Trần Viết Nghĩa

Part Three: Economic and Cultural Issues

The Thanh Nghị Group from the Japanese Coup de

Force in March to the August Revolution in 1945
Trần Viết Nghĩa Associate Professor, Faculty of History, University of Social Sciences
and Humanities, VNU-Hanoi

1. The Thanh Nghị Group before the Coup de Force

The Thanh Nghị group was born during a time of complex political changes in Vietnam. After the
start of the Second World War (1939), the French colonial rulers launched a series of repression
against the Vietnamese fighting for freedom, democracy and patriotism. On September 22, 1940, the
Japanese fascists invaded Vietnam. The French quickly surrendered to the Japanese. Right after that,
the French colonial rulers and the Japanese fascists cooperated to dominate and exploit the Vietnam-
ese people. The tragedy of the Vietnamese people, who bore two yokes of domination and exploita-
tion at the hands of the French and the Japanese, divided the Vietnamese intellectuals into four
groups with different political agendas: pro-French, pro-Japanese, anti-French and anti-Japanese, and
neutral.
In June 1941, the first issue of Thanh Nghị magazine was published. This marked the birth of the
Thanh Nghị group in Hanoi. According to Vũ Đình Hòe, editor of the magazine, the group was not a
tightly knit organization like other political and social organizations with established rules and regula-
tions, but was only a group of classmates and schoolmates. After graduation, they all worked in differ-
ent occupations, but no-one had a professional career in journalism. However, they all wanted to do
something for the benefit of their enslaved nation. Thus, they decided to write magazine articles to
reflect the realities of the country. The success of the initial issues encouraged the group to participate
more actively in journalism. Initially, the Thanh Nghị group considered politics to be a forbidden
ground, a taboo topic to be avoided. However, they became increasingly interested in urgent political
matters. Vũ Đình Hòe affirmed that the Thanh Nghị magazine and Thanh Nghị group were TWO
1
parts of a unified WHOLE.
The five founders of the Thanh Nghị magazine were Vũ Đình Hòe, Vũ Văn Hiền, Phan Anh, Hoàng
Thúc Tấn and Lê Huy Vân. They were all well-known Western-educated intellectuals who graduated
from universities in France and Vietnam. Apart from the founders, other famous writers also joined
the magazine, notably Đinh Gia Trinh, Nguyễn Tuân, Ngụy Như Kon Tum, Phạm Gia Kính, Trần Văn

