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Exploring the Variety of Random
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152. The simplest cases are those where both of the expressions connected
by na, ŋ refer to the same person or thing, as in the above examples. The
following are less doubtful cases of complement construction of this kind:
Nagpùpumílit sya ŋ màtúto. 15He strives to get educated. Si Hwàn at si
Maryà ay nagkásundo ŋ pakasàl. Juan and Maria have agreed that they (i.
e. to) get married. Inanyáhan silà ni Hwàn na magpasyàl. They were invited
by Juan that they (i. e. to) go walking. Maári mo ŋà ŋ ihúlug sa koréyo aŋ
áki ŋ súlat? Can you please mail my 20letter? Literally: maári ... ŋ ihúlug a
possible thing-to-be thrown or capable that (it) be thrown. Naàári akò ŋ
malígo makálawa maghápon. I am able that (I) bathe (i. e. to bathe) twice a
day. Pinabayáan niya kamì ŋ umalìs. We were permitted by him to depart.
Hinantày nya ŋ matápus aŋ mísa. The mass was-awaited 25by-him that it
end, i. e. He waited until the mass was ended. Anò aŋ gustu mu ŋ sabíhin?
What is desired by-you that (it) be-said? i. e. What do you mean to say?
Hindí ko gustò ŋ màkatálo si Hwàn. Not by-me desired that (he) be-opposed
is Juan, i. e. I don’t want Juan to be my opponent.

30153. Clear cases of the complement construction are those in which the
two elements connected refer to different persons or things: Nagyayá sya ŋ
umuwèʾ. He advised that (they, anaphoric) go home. (34, 12.) Aŋ
pagkámasìd nya sa láŋit ay syà ŋ nagpakilála sa kanyà na úulàn. His glance
at the sky was what 35showed him that (it, see § 84) was going to rain.

154. When the former of the two elements is an object expression (or
similar element) the complement construction is evident: aŋ kaibigà ŋ
màtúto the desire that (he) get educated, i. e. the desire to get an education.
aŋ pagkágusto nyà na kumáin naŋ 40nyòg his desire that (he) should-eat
cocoanuts, i. e. to eat.... Anu ŋ tagàl nya ŋ sumísid! What endurance of-him
that (he) stay under water! i. e. How long he stays under water! Ano ŋ hína
mo ŋ lumákad! What slowness of-you that (you) walk! i. e. How slowly you
walk! Aŋ tagasulsè ay isa ŋ babáye ŋ may katuŋkúla ŋ manahìʾ o manulsè
naŋ maŋa púnit naŋ damìt. A darning-woman is a woman having the duty
that (she) patch or mend the small holes in clothing, i. e. ... whose duty is
to....
5155. A further sign that the speech-feeling envisages the complement
construction as different from the constructions of quality or manner
appears when enclitics follow the first word of the complement (i. e. of the
second of the connected elements) rather than the first word of the sentence:
this shows that the 10complement is viewed as a relatively independent
element within the sentence: Maári ŋà ŋ ihúlug mo sa koréyo aŋ áki ŋ súlat?
Should-be-capable that (it) be-thrown by-you into the mail (predicate) my
letter (subject)? i. e. Can you please mail my letter? Cf. under § 152 above.

15156. Very frequently the complement is an entire predication: aŋ

panukálaʾ na aŋ púnoʾ ay tùtúboʾ the thought that the tree will grow;
pagkátanaw nyà na dumáratiŋ aŋ susòʾ (at the) seeing by-him i. e. when he
sees that the snail is arriving; aŋ áraw na kayò ay dápat magsipagsísi the
day that (i. e. when) you ought 20to repent; Nagkàkapálad aŋ manùnúbok na
màkíta nya aŋ kúlam. The spier has the good fortune that be-seen by-him
the magic principle, i. e. ... to see....

157. A predication as complement is often parallel with a disjunctive object

modifier, i. e. with an object expression used 25as direct, instrumental, or
local object (§ 184 ff.): Sya y nagsábi ŋ sya y marúnoŋ gumupìt naŋ buhòk.
He said that he knew how to cut hair. Aŋ bulàg ay nagakála ŋ gawì ŋ
katatawanàn aŋ pagkahúlog naŋ kúbaʾ. The blindman thought that the
falling of the hunchback should be made (sc. niyà by-him, anaphoric) that
(it) 30be a laughing-stock, i. e. decided to make fun of the falling ...; that
which one says or thinks, with sábi and akálaʾ, is also expressed as a direct
object.

158. Similarly, predications as complements are, in impersonal

constructions, parallel with a subject: Sinábi nya ŋ sya y 35marúnoŋ gumupìt
naŋ buhòk. Was-said by-him that he was able to cut hair, i. e. He said he
knew how to cut hair. Hindí bihíraʾ na aŋ isa ŋ táo y pamagatà ŋ médiko-ŋ-
maŋkukúlam. It is not rare that a man is reputed as a witch-doctor. Cf. the
example of predication as subject in § 116. Hinilìŋ nya sa uŋgòʾ na dikdikìn
40sya sa lusòŋ. It was begged by him of the monkey that he be brayed in the

mortar, i. e. He begged the monkey to bray him in the mortar. Pinabayáan

niya na kamì y umalìs. It was allowed by him that we depart, i. e. He
allowed us to depart, a less usual form than that in § 152. Totoo ŋá na akò y
naparoòn sa Balíwag. It is true that I went to Baliwag. Maàári pú ba ŋ kayò
y maghintòʾ? Will it be possible please that you should stop? i. e. Can you
please stop? Inísip nya ŋ magnákaw sa isa ŋ tindáhan. It 5was planned by
him that (he) rob a shop, i. e. He planned to.... Iniyútus nya ŋ humúkay. It
was ordered by him that (one, see § 86) should dig, i. e. He ordered people
to dig. Hindí mo gustò ŋ màhúle ka. Not by-you it-is-desired that you be-
caught, i. e. You don’t want to be caught.

