vostre royaulme, si ne découvrè je que, pour
encores, ilz ayent aulcune entreprinse déterminée contre Vostre
Majesté, ains que l'ordre, qu'ilz ont proposé de tenir, quand ilz
auront mis leurs grandz navyres en mer, est, à ce que j'entendz,
qu'ilz n'entreront dans nulz portz; ains qu'ilz tiendront tousjours la
mer, et aussytost qu'ilz auront recognu l'armée d'Espaigne, qu'ilz
l'yront tousjours costoyant sur l'aile gauche, pour luy couvrir la coste
d'Ouest d'Angleterre et la routte d'Irlande, sans la laysser nullement
approcher de deçà; et, si aulcuns vaysseaulx d'icelle s'y escartent,
encor que ce soit par tourmente ou par aultre contraincte nécessité,
l'on ne layra de les investir et combattre. Et mesmes se présume
qu'ilz ont concerté avec le prince d'Orange, lequel doibt avoyr, lors,
cent bons navyres sur mer, comprins ceulx de la Rochelle, qu'ilz
chercheront les occasions de provoquer la dicte armée de venir aulx
mains, ayant faict équipper dix huict pataches, du port de vingt cinq
ou trente tonneaulx chascune, dans la rivière de Golchestre, en
forme de frégates à rames, bien garnies d'artillerye à fleur d'eau,
pour les oposer aulx gallères qu'on dict qui seront en la dicte armée.
Et n'y a que six jours que deux marchandz de Flandres, qui venoient
d'Espaigne par mer, ayantz esté contrainctz du vent à prendre port
vers le cap de Cornoaille, ont esté incontinent conduictz, avec toutes
les lettres qu'ilz portoient, devers les seigneurs de ce conseil, qui les
ont dilligemment examinés du faict de la dicte armée. Et il semble
qu'ilz leur ayent confirmé qu'elle sera bientost preste à se mettre à la
voylle; ce qui faict que ceulx cy hastent davantage leur armement.
Dont, de jour en jour, Sire, je vous donray advis de la dilligence qu'ilz
y mettront, affin que, nonobstant leurs bonnes parolles et leurs
démonstrations, vous vous pourvoyés tousjours, comme je vous en
supplie très humblement, que ne soyés surprins de leurs maulvais
effectz, si, d'avanture, ilz en avoient.

J'entendz qu'on a changé d'advis d'envoyer Me Randolphe en

Allemaigne, et que ce sera un agent, lequel partira bientost, qui est
ung fort dangereulx homme et de mauvayse intention. Il doibt
passer devers le prince d'Orange, duquel, depuis peu de jours, le
ministre Textor est retourné icy, avec beaucoup de mémoyres. Et de
tant, Sire, qu'il est eschappé à aulcuns des plus passionnés supposts
de la nouvelle religyon, qui soient par deçà, de dire que bientost
adviendra, en France, une chose grande et de grande importance,
qui mettra toute la Chrestienté en admiration; et qu'ilz monstrent
qu'avec grand desir et joye indubitablement ilz l'espèrent, je vous
supplye très humblement, en l'incertitude que ce peut estre, que
vueillés fère uzer quelque forme d'aguet et d'observance, plus
grande que de coustume, entour les personnes de Voz Majestez, et
fère tenir quelque assemblée de Conseil ung peu solennelle, pour
leur fère penser que leur entreprinse est descouverte, car pourra
estre que peu de démonstration la leur destournera et leur
emportera toute leur attante. Et sur ce, etc. Ce IVe jour de juing
1574.
 CCCLXXXVe DÉPESCHE
—du VIII
e jour de juing 1574.—
(Envoyée exprès jusques à Calais par Jehan Volet.)
Audience.—Nouvelles de la maladie du roi.—Mission du capitaine Leython.—
Explication donnée par l'ambassadeur sur la communication qu'il avait
précédemment faite à l'égard de Coconas et de La Mole.—Plaintes du roi
sur les armemens des Anglais qui lui ont été dénoncés comme devant
être dirigés contre la Normandie et la Bretagne.—Satisfaction donnée en
France au sujet des prises.—Succès remportés sur les protestans.—
Mécontentement d'Élisabeth de ce que le roi n'a pas voulu, sur sa
demande, faire surseoir à l'exécution de Coconas et de La Mole.—Sa
déclaration que ses navires sont armés pour surveiller le passage de la
flotte d'Espagne.—Protestation de sa part qu'elle n'a aucune intention
d'attaquer la France.—Nouvelle de la mort du roi.—Condoléances de
l'ambassadeur à la reine-mère.—Message d'Élisabeth sur la mort du roi.—
Son desir de renouveler l'alliance avec le nouveau roi.—Avis d'une
entreprise préparée contre les côtes de France.