1
Vũ Đình Hòe, Hồi ký Thanh Nghị (Hà Nội: NXB Văn học, 2000), pp. 16 7.

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Giáp, Tô Ngọc Vân, Xuân Diệu, Huy Cận, Hoàng Xuân Hãn, Đoàn Phú Tứ, Nguyễn Xuân Khoát,
Nguyễn Xuân Sanh, Đỗ Đức Dục, Đặng Thai Mai, Phan Mỹ, Nguyễn Văn Huyên, Nguyễn Văn Tố, Ngô
Đình Nhu, Nguyễn Bội Liêu, Đào Duy Anh, Lê Huy Vân, Nguyễn Thiệu Lâu, Hồ Dzếnh, Thế Lữ,
Nghiêm Xuân Yêm, Vũ Công Hòe, Hoài Thanh, Nguyễn Xiển, Vũ Hoàng Chương, Tôn Quang Phiệt,
Nguyễn Mạnh Tường, and Bùi Tường Chiểu.
Thanh Nghị was a weekly magazine. From the first issue (June 1941) to the last (August 11, 1945), a
total of 120 issues were published. A total of 130 contributors wrote for the magazine (144 contributors
if we count by pen name). Most Thanh Nghị members originated from Confucian intellectual families
in Tonkin and Annam, yet they were educated in French schools in Hanoi or France. Some achieved
high degrees (master or doctorate), such as Ngụy Như Kon Tum, Hoàng Xuân Hãn and Nguyễn Văn
Huyên. Most lived in Hanoi and pursued different occupations. Out of 130 authors, some contributed
many articles, some only a few, and some even wrote only a single article. Editor Vũ Đình Hòe contrib-
uted the largest number of articles (78), followed by Đỗ Đức Dục (55) and Đinh Gia Trinh (43). 115
authors contributed from one to ten articles, accounting for 79.8 percent. 15 authors contributed from
10 to 20 articles (10.4 percent). Eight authors contributed from 20 to 30 articles (5.6 percent); six
contributed more than 30 articles (4.2 percent).
Many Thanh Nghị members had a successful career, not only in culture, arts, thought, education and
social affairs, but also in politics. Hoàng Xuân Hãn, Vũ Văn Hiền and Phan Anh were Ministers in the
Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet before the 1945 August Revolution. Vũ Đình Hòe, Vũ Văn Hiền and Phan
Anh became Ministers in the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam after
the victory of the August Revolution.
Before the Japanese overthrew the French in Indochina, the Thanh Nghị group rarely got involved in
political debates. When they did so, they cautiously maintained a moderate stand. However, during the
period just before the Japanese coup, being motivated by the new political atmosphere, some Thanh
Nghị intellectuals, notably Phan Anh, became much more politically active. Phan Anh wrote some
articles on political matters, using framework of legal studies, which he had majored in at school. He
demonstrated his potential capacity as a politician when he argued that a leader must gain credibility
amongst the people. To gain this credibility, a leader must possess not only intellectual capacity, but
also a firm political stand, tricks, dedication, determination and a long-term vision. When the country
was in a fluid situation, leaders of these kinds would be vital for the survival of the masses.2

2. The Thanh Nghị Group after the Coup de Force

On March 9, 1945, the Japanese staged a coup and overthrew the French throughout Indochina. The
French domination, which had existed for more than 80 years, immediately collapsed. The coup was a
big shock to Vietnamese intellectuals. Those who were pro-French became anxious as they had lost

2
Phan Anh, Thanh Nghị, 106 (10.03.1945), p. 3.

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their patrons. Those who were pro-Japanese celebrated the coup and began strengthening their
activities in journalism and on the political stage. Those who opposed the Japanese and their hench-
men began busy in the preparation for the forthcoming uprising to seize power.
The Thanh Nghị group, taking advantage of this opportunity, openly announced their political stand
to the public. Phan Anh and Vũ Trọng Hiền left Hanoi for Huế to join the Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet.
The Thanh Nghị group supported the Kim Cabinet, which was established on April 17, 1945. This
support was clearly demonstrated in a Special Supplement on Politics of Thanh Nghị (Issue 107, May 5,
1945). In the article The conditions for independence, the Thanh Nghị group argued about the coup
of March 9: while it rescued Vietnam from French domination, the coup was not the result of an
uprising by the Vietnamese, but only an unexpected windfall. Independence fell from the sky, it was
not regained by us! 3 According to them, independence was not a gift given by a philanthropist, but a
treasure that one had to pay a high price to obtain. The Vietnamese had to promote their mental
strength to supplement physical strength, had to be active and determined to get rid of the old regime
and destroy all reactionary conspiracies. For achieving independence, however, such activities were
not enough; actions were needed like meetings to celebrate liberation, demonstrations to erase traces
of slavery and to deny cooperation with the enemies, and ceremonies to commemorate war martyrs
and national heroes, even though they could promote patriotism amongst the masses in the short
term. The first prerequisite to achieving independence was the unity of all the social classes in the
revolutionary parties and trade unions. The second was an independent government.
Regarding the problem of political parties and trade unions, Vũ Đình Hòe argued that political
parties ought to play the key role in uniting the masses to fight for power and to control the govern-
ment. Meanwhile, in Vietnam there was no individual or group that could represent the entire nation
to mobilize and unify the whole people. There must be a revolutionary party to lead the nation that
was based on the principle of national unity (i.e. unifying people of all social groups and political
stands). The existing political parties had to align with the government of Vietnam (the Cabinet of
Trần Trọng Kim) to strive for a real and strong independence.4
According to Vũ Đình Hòe, the establishment of many political parties after March 9 was not a sign
of factionalism, but rather was the result of the circumstances. What mattered most to the nation at the
time was the unification of all revolutionary parties. Forming alliances was the best way to unify parties.
Each party should send their representatives to meet together to discuss a common political agenda,
then each party could pursue this agenda in its own way. This method of unification was not aimed at
merging all parties into a single party, but was aimed at unifying many parties under a common goal, in
a specific period of time, in pursuit of a specific political agenda. 5 Hòe noted that right after the coup,
trade unions had met to express their support for national independence. However, true unity could not