10159.A direct quotation may have the same construction as a predication:

Sinábi nya ŋ “Bámos!” It-was-said by-him, namely “Vamos!” i. e. He said
“Vamos!”

b. Disjunctive attributes.

160. Only object expressions are used as disjunctive attributes, 15and all
object expressions have a special form for this use.

161. Those beginning with aŋ substitute for this particle the atonic particle
naŋ: aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ laruwàn naŋ báta ŋ si
Hwàn the toy of the boy Juan; little Juan’s toy, toys.

20162. Those beginning with si (§§ 59. 126) substitute for this the atonic
particle ni; those beginning with sinà (or silà, § 60) substitute nilà (or ninà),
pretonic: aŋ amà ni Hwàn Juan’s father, aŋ báhay nila Hwàn the house of
Juan and his family.

163. The personal pronouns as disjunctive attributes take 25the following

forms: kò my, nità of us two, nátin our (inclusive), námin our (exclusive);
mò thy, niniyò, ninyò your; niyà, nyà his, her, nilà their.
The monosyllabic forms kò and mò are always enclitic, the others usually:
Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don’t know, literally: Not 30by-me (it) is-known. aŋ
báhay nya his, her house, aŋ mahahába nya ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ hindí
karanyúwa ŋ talíno nyà his unusual talents (niyà not enclitic).

164. When these enclitics meet an enclitic subject, they precede, unless by
the general rule (§ 47) the monosyllabic subject 35kà precedes a disyllabic
disjunctive (including niyà, nyà): Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where by-you he
was-seen? i. e. Where did you see him? Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. Was-
given by-him I a book, i. e. He gave me a book. Baká mo iyàn màbúlag.
Perhaps by-you it might-be-blinded, i. e. See that you don’t blind it. Hindí
ka 40námin dinatnàn. Not you by-us were found-there, i. e. We did not find
you in.

165. The personal pronouns have another form, which is used as a

conjunctive attribute of quality (cf. § 124, end) and always precedes that
modified: its meaning, however, is the same as that of the disjunctive forms
just given. These prepositive forms are: 5ákin my, kanità thy and my, átin
our (inclusive), ámin our (exclusive); iyò thy, iniyò, inyò your; kaniyà,
kanyà his, her, kanilà their, kaní-kanilà their respective, several, various.

Examples: Anò aŋ iyo ŋ ŋálan? What is your name? or: Anò aŋ ŋálan mo?
aŋ áki ŋ amà my father, or: aŋ ama kò, aŋ 10kanya ŋ báhay his, her house, aŋ
kanyà ŋ mahahába ŋ paà his long legs, aŋ kanità ŋ kwaltà our money (i. e.
thine and mine), aŋ kaní-kanilà ŋ báhay their several houses.

Only a demonstrative pronoun modifier precedes these prepositive forms:

iyà ŋ iyo ŋ sambalílo ŋ lúmaʾ that old hat of 15yours. Exceptions are rare: aŋ
karanyúwa ŋ kanila ŋ kantahìn their usual song; what they usually sing.

166. The demonstrative pronouns, whether standing alone (§ 64) or as

modifiers at the beginning of an object expression (§ 130), have the
following disjunctive forms: nirè of this (right 20here), nitò of this, niyàn,
nyàn of that, niyòn, nyòn, noòn of that (over there). Aŋ kúlay nirì ŋ korbáta
ŋ irè ay nàpàpagítan sa itèm at sa pulà. The color of this necktie (I have on)
is between black and red. aŋ dúlo nitò the end of this, aŋ anàk niyòn that
one’s child (e. g. with pointing gesture), aŋ báhay niyo ŋ táo ŋ 25yaòn the
house of that man over there, aŋ anàk noo ŋ táo ŋ iyòn the child of that man
over there. The form noòn is used chiefly when the disjunctive attribute
expresses time (§ 192).

167. The interrogative pronoun síno, whether used alone or standing first in
an object expression as attribute (§ 131), has 30the disjunctive form níno
whose? This form, however, is little used, for, while the interrogative
pronoun is usually emphatic and tends to come first (§ 96), a disjunctive
attribute follows that modified (§ 171). Hence the form níno is used only
under peculiar conditions of emphasis: Aŋ sambalílo níno? Whose hat (did
you 35say)? Ibinigày sa iyò níno? Given to you by whom? Sinábi sa iyo
níno? Told to you by whom?

168. Instead of níno a prepositive form, kaníno, explicit plural kaní-kaníno,

is ordinarily used; like the prepositive forms of the personal pronouns it
stands in conjunctive attribution and 40precedes that modified. Before it the
use of aŋ is optional (§§ 65.131); when aŋ is used the expression is more
definite: Kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of a given hat is
inquired after) Aŋ kaníno ŋ sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of each
hat is known; the question asks merely which of them is involved) Kaníno ŋ
aklàt iyàn? Whose book have you there?

169. The prepositive forms of the personal pronouns and of 5síno are used
also as static predicates expressing possession: Aŋ librò ŋ binàbása mo
kahápon ay ákin. The book you were reading last night is mine. Kaníno aŋ
aklàt na iyàn? Whose is that book? Kaní-kaníno aŋ maŋa báhay na itò?
Whose are these houses? The personal pronouns may be followed by saríle
own (cf. § 137): Aŋ 10laruwà ŋ itò y áki ŋ saríle. This toy is my own.

170. All other expressions which lack aŋ,—that is, the remaining
interrogative pronouns, the numerative pronouns, the cardinal numerals,
and object expressions in which these as modifiers stand first (§ 131 ff.),—
prefix naŋ, atonic, when used as disjunctive 15attributes: Sa itaàs naŋ anò?
On top of what? Takìp naŋ alì ŋ kahòn itò? Of which box is this the cover?
aŋ panukálà naŋ karamíhan the opinion of the majority; Nakàkíta akò naŋ
isa ŋ táo. I saw a man.