Au Roy.

Sire, suyvant ce qu'il vous a pleu m'escripre, du XXe du passé, j'ay

dict à la Royne d'Angleterre que vous aviés prins en fort bonne part,
et vous estiés bien fort resjouy de la venue du cappitaine Leython,
comme de celluy dont aviés trouvé que toutz les poinctz de la
légation, qu'il vous avoit explicquée, de par elle, estoient aultant de
tesmoignages de la vraye et indubitable amityé qu'elle vous portoit,
et qu'en premier lieu il vous avoit faict grand bien de voyr le soing
qu'elle prenoit de vostre santé; dont luy en aviez grande obligation,
et que vous la vouliés assurer que, grâces à Dieu, vous alliés en
amandant, et qu'ung accès de tierce double, qui vous avoit prins le
XVII
e du passé, avoit mis voz mèdecins en bonne espérance qu'il
retrancheroit les accidantz de la quarte, et que ce seroit une
parfaicte guérison, dont en sentirez desjà du solagement; et quand
aulx honnorables offres qu'elle vous avoit mandé fère de vous
vouloir assister, aultant qu'elle pourroit, en voz présentz affères,
pour maintenir et conserver vostre authorité, que c'estoit ung des
vrays fruictz que vous alliés recueillant de la longue persévérance en
laquelle vous vous estiés confirmé, depuis vostre règne, à ne vous
vouloir départir, pour occasion ou persuasion, ou instigation, qu'on
vous eût peu donner au contrayre, jamays de son amityé; et que
vous expérimantiés, à ceste heure, avec vostre grand contantement,
combien il vous venoit bien à propos d'avoyr sceu acquérir et
conserver une si grande et si parfaicte, et si constante amye, et
bonne voysine, comme elle vous estoit; et qu'elle pouvoit croyre et
croyroit, avecques vérité, que vous luy uzeriés, toute vostre vye, une
semblable correspondance, et vous porteriés, en toutes les choses
qui surviendroient au monde, très droictement et cordiallement, vers
elle, aultant qu'elle le pourroit desirer, et espérer, du plus entier et
esprouvé amy qu'elle eût en la Chrestienté; et puisqu'elle se
monstroit de ceste bonne disposition vers voz affères, qu'à la
mesure qu'ilz vous surviendroient, vous les luy feriés entendre, affin
d'uzer de son assistance et de son conseil, et de son bon secours, là
où verriés d'en avoyr besoing;
Et, au regard des propos que le dict cappitaine Leython avoit tenus,
de Monseigneur le Duc, en l'honneste et honnorable et très modeste
façon qu'elle luy avoit ordonné d'en parler à Vostre Majesté et à la
Royne, vostre mère, que toutz deux en aviés senty ung ayse et ung
contantement trop plus grands qu'il ne vous estoit possible de
l'exprimer, cognoissant, par là, la bonne affection qu'elle luy portoit,
et la bonne opinyon et estime en quoy elle le tenoit, sans avoyr
donné foy à plusieurs rapportz que vous pensiés bien qu'on luy avoit
faictz de luy; ce qui vous faysoit espérer, de bien en mieulx, du bon
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