3
Thanh Nghị, 107 (05.05.1945), p. 34.
4
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 107, pp. 7, 8, 27.
5
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 109 (19.05.1945), p. 4.

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 The Thanh Nghị Group from the Japanese Coup de force in March to the August Revolution in 1945

be achieved simply by the gathering together of trade unions to shout out slogans of unity. He pointed
out the true principles for unity, including discipline, supporting professional benefits and clarifying the
requirements of a profession that all practitioners should uphold. A trade union was not involved in
politics for politics per se, but for the benefit of those practicing a particular profession. If trade unions
could unite and form a federation, their capacity of struggle would become much stronger.6
Regarding the issue of an independent government, the Thanh Nghị group held that Vietnam would
need an independent government to get rid of the old regime, make a complete break with the colonial
policies of the French rulers, and carry out diplomatic policies at international conferences to protect
national interests. This government needed the support of the masses to solve the challenges that the
country faced. The group called for political parties and trade unions to unite under the leadership of
the Kim government to build Vietnam s independence:

All parties should unite in a single front; all trade unions should operate under the guidance of
only one government to develop a unified force from the masses. Then this force under the com-
mand of the government will strive for building the foundation of independence. That should be
the right path forward for Vietnam at this time.7

Bùi Tường Chiểu praised the first edict by Emperor Bảo Đại issued on March 17, 1945. In this edict
Bảo Đại announced that he had declared independence and assumed leadership of the nation; that the
new political regime was built on the slogan, The People First and that he would gather talented people
to rebuild the nation into one that deserved true independence. Bảo Đại affirmed the plan of cooperating
with the Japanese Empire in the cause of building a Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere.
According to Bùi Tường Chiểu, by highlighting the principle of the people first, Bảo Đại had put
the benefit of the masses above that of the emperor and the royal family. The Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet
included individuals with dignity, patriotism and talent. An unusual feature of the Kim Cabinet was
that it included no former mandarins. The Cabinet included four lawyers, four medical doctors, two
professors and one engineer. This Cabinet showed that Bảo Đại was determined to use new persons
to build his new regime. The Cabinet had representatives in Tonkin, Annam and Cochinchina, which
indicated that Bảo Đại wanted to establish a unified government for the entire nation. The masses
whole-heartedly trusted this new Cabinet.8
Vũ Đình Hòe pointed out three progressive features of the new Cabinet: all its members were not
former mandarins, but were chosen from the masses; before the Cabinet was established, the Emperor
had surveyed the wishes and preferences of people from South to North and from different walks of
life; and government and its administration were established on the principles of Western democracy.

6
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 107, pp. 9, 10, 27.
7
Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 6.
8
Bùi Tường Chiểu, Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 13.