171. All disjunctive attributes are closely joined and follow 20that which
they modify. The only exceptions are the enclitic pronoun forms and
expressions of time (§ 192). A disjunctive attribute precedes a subject:
Binigyàn nya naŋ aklàt si Hwàn. He gave Juan some books. When the
subject is enclitic, it of course precedes: Binigyàn nya si Hwàn naŋ aklàt.
Real exceptions, in 25which a non-enclitic subject precedes a disjunctive
attribute, are not common: Ipinakìkipagpútol ni Hwàn si Pédro naŋ labòŋ.
Juan is asking someone to cut some bamboo-shoots for Pedro.

172. In meaning disjunctive attribution includes almost all cases in which

an object element is viewed as the attribute of another 30element in the
sentence. The only exception is the sphere of relations expressed by local
attribution (§ 195 ff.). The meanings may, very roughly, be divided into
seven groups: (1) possessive-partitive, (2) agent, (3) direct object, (4)
instrumental object, (5) local object, (6) manner, (7) time.

35173. (1) Possessive-partitive modifier: aŋ kanya ŋ báhay, aŋ báhay nya his

house, aŋ púno naŋ uŋgòʾ the tree of the monkey, aŋ púno naŋ káhoy the
tree (literally head of wood), aŋ púno naŋ ságiŋ the banana-tree, Sa itaàs
naŋ anò? On top of what? Nasúnog aŋ kalahátì naŋ púnoʾ. Half of the tree
got burned up. 40Aŋ báyad sa útaŋ ni Pédro ay lábis naŋ dalawà ŋ píso. The
payment made to settle Pedro’s debt is too great by two pesos. aŋ óras naŋ
alaskwátro the hour of four o’clock, Isà ŋ sundálo ŋ marúnuŋ naŋ Latìn. A
soldier who knew Latin, literally: having-knowledge of Latin. aŋ sáko naŋ
pálay a rice-sack (cf. § 127), aŋ larú naŋ baráha a game of cards, cf. aŋ larò
ŋ taguàn (§ 127) a game consisting of hiding, hide-and-seek, aŋ katapusàn
naŋ gabì 5the end of the night; cf. aŋ katapusà ŋ gabì the night which was
the end, the last night, aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì naŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments of
the conversation; cf. aŋ ilà ŋ sandalì ŋ pagsasàlitáan a few moments (which
consisted) of conversation. Note: aŋ báyan naŋ Balíwag the town of
Baliwag, aŋ provìnsya naŋ Pampànga 10the province of Pampanga.
174. The pronoun lahàt as an object expression is followed by this kind of
attribute: lahàt naŋ táo all (of) the people.

175. As an object expression saríle self is modified by disjunctive pronouns:

aŋ kanyà ŋ saríle his self. Similarly saríle as 15conjunctive attribute, in the
sense of own: Walá sya ŋ baìt sa kanya ŋ saríli. He does not do even himself
any good. aŋ saríle nila ŋ bànda naŋ músika their own band of music; Aŋ
kanya ŋ saríli ŋ barìl aŋ kanya ŋ ginámit. It was his own gun he used, What
he used was his own gun. Cf. §§ 137 and 169, end.

20176. The modifier may be an entire predication: sa lugàr naŋ magkasirá

silà in place of the (occurrence that) they should become enemies, i. e.
instead of their becoming enemies.

177. Here belongs further the disjunctive attribute with words expressing
association, companionship, or equality: Si 25Hwána ay siyà ŋ kabùlúŋan ni
Maryà. Juana is the one with whom Maria is whispering. Aŋ mésa ŋ itò ay
kasiŋkúlay naŋ kahòn. This table is of the same color as the chest. Si Hwàn
ay kapantày ni Pédro. Juan is of the same height as Pedro. Kalákip naŋ
súlat ko ŋ itò ay limà ŋ píso. Enclosed with this my letter are 30five pesos.
gáya ko like me.

178. Similar is the use of a disjunctive modifier expressing one of the

objects, with expressions involving dual or plural ideas: silà ni Maryà they
with Maria, i. e. Maria and he (88,42), silà ŋ dalawà ni Maryà (92,17).

35179. Here belongs the disjunctive attribute in exclamatory sentences

expressing the high degree of a quality; these are formed with anò (§ 131)
and with words with prefix ka- (§ 76): Ano ŋ hína mo! What weakness of-
you! i. e. How weak you are! Anu ŋ luwàt naŋ hindí nya pagdatìŋ! What
duration of his not arriving! 40i. e. How long he is getting here! Kapulà naŋ
panyo ŋ iyòn! What-great-redness of that handkerchief! i. e. How red that
handkerchief is! Karúnoŋ naŋ báta ŋ si Hwàn! How much little Juan knows!
Kaytipìd na bátaʾ ni Hwàn! How-saving a child of Juan! i. e. What an
economical boy Juan is!
180. In the preceding and related constructions the attribute may be an
entire predication: Kamuntí naŋ màtamaàn aŋ bátaʾ! 5What-little-lack of the
(occurrence that) the child should-be-hit! i. e. How near the child came to
being hit! Muntí naŋ máliguwak aŋ dala nyà ŋ pulòt. Little-wanting of-the
(occurrence that) should-be-spilled the borne by-him honey, i. e. The honey
he was carrying came near being spilled.

10181. (2) A disjunctive attribute expressing the agent corresponds in sense

to the subject of an active transient predicate. When it modifies a transient
word, the corresponding active can be formed: Sinúlat nya aŋ líham. He
wrote the letter; literally: Was-written by-him (agent) the letter. Isinúlat nya
aŋ kwènto. 15He wrote down the story. Sinulátan nya akò. He wrote to me.
The corresponding active is: Syà y sumúlat.... He wrote.... Cf. § 92. So
further: Pinútol nya aŋ káhoy. The wood was cut by him; active: Syà y
pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut some wood. Kinúha nya aŋ librò. The book was
taken by him; active: Syà 20y kumúha naŋ librò. He took some book. Áki ŋ
binitíwan aŋ bóte. By-me was-let-go-of the bottle, i. e. I let go of the bottle;
active: Bumitìw akò.... Aŋ hiniràm nya ŋ kampìt ay iyo ŋ kúnin. The
borrowed by-him (agent) kitchen-knife by-you (agent) is to be taken, i. e.
Take the kitchen-knife he borrowed.

25When the word modified is not transient no clear line can be drawn
between disjunctive attributes of agent and of possessor: aŋ kanyà ŋ
pagdatìŋ his arrival, his arriving, or: the arriving by him, aŋ gámit nya ŋ
librò the book used by him, aŋ paupó ni Hwà ŋ sùgálan the gambling-party
invited by Juan, aŋ 30dala nyà ŋ pulòt the honey he is or was carrying, Aŋ
larò ŋ taguàn ay gustò naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. The game of hide-and-seek is liked
by children. Hindí ko gustò aŋ librò ŋ itò; ibà aŋ áki ŋ gustò. I don’t want
this book; it is a different one I want.

182. When disjunctive agent is the speaker (kò by me 35or its substitute áki
ŋ) and the subject is the person addressed (ikàw, kà thou), the pronoun kità
usually takes the place of both. This is the commoner value of kità (cf. §
63): Sùsuŋaŋáin kità. I’ll smash your face; the subject of this direct passive
expression is the person addressed, the agent the speaker: Ikàw ay áki ŋ
40sùsuŋaŋáin would be an unidiomatic equivalent. Ipaglálaba kità naŋ damìt.
I shall wash your clothes for you. The predicate is instrumental passive,
with you, the person for whom, as subject. Hàhatdan kità naŋ gátas. I shall
deliver milk to you; local passive.

Occasionally the agent is redundantly added: Kità ay áki ŋ parùrusáhan. I

shall punish you.

5183. A disjunctive agent is used with the words expressing recent

completion of an act with prefix ka- and reduplication: (§ 77): Karáratiŋ ko
pa lámaŋ! I have only just arrived. Kakàkáin ko pa lámaŋ! I have only just
finished eating.

184. (3) A disjunctive attribute expressing the direct object 10corresponds to

the subject of a direct passive transient predicate: Sya y kumáin naŋ kánin.
He ate some boiled rice. Passive: Kináin nya aŋ kánin. Was-eaten by-him
the boiled rice, i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

It will be seen that when the direct object is definite it is 15more likely to
serve as subject of a passive predicate (§ 94); hence the disjunctive attribute
expressing a direct object has often an indefinite partitive value. Syà y
sumúlat naŋ líham. He wrote some letters. Syà y pumútol naŋ káhoy. He cut
some wood. Bigyàn mo akò niyà ŋ túbig. Give me some of that water.
Katátagpi 20ko niyòn! I have just finished mending that! Sya y naghintày
naŋ sàsabíhin naŋ sundálo. He awaited that which was going to be said by
the soldier.

185. (4) A disjunctive attribute expressing the instrument corresponds to the

subject of an instrumental passive transient 25predicate: Syà y sumúlat naŋ
kwènto. He wrote down a story, stories. Passive: Isinúlat nya aŋ kwènto.
Was-written-down by-him the story, i. e. He wrote down the story.

The indefinite value of the disjunctive attribute is here due to the same
relation as in the preceding type. Pinútol nya naŋ 30gúlok aŋ káhoy. The
wood was cut by him with a bolo; instrumental passive: Ipinútol nya naŋ
káhoy aŋ gúlok. Was-used-for-cutting by-him of wood the bolo, i. e. He cut
wood with the bolo. Binigyàn nya akò naŋ aklàt. He gave me a book.

186. So a direct quotation or an entire predication: Aŋ 35bulàg ay sumigàw

naŋ “Tatlò!” The blindman shouted “Three!”; passive: Isinigàw naŋ bulàg
aŋ “Tatlò!” Aŋ báwat isa sa kanilà ay sumagòt naŋ súŋay aŋ kanila ŋ
nàkìkíta. Each one answered that horns were what they saw.

187. (5) Disjunctive attributes of place correspond to the 40subject of a local

passive transient predication: Syà y pumanhìk naŋ báhay. He entered a
house; passive: Pinanhikàn nya aŋ báhay. He entered the house. Aŋ pagòŋ
ay nagumpisà naŋ pagsisigàw. The turtle began (a) shouting; passive:
Inumpisahàn naŋ pagòŋ aŋ pagsisigàw.

These attributes are in meaning rather close to local attributes (§ 203); as

opposed to the latter they are, however, the 5real correspondents of the
subject of a local passive transient predication, expressing a real
participation of the object in the action or occurrence,—whereas the local
attributes express the place of the action as something more or less
unaffected and independent.

10188. (6) Disjunctive attributes of manner do not correspond to any kind of

subject. When they are used with a transient word the sentence may,
however, be reversed so as to make of the attribute a transient predicate of a
sentence in which the action (as subject) is spoken of as being “made such
and such”. 15Tumakbò sya naŋ matúlin. He ran fast. The words naŋ matúlin
are the disjunctive form of an object expression, aŋ matúlin, which would
resemble German das schnelle. Our sentence corresponds to: Tinulínan nya
aŋ pagtakbò. Was-made-fast by-him his running, He ran fast. Syà y tumáwa
naŋ malakàs. He 20laughed aloud, cf. Inilakas nyà aŋ pagtáwa. He made his
laughing loud. ... mànákaw naŋ hindí nito nàlàláman should be stolen in the
manner of not by-him known, i. e. should be stolen without his knowing it.
mataàs naŋ kauntèʾ higher by a little, a little higher.
25189.Expressions of indefinite quantity are used in this way: Silà y
nagtakbúhan naŋ wala ŋ hintòʾ. They ran without stopping. This
construction is in rivalry with that of conjunctive attribution (§ 146).