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Hòe defended members of the Kim Cabinet against criticisms from the public. He argued that a minis-
ter was not a mandarin, but took a temporary political post. The new Cabinet undertook a heavy
responsibility. It would be wrong to assume that these Ministers took up their position in pursuit of
political reputation and profit; their choice to take up these positions was a brave, praise-worthy
action. Hòe reckoned that public suspicion about the new Cabinet was inappropriate in this particular
context. The masses should unite themselves to support the government, should welcome and support
the government and fight side by side.9
Hòe emphasized the necessity of a constitution as a political foundation for national development in
Vietnam. The constitution would identify the regime, the responsibilities and power of state agencies,
the political interests of citizens and their right to monitor the government. The constitution was a
symbol of democracy. The constitution of Vietnam should be flexible to promote the nation s progress.
As Vietnam had no parliament, it had no constitution. Therefore, the Emperor had to issue a decree to
define some key principles of the new regime, as the foundation for the promulgation of a constitution
in the future. The principles in the decree should include freedom of trade union, political freedom,
and national construction guided by the principles of democracy and socialism.10
Thanh Nghị group considered youth to be a key force of the government in Vietnam. Đinh Gia Trinh
noted that after Vietnam declared independence, although its youth had done many things to demon-
strate their patriotism, they had to be more active in helping the needy and impoverished, and to
become warriors willing to dedicate themselves to the nation when necessary. He called for the youth
to gather under the leadership of the Ministry of Youth led by Phan Anh. Thus we have high hope for
the Ministry of Youth in the new Cabinet. It is a single organization that will unite the youth across the
country. Genuine leaders will be chosen to lead the youth and guide their actions under principles
suitable to the new demands of new Vietnam. Schools for the youth, de facto military in nature, should
be established to train soldiers. Youth unions will operate with discipline, and will participate for
causes of building a new society. Without a doubt, one of the missions of the government is to utilize
11
the youth as a key force. Trinh called for the youth to free themselves from their situation of slavery
and sever any sentimental attachment to the colonial regime, to demonstrate their strength, and to
contribute to building the independence of Vietnam, not just by beautiful words but also by practical
actions.12
The Thanh Nghị group demonstrated a strong anti-French spirit. Trọng Đức vehemently criticized
the French colonial rulers who had used the slogan Liberty, Equality, Fraternity of the French capital-
ist revolution in 1789 as an excuse to invade colonies. He argued that the crimes that the French had
committed against the Vietnamese had to be revealed. He strongly condemned the Vietnamese who
still blindly believed in the French colonial rulers and defended them. He advocated the compilation of
9
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 29.
10
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 108 (12.05.1945), p. 4.
11
Đinh Gia Trinh, Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 17.
12
Đinh Gia Trinh, Thanh Nghị, 108, p. 20.

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 The Thanh Nghị Group from the Japanese Coup de force in March to the August Revolution in 1945

a Black Book to expose the crimes of the French in Vietnam.13 Thế Thụy (the pen name of Đinh Gia
Trinh) criticized French education for nurturing slavery and suppressing the growth of Vietnamese
talents.14 Nghiêm Xuân Yêm blamed the French colonial rulers for the terrible famine in Tonkin.15

3. The Establishment of the New Vietnam Association and the Thanh Nghị Group
The Special Supplement on Politics of the Thanh Nghị (Issue 107, May 5, 1945) announced the
establishment of the New Vietnam Association. The Association s headquartered was located at No 24,
Hàng Da Street, Hanoi. The founders and Central Committee members were: Đào Duy Anh, Phan
Anh, Phạm Đỗ Bình (Nhật Trương), Đỗ Đức Dục, Ngô Thúc Địch, Trần Khánh Giư (Khái Hưng), Ngô
Tử Hạ, Vũ Văn Hiền, Vũ Đình Hòe, Nguyễn Văn Huyên, Trần Duy Hưng, Ngụy Như Kon Tum,
Nguyễn Lân, Vũ Đình Liên, Phạm Lợi, Nguyễn Ngọc Minh, Nguyễn Quang Oánh, Tôn Quang Phiệt,
Phạm Khắc Quảng, Phan Huy Quát, Ngô Bích San, Nguyễn Hữu Tảo, Hoàng Thúc Tấn, Vũ Đình
Tụng, Lê Quốc Túy, Nghiêm Xuân Thiện, Nguyễn Đình Thụ, Hoàng Phạm Trân (Nhượng Tống), Bùi
Như Uyên, Lê Huy Vân, Nguyễn Xiển and Nghiêm Xuân Yêm. The Association s members were intel-
lectuals working in different professions, including medical doctors, lawyers, professors, writers, actors
and so on. Despite their differences in profession and political stand, they all shared the spirit of patri-
otism and the desire to contribute to the protection of national independence in the challenging time.
Many of them were also Thanh Nghị group members.
The New Vietnam Association was established in a special situation: Japan had overthrown the
French, the Kim Cabinet had just been established, and the number of political parties and associa-
tions was growing rapidly. The Association believed that Vietnam had been rescued from French
domination. They found two important factors to guarantee Vietnamese independence: one was that
the Japanese did not demonstrate any ambition for territorial expansion in Indochina, and another was
that the Huế Court had declared Vietnam s independence. Thus, the new task for Vietnam was to
achieve and maintain independence. The Vietnamese themselves had to assume this responsibility.
Apart from the government, private organizations would be necessary to unite individuals from all
strata and with different political stances. Thus, the New Vietnam Association wished to become an
organization that could unite the entire people in Vietnam. This idea of national solidarity expressed
by the New Vietnam Association clearly reflected that of the Thanh Nghị group.
The objectives of the New Vietnam Association were: to protect the national independence and
unity of Vietnam in the framework of Greater East Asia; unite all social strata and political groups; and
prepare for the construction and development of Vietnam.16 According to its Committee of Commu-
nication and Mass Mobilization, the Association was established to meet the righteous demand of the