190. The demonstrative pronouns and the interrogative pronoun 30anò are
not used as attributes of manner; for this value they have separate
derivatives: ganitò, ganiyàn, gayòn or ganoòn, and gaáno or gáno. These
forms, moreover, occur also as static predicates and as conjunctive
attributes of quality: aŋ báwat sumagòt naŋ ganitò every one who answered
in this way; this could be 35viewed also as an instrumental object. Ganitò aŋ
kalàgáyan nilà. Their condition was like this. aŋ ganitò ŋ maŋa paglalaròʾ
such games as this; Ganyàn ba lámaŋ aŋ kínis mo? Is your skill merely like
that? Nakàsúlat akò kay Hwàn naŋ gayòn dahilàn sa malakì ko ŋ
pagkagálit. I came to write like that (or such things, cf. 40instrumental
object) to Juan through my great anger. Ganoòn aŋ áki ŋ pagkárinìg. That
was the way (i. e. the form in which) I heard the thing. Aŋ gayù ŋ
pananalitàʾ that manner of speaking, that expression. gánu ŋ pagpílit? how
much effort? Gaáno aŋ pagkakagalìt nila? How great, how serious is their
quarrel? (Cf. § 96).

191. A special case of the disjunctive attribute of manner is the repetition of

a word as its own disjunctive modifier, expressing 5continuity or insistence
of action: Humábà naŋ humábaʾ. It grew longer and longer. Aŋ kanila ŋ
báon ay umuntí naŋ umuntìʾ. Their provisions grew less and less. Si Hwàn
ay táwa naŋ táwa. Juan laughs and laughs. Bilì naŋ bilì si Hwàn naŋ pálay.
Juan keeps buying rice.

10192. (7) Disjunctive attributes of time express the time when of an

occurrence in the past. They differ from other disjunctive attributes in being
often loosely joined, in which case they may precede. Pumaroòn sila naŋ
hápon. They went there in the afternoon. So: naŋ umága in the morning, noò
ŋ tagáraw 15(naŋ taò ŋ míle-nobisyèntos-dòs) in the summer (of the year
1902). Naŋ umulàn ay ginámit ko aŋ kapóte. When it rained I used my rain-
coat. Nàlákad sina Pédro naŋ hindì óras. Pedro and his party had to start at
a time not planned; literally: when not time.
20193. Complete predications as disjunctive attributes of time are common.
It is as though the whole predication were objectivized: Naŋ dumatìŋ ako
doòn ay sya y walá na. When I arrived there he was already gone. Noo ŋ
sya y bágo ŋ táo pa lámaŋ.... When he was still but a young man....

25194. Anaphorically determined disjunctive attributes are often omitted.

Íbig nya ŋ kánin aŋ súhaʾ. Desired by-him that be-eaten (by-him) the grape-
fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the grape-fruit. Naŋhiŋí sya sa kanya ŋ maŋa
kapatìd. He asked his brothers and sisters (for some). Hindí nila sya
binigyàn. He was 30not given (any) by them, They did not give him any.

c. Local attributes.

195. An object expression in local attribution expresses a local circumstance

of that which is modified, such as the place in, to, or from which, that from
whose midst, that about which 35or owing to which, the person to whom,
etc.

196. In this construction initial si is replaced by kay (atonic), sinà by kinà

(pretonic), and aŋ by sa (atonic); object expressions which begin with none
of these particles take sa: Si Pédro ay galìt kay Hwàn. Pedro is angry at
Juan. Nakitúluy 40kamì kina Pédro. We asked hospitality of Pedro’s family.
Syà y nanáog sa báhay. He came out of his house. sa boo ŋ báyan in the
whole town.

Rarely both sa and kay precede a personal name: Itò y nàtúto sa kay
Mayèstro ŋ Hwàn. This one got his training from 5Teacher Juan. aŋ
pagkàbúhay naŋ médiko sa kay Hwàn the doctor’s saving of Juan’s life.

197. The personal pronouns and síno take their prepositive forms after sa:
Ibinigày nya sa ákin aŋ aklàt. Was-given by-him to me the book, i. e. He
gave me the book.
10198. In a peculiar construction these prepositive forms are preceded by the
particle ganà as a conjunctive attribute, in the sense of so far as ... is
concerned: Sa ganà ŋ ákin sya y maàári ŋ umalìs. So far as I am concerned
he may leave.

199. The demonstrative pronouns and anò never stand in 15local attribution,
see § 263 f.

200. Whole predications are rarely used as local attributes:

Dumatìŋ aŋ dalága ŋ itò sa dalawa ŋ pù ŋ taòn aŋ gúlaŋ. This young woman

arrived at (the time when) her age was twenty years, i. e. reached the age of
twenty years.

20201. Local attributes are mostly closely joined and as a rule follow that
which they modify, taking precedence of a disjunctive attribute or of a
subject: aŋ nagbigày sa ákin naŋ aklàt na itò the giver to me of this book, the
one who gave me this book (Bayad nà) aŋ útaŋ sa ákin ni Hwàn. Juan’s debt
to me (has 25been paid). Ibigày mo kay Hwàn aŋ librò. Be-given by-you to
Juan the book, i. e. Give Juan the book.

Often, however, a disjunctive attribute which is felt to belong closely to

what precedes, comes before a local attribute: Bayad-útaŋ ni Hwàn sa ákin
aŋ relòs na itò. This watch is Juan’s 30debt-payment to me.