13
Trọng Đức, Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 12.
14
Thế Thụy, Thanh Nghị, 107, pp. 24 5.
15
Nghiêm Xuân Yêm, Thanh Nghị, 107, pp. 18 22.
16
Thanh Nghị, 107, pp. 2 3.

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people when the country was in chaos. The Association believed that national interests should be
placed above any political stance and the interests of any particular political parties. Vietnam needed
an official, independent government established by the wishes of the entire people. The government
would represent the entire Vietnamese people to implement the most radical emergency measures to
protect independence in all circumstances. However, in order for the government of Vietnam to have
the authority and determination to implement emergency measures, the support of the people would
be vital. The responsibility of the Vietnamese people should be to organize and unify themselves in a
unified front that could lend strength and support to the government of Vietnam, and to assure the
government to be sustained by a powerful, unwavering strength. The New Vietnam Association would
contribute to mobilize the strength of the people to support the government of Vietnam to protect
national independence.17
The New Vietnam Association identified some urgent tasks to implement immediately. First, elimi-
nate all obstacles on the path of building an independent Vietnam, and implement all necessary
measures to materialize the national independence of Vietnam. Second, conduct studies and experi-
ments in all fields such as politics, economics, social affairs and culture to develop fundamental
programs of development for the construction of a new Vietnam. Third, unify all walks of life in the
society to create a unified force of the masses. The New Vietnam Association promised to give special
attention to the interests of the masses. They highlighted a slogan: Achieve independence and develop
18
the nation by the force of the masses, for the interest of the masses. With the birth of the New Viet-
nam Association, the Thanh Nghị group wanted to become a politically independent organization that
could unify the entire Vietnamese nation. The group expected the New Vietnam Association to
become a political foundation for the Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet.

4. The Thanh Nghị Group in a Political Impasse

Though they continued to support the Cabinet of Trần Trọng Kim, the Thanh Nghị group gradually
lost their trust in it. Vũ Đình Hòe observed that due to the constraints of its circumstances, the Kim
government often had to act in ways contradictory with its intention and incompatible with national
traditions. The many shortcomings of the Cabinet originated from the fact that the Vietnamese had
not gained independence by defeating the enemies by themselves. Independence only existed on paper
rather than on a firm foundation. The government of Vietnam had been unable to begin the tasks of
national construction because it still lacked a critical and single most important prerequisite: the right
of self-determination. Hoè believed that the government of Vietnam could only establish indepen-
dence after all political principles were really founded. Diplomacy could be flexible, yet political prin-
ciples could not.19

17
Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 30.
18
Thanh Nghị, 107, p. 35.
19
Vũ Đình Hòe, Thanh Nghị, 113 (16.06.1945), pp. 3 4.