Occasionally the local attribute precedes the expression modified: Syà y sa

baŋkàʾ naŋ maŋa babáe nakíkisakày. He goes along into the canoe of the
women. Sa kabilà ŋ bandà mo ibwàl aŋ púno ŋ iyàn. Make that tree fall in
the direction away from me.

35202. Very frequently, however, local attributes are loosely joined,

preceding or following; in the former case ay, y is sometimes omitted: Sa
Báya-ŋ-San-Migèl ay naŋyáre aŋ isa ŋ nakawàn. In the town of San Miguel
a robbery took place. Hindí makadádala si Pédro naŋ kahòn sa kabigatàn
nilà. Pedro will not 40be able to carry any boxes, on account of their
heaviness. Sa ganà ŋ ákin sya y maàári ŋ umalìs. So far as I am concerned
he can go. (§ 198).

203. We have seen that disjunctive attribution expresses the relation of

objects (direct object, local object, instrumental object, §§ 184, 185, 187) to
an action, provided that these objects are more or less indefinite. If they are
quite definite, they are 5preferably made subjects in a passive construction.
Frequently, however, they are instead put into local attribution, which thus
competes with these types of disjunctive attribution, but involves a more
definite object: Aŋ báhay na batò ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn naŋ gátas. The
stone house is the place to which I am 10delivering milk (instrumental
object), i. e. I am delivering milk to the stone house; but: Aŋ báhay na batò
ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn sa bátaʾ. The stone house is where I am bringing
the child. (naŋ bátaʾ would be a child or children).

It follows that the personal pronouns, which always refer to 15definite

persons, cannot stand as disjunctive objects of transient words, but stand
instead in local attribution: Aŋ báhay na batò ay aŋ áki ŋ pinaghàhatdàn sa
kanyà. The stone house is the place where I am taking him.

Similarly a personal name: Ibigày mo kay Hwàn aŋ librò. 20Give Juan the
book; cf. Bigyàn mo naŋ librò si Hwàn. Give Juan a book; “Juan” could not
figure as disjunctive local object.

204. In many cases, however, these local attributes differ from disjunctive
attributes and from the corresponding subjects of passive constructions: the
local attribute represents the object 25as more externally involved and less
thoroughly concerned in the occurrence: Humúkay sila naŋ bakúran. They
dug up some yards. Hinukáyan nilà aŋ bakúran. They dug up the yard. In
both sentences a serious change, such as unauthorized tampering, is
implied; but: Humúkay sila sa bakúran. They dug in the yard, 30merely tells
where they did their digging. Sya y pumanhìk naŋ báhay. He entered a
house (or houses), perhaps illicitly; the house is viewed as in some way
affected or intimately involved in the action; so also: Pinanhikàn nya aŋ
báhay. He entered the house; but: Sya y pumanhìk sa báhay. He went into
the house, 35He went into his house.

205. In other cases, where a transient predicate is not involved, the same
difference appears: the local attribute is a mere scene or attendant
circumstance, the disjunctive a real factor: Aŋ pagtatábon naŋ maŋa húkay
na itò ay tapus nà. The filling 40up of these ditches is now finished, i. e.
These ditches are filled up now; but: Aŋ pagtatábon sa maŋa húkay ay
mahírap. Filling earth into ditches is hard work. karamíhan naŋ maŋa táo
most of the people; karamíhan sa kanilà most of them; sa ganitò under these
circumstances; naŋ ganitò (§ 190) thus, in this manner.

206. Expressions of time as local attributes denote future time when;

occasionally also past time: Páparoòn akò sa makalawà. 5I shall go there the
day after tomorrow. So: sa lúnes next Monday, cf. noò ŋ lúnes last Monday.
Pího akò ŋ páparoòn sa alasìŋko. I will surely go there at five o’clock. Sa
gabi ŋ iyòn.... That night....

207. With jussive words with prefix pa- (see Morphology) 10the person
ordered to do so-and-so is viewed as a local feature: Ipinagupìt ko sa
barbéro ŋ si Hwàn aŋ buhòk ni Andrès. Was-ordered-to-be-cut by-me of-the
barber Juan the hair of Andrés, i. e. I ordered the barber Juan to cut
Andrés’ hair.

208. Rarely an expression in local attribution is used as a 15conjunctive

attribute in an object expression: it precedes and has the meaning of a
disjunctive attribute of possessor: aŋ sa ibà ŋ táo ŋ kawáyan other people’s
bamboo, or: aŋ kawáyan naŋ ibà ŋ táo.

209. This construction is much commoner when that owned 20is

anaphorically omitted: aŋ sa pagòŋ that of the turtle, the turtle’s, i. e. aŋ
púno naŋ pagòŋ. So: aŋ sa kanyà his, hers.

210. In other cases anaphoric omission of an element modified by a local

attribute is less common: aŋ pagsakày sa trèn sa lugàr naŋ sa karumáta the
riding on the train in place of the 25(sc. pagsakày riding) in the carriage.
211. A static predicate may have the form of a local attribute: Sa liŋgò aŋ
áki ŋ lúlan sa trèn. On (next) Sunday my embarking on the train, i. e. Next
Sunday I shall take the train. Aŋ uupà ŋ itò ay sa háreʾ. This seat is for the
king.

30212. The particle sa has a number of derivatives which are transient in

meaning, but otherwise have the same construction as sa; they are pretonic.
Sya y nása Maynílaʾ. He is in Manila. Sya y nása kanya ŋ báhay. He is in
his house. Aŋ tinterúhan ay nása bíŋit naŋ lamésa. The inkwell is at the edge
of the table. 35For these forms see Morphology.

d. Absolute attributes.

213. Absolute attribution, in which no particle is used, is confined to certain

expressions and types of expressions. Some absolute attributes and some of
the particles introducing absolute 40attributes end in -ŋ or -t; these may
contain the particle ŋ or at (§ 313).

We may divide the cases of absolute attribution into six types, although
these are not fully distinct from one another: (1) enclitic particles, (2)
prepositive particles, (3) single words used as attributes of manner and
time, (4) absolute complements, (5) words used with disjunctive and local
attributes, (6) words introducing 5subordinate phrases or predications.

(1) enclitic particles.

214. The enclitic particles which are used as absolute attributes follow a
monosyllabic enclitic pronoun (kà, kò, mò) but precede a disyllabic enclitic
pronoun (including niyà, nyà, siyà, syà). 10Among themselves they follow
the general rule: monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic enclitics (§ 47).

215. bà is expressive of interrogation in yes-and-no questions and often in

others: Máy-roon ba silà ŋ ginawàʾ? Have they done anything? Máy-roon
ka bà ŋ gàgawìn? Have you anything 15to do? Ipinùpútol mo ba akò naŋ
tubò? Will you cut some sugar-cane for me? Pinapagpùpútol ba nila syà naŋ
káhoy? Does he get ordered by them to cut wood? i. e. Do they have him cut
wood? Ano bà aŋ inilùlútu mo? What is it you are cooking? Anu ba kayò?
What sort of people are you? Hindí mu ba nàkíta si 20Hwàn sa teyátro?
Didn’t you see Juan at the theatre? Aŋ iyo bà ŋ kapatìd? Your sister? See §§
223. 229.

216. bagà throws more stress on the interrogation: Ikàw bagà y nagasáwa?
Did you (ever) get married? See §§ 290. 317.

217. dàw, ràw expresses that the sentence represents the 25saying of
someone other than the speaker; the person so quoted may be the agent of
the sentence itself: Pagkà pinapagpútol mo ràw sya naŋ kawáyan ay làláyas
syà. When he is ordered by you to cut bamboo, he will leave, I am told, or:
he will leave, he says. Aŋ paguupú raw nya sa damò ay mabúti sa kanyà. He
30says (or: They say) his habit of sitting on the grass is good for him. It is

sometimes used pleonastically, see the example in § 278.

218. dìn, rìn expresses that the expression modified (which may be the
whole sentence or an element within the sentence) is 35like a corresponding
earlier idea: Ako rìn aŋ nagpalígo sa bátaʾ. It was I, too, that bathed the
child (beside the other things I did), i. e. I also bathed the child. Si Hwan
dìn aŋ naglínis naŋ kabalyerésa. Juan also cleaned a stable or stables
(beside the other things he did). Si Hwàn ay naglínis rìn naŋ kabalyerésa.
40Juan, too, cleaned stables. Here dìn is an attribute of naglínis naŋ

kabalyerésa: this act has been performed by Juan even as by others

previously spoken of or known of. Si Hwána ay naglúto naŋ estopádo;
kamakalawà naglútu rin akò naŋ estopádo. Juana cooked meat-stew; day-
before-yesterday I too cooked meat-stew. Iyo ŋ úna ŋ kumalabòg ay akò, aŋ
ikalawà ay ako rìn. 5That first thing which came down with a thud was I, the
second was I again. Nahúlog dìn syà. He fell down again. Káhit na madilìm
aŋ gabì ay nagpasyal dìn si Pédro. Although the night was dark, Pedro none
the less (i. e. even as at other times) took a walk.

10Thus dìn is especially common in expressions of identity: Kahápon ay

nakàkíta ako naŋ isa ŋ táo sa Maynílaʾ, at ŋayòn ay nàkíta ko aŋ táwo rì ŋ
iyòn sa báya ŋ itò. Yesterday I saw a man in Manila, and today I saw the
same man in this town.

In some instances dìn modifies an element not actually identical 15with

another. Nagtalòn sya sa bintánaʾ, dátapuwat sinundàn din syà naŋ amà. He
jumped out of a window, but he was followed, too, by the father. See §§ 221.
227. 238. 239. 262, (11).

219. kayàʾ expresses doubt or possibility of choice: Anò kayàʾ aŋ

ipinagútos mo sa kanyà? What perchance did you order 20him to do?
Màpàpagkúroʾ kayá nya sa súlat na iyàn aŋ íbig mo ŋ gawìn nya. Perhaps
he may be able to make out from this letter of yours what you want him to
do. Baká kayàʾ magkaputòl aŋ maŋa tubò sa kalakasàn naŋ háŋi ŋ itò. I am
afraid that perhaps the sugar-cane may all break off, what with the strength
25of this wind.

For another use of kayàʾ see § 297; cf. §§ 317. 321.

220. lámaŋ only: Isà lámaŋ aŋ mansánas na nátira sa lamésa. Only one
apple is left on the table. So: íisa lámaŋ only a single one. Sila ŋ tatlò ay
walà ŋ pagkáin kuŋ hindí aŋ itlòg 30lámaŋ na nàtìtirà. The three had no food
except only the egg that was left.

Occasionally lámaŋ follows the expression it modifies: isa ŋ ikápat na partè

lámaŋ only a fourth part.

Sometimes a na is left off after lámaŋ: Ákin lámaŋ pinùputlàn 35naŋ buhòk.
By-me (for ákin ... na, ŋ) only (he, anaphoric) is-getting-cut of hair, i. e. I
am only cutting his hair. siya lámaŋ kàkáin naŋ itlòg he (who; normally this
relation is expressed by na, ŋ) will-eat the egg, i. e. the one who is alone to
eat the egg. See §§ 227. 243.

40221. màn expresses contrast with what precedes; it is the opposite of dìn,
and the two are often used in one sentence to emphasize the point of
difference and that of identity: Si Hwan màn ay naglínis (rìn) naŋ
kabalyerésa. Juan, too, cleaned stables (as did others). Lálù nà lumakì aŋ
gálit ni Hwàn, naŋ màbalitáan niya ŋ aŋ ikalawà màn nya ŋ anàk ay
nagsundálo rìn. Juan’s anger grew even greater when he learned that his
second son too had (like the other) become a soldier.