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Đinh Gia Trinh still supported Phan Anh. According to him, in a meeting with the youth at Hanoi
Opera House on June 1, 1945, Phan Anh said that the country was now in danger, and that all the
youth would stand up and use force to deal with the situation, and would be determined to protect the
treasure of independence that Vietnam had gained thanks to the Japanese army. Trinh criticized the
former principles that had held that youth should not be involved in politics. He also criticized the
idea that youth represented an incredible force, free to act without any legal constraints. This idea was
shared by the Ministry of Youth led by Phan Anh.
Đinh Gia Trinh also supported Bảo Đại s idea of The People First, yet he also believed that this idea
should be adjusted to the universally accepted beliefs. The interests of the people should be respected.
No one could protect the interests of the people better than the people themselves. Monarchical power
should be restricted. The emperor would no longer be a monarch with limitless power, but only a part
of the political system. The interests of the people would no longer depend on the good or bad
conducts of an emperor, but would depend on the political regime was built on rules and laws clearly
set out in the constitution.20 Trinh wanted to put the power of the masses above monarchical power.
Bùi Tường Chiểu praised the government policy of eliminating corrupted officials; however, he
thought that even after the imperial representative in Tonkin had dismissed some corrupt mandarins,
the practice of corruption was still rooted firmly in the feudal mandarin system and could not be
totally eradicated. Corruption was not the fault of any particular mandarin, but a systematic disease of
the old regime. Since the old regime no longer existed, its remnants should be eradicated. The govern-
ment of Vietnam had to strictly punish those who illegally manipulated the situation to make selfish
gain and harass the masses.21
Mai Anh described the active political atmosphere throughout Vietnam, particularly in Huế. When
he praised the political atmosphere in the royal capital, his real intention was to praise the Trần Trọng
Kim Cabinet: The Vietnamese in the capital feel that they are completely Vietnamese, and have more
freedom to be Vietnamese than the peoples elsewhere. Thus we understand why the Cabinet with ten
22
Ministers can work with confidence, enthusiasm and joy. Thanh Nghị magazine praised some edicts
by Emperor Bảo Đại, such as Edict 73 on July 5 on the freedom to establish trade unions; Edict 78 on
July 9 on the freedom to establish associations, and Edict 79 on July 9 on freedom of assembly. Accord-
ing to the magazine, these edicts gave the Vietnamese people almost the same level of freedom as what
was enjoyed by people in democratic countries; legalized the rapidly growing number of associations
and societies, and public gatherings in Tonkin after March 9, 1945. The magazine expected that these
edicts on freedom should be institutionalized to ensure real freedom for the people.23
After the Japanese overthrow of the French, Đỗ Đức Dục did not express support of the Kim govern-

20
Đinh Gia Trinh, Thanh Nghị, 115 (07.07.1945), p. 5.
21
Bùi Tường Chiểu, Thanh Nghị, 116 (14.07.1945), pp. 3 4.
22
Mai Anh, Thanh Nghị, 117 (21.07.1945), p. 8.
23
Thanh Nghị, 117, pp. 24 5.

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ment. He instead criticized capitalism, considering the greed of capitalism to be the cause of the two
world wars. He believed that France s defeat by Germany in 1940 showed that France only appeared to
be strong in the outside, yet in fact was rotten from the inside. At the time France was just like an idle
child, obediently standing behind somebody s back, waiting for somebody to throw a bone to him.
Britain and France had arranged with each other to prepare for a return to their former colonies.
France was hungry for their share at conferences of peace. However, eventually, the policies of the
French colonial rulers would fail.24
By the end of July and early August 1945, the Thanh Nghị group s faith in the Kim Cabinet had
declined. A key question for the group was whether they should continue to support the government.
The Việt Minh representatives advised that Phan Anh and Vũ Văn Hiền should resign from the
pro-Japanese government. Their resignations would benefit not only themselves, but also the reputa-
tion of the Thanh Nghị group and the revolutionary movement. Vũ Đình Hòe had previously refused
to join the Việt Minh or Vietnam Democratic Party and wanted to maintain the independent political
status of the group to support the Kim government. However, he now changed his political attitude. In
a meeting with Dương Đức Hiền, he learned about the situations in the world and in Vietnam, about
the Việt Minh zones, Hồ Chí Minh and Võ Nguyên Giáp, the Vietnam Democratic Party, and the
magazine Độc Lập (Independence). Hòe thus decided to join the Vietnam Democratic Party, which
meant joining the Việt Minh.25 Thus, the Thanh Nghị group began to walk a new path to become part
of the General Uprising.