5With interrogatives màn produces indefinites: Walà ŋ anu màn. There is

nothing at all; also: Not at all, i. e. You’re welcome. aŋ ano mà ŋ pasákit any
kind of injury; aŋ alin mà ŋ paŋkàt any team; sínu màn any person
whatever, anyone at all. See §§ 227. 248. 262, (7. 10). 290. 317.

10222.múna expresses that that modified precedes another thing:

Magàwítan múna táyo, bágo táyo maghiwá-hiwalày. Let’s sing a song
together (first) before we part. Maŋáko ka múna... First promise....

223. nà takes into view the maturity of a situation (cf. 15German schon): Aŋ
librò y gamit nà. The book is used already, i. e. is second-hand. Agad nà ŋ
lálamìg. It will soon be cold now. Paálam na akò (sa iyò). Good-bye (to
you). Nahánap ko nà aŋ sombréro. I have already looked for the hat.
Nahánap na nyà aŋ sombréro. He has.... aŋ maláon na nila ŋ pagpupuyàt
20gabi-gabì their long staying up now every night, i. e. the fact that they

have staid up late every night now. íisa na lámaŋ paŋkàt only a single group
now. It precedes bà (§ 215): Nakahandá na ba aŋ áki ŋ paŋpalígoʾ? Is my
bath ready? Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you by this time?

25Itis used also in brusque or familiar commands: Pálù na sa kanya ŋ

kamày! Hit him on his hand! Sáma na sa ákin. Come to me (to a child). Ílag
ka na riyàn! Be off there! See §§ 224. 226. 227. 229. 242. 244.

224. namàn expresses transition to another subject, hence 30often also mild
contrast: Hábaŋ si Hwána ay naglùlútoʾ, si Hwàn namàn ay naglìlínis naŋ
báhay. While Juana is cooking, Juan cleans the house. Anu ka ba namà ŋ
táo? What sort of person are you, anyway? Ibà namàn aŋ gawìn mo ŋ lúto
sa manòk. You are to cook the chicken in a different way. siya rìn namàn
35nyà ŋ karanyúwa ŋ kinàkáin that which, however, is usually eaten by him.

The combination nà namàn means again: Maínit na namàn. It’s hot again.

225. nawàʾ pray, please expresses imprecation: Kaawaàn 40nawàʾ ninyo

kamì, poo ŋ Dyòs! Take pity on us, O Lord!

226. ŋàʾ is assertive and emphasizing: Oo ŋàʾ. Yes indeed. Ikaw ŋàʾ aŋ
nagsábi niyàn. You yourself are the one who said that. It is used in polite
requests: Itúru ŋa ninyò sa ákin aŋ daàn. Please show me the way.
Ipakipútol mo ŋàʾ, Hwàn, aŋ tinibàn sa áki ŋ bakúran. Please, Juan, cut
down for me the banana-stump in my yard. It follows nà: Pakipútol na ŋàʾ
aŋ sinúlid na itò. Please cut this string for me. See § 229.

5227. pà expresses the immaturity or continuance of a situation (cf. German

noch) and stands in contrast with nà. Its meaning is often emphasized by
lámaŋ: mabúti pà better yet, Íbig ko pà naŋ kánin. I should like some more
rice. Hampasìn mo pa syà. Whip him some more. Saríwà pa aŋ damìt. The
clothes are 10still wet. It precedes dìn and màn (cf. § 248): aŋ isa pa rì ŋ
káluluwa another (i. e. one more) soul; Hindí pa rìn lubhà ŋ maliwánag. It
was, however, not yet light enough. Kagìgísiŋ ko pa lámaŋ. I have only just
waked up. See §§ 243. 248.

228. palà, used after hindìʾ (§ 239), expresses contrast with 15one’s
expectation, reversal: Aŋ ísip ko y balat lámaŋ naŋ itlòg itò, hindí palà, kun
díʾ itlòg na boòʾ. I thought this was only an egg-shell, but no, it was a whole
egg.

229. pòʾ is expressive of politeness toward the person addressed: Oo pòʾ.

Yes, sir; Yes, ma’am. Patàtawárin pòʾ! Pardon 20me; used also in refusing to
give alms. Patàtawárin po naŋ ilà ŋ sandalèʾ. Excuse me for a few moments,
please. Maghintú pu kayò. Please stop (plural or polite singular).
Magsihintú pu kayò. Please stop (explicit plural). Umupú po kayò. Please
sit down. Maupú po kayò. Please be seated. Ikinalúluŋkot ko pòʾ 25aŋ
kasawià-ŋ-pálad na naŋyáre sa inyò. I lament the misfortune which has
come to you. aŋ iyo pò ŋ Kamàhálan your Majesty. pòʾ precedes bà and
follows nà and ŋàʾ: Kaawaàn na pòʾ ninyo kamì, poo ŋ Dyòs! Take pity on
us, O Lord! Maàári pu bà ŋ kayò y maghintòʾ? Can you please stop?
Occasionally pòʾ follows 30that modified: Magandà ŋ áraw pòʾ! Good day;
How do you do?

230. sána expresses unreal futurity in the past or doubtful futurity in the
present; in the latter sense it expresses modesty in a request: Ipaglálaba sána
kità naŋ iyo ŋ damìt, ŋúnit walàʾ ako ŋ sabòn. I would wash your clothes for
you, but I have no soap. 35Isinúlat ko sa kanyà ŋ pilítin sána niya ŋ màparíto
sa átin, pag sya y nàrìritò sa báya ŋ itò. I wrote to him to try to get round
here to us when he gets to this town.

231. tulòy further, in continuation: Sinábi tulòy niyà.... He said further....

40232. ulèʾ again, equivalent with mulìʾ (§ 148), has two