Conclusion
Thanh Nghị was a group of patriotic intellectuals, established in a period of profound and complex
political changes in Vietnam. After the Japanese overthrow of the French on March 9, 1945, the politi-
cal stance of Thanh Nghị group became clear to the public. Some members responded positively to the
request by Emperor Bảo Đại and left Hanoi for Huế to join the Cabinet of Trần Trọng Kim, namely
Phan Anh, Vũ Văn Hiền and Hoàng Xuân Hãn. The remaining members strongly supported the Trần
Trọng Kim government. This support continued until the days immediately before the 1945 August
Revolution.
The Thanh Nghị group s recognition and support of the Bảo Đại regime was probably just a tempo-
rary policy. It seems that their ultimate goal was to establish a republic. In actuality, the group always
upheld the ideals of democracy, namely that power should belong to the masses, and the monarchical
power should be contained. In this context, the group judged the Trần Trọng Kim Cabinet as progres-
sive and appreciated the idea of The People First and the edicts on freedom by Emperor Bảo Đại as
good signs of new steps toward democracy.
The Thanh Nghị group had well anticipated the forthcoming defeat of the Japanese fascists. Their
24
Đỗ Đức Dục, Thanh Nghị, 111 (02.06.1945), p. 4.
25
Vũ Đình Hòe, Hồi ký, pp. 200 201.

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magazine articles openly praised the Japanese support for Vietnam s regaining independence and
advocated cooperation with the Japanese, but their words were camouflage to hide their underground
activities, waiting for the moment of true independence. The group had no illusion of the fake inde-
pendence that the Japanese claimed to have taken from the French and returned to the Vietnamese.
The Thanh Nghị group initially supported the Trần Trọng Kim government in the hope of establish-
ing trust among the masses and prepare for the future realization of genuine independence. However,
the group s political support of the Kim government turned out to be a political failure. The Kim Cabi-
net was established by the Japanese and the Nguyễn Court, two reactionary forces (an invader and a
rotten feudal regime). Naturally, the new government could not win the popular support as the Thanh
Nghị group expected. The government s incompetence became increasingly visible. Thus, by the end of
July and early of August 1945, the Thanh Nghị group disintegrated as its members pursued different
political agendas.
In the initial stage, the Thanh Nghị group did not agree with the particularly strategy for national
salvation adopted by the Indochinese Communist Party and Việt Minh Front. The meeting between
Dương Đức Hiền (Việt Minh) and Vũ Đình Hòe, Đỗ Đức Dục and Nghiêm Xuân Yêm (Thanh Nghị) in
March 1944 ended without any result, as the two sides could not reach an agreement on organisation
and methods of operation. Later Dương Đức Hiền proposed that Thanh Nghị group would join Viet-
nam Democratic Party, yet the group still maintained its independent status.26 However, after the
group s disintegration, the majority of the members decided to align themselves with the cause of
national salvation led by the Việt Minh Front. For example, Đỗ Đức Dục and Vũ Đình Hòe became
representatives of the Vietnam Democratic Party and attended the meeting of the National Assembly
organized by the Việt Minh Central Committee in Tân Trào, Tuyên Quang (August 6, 1945) to decide
on a general uprising to seize power across the country.

26
Ibid., pp. 137 40.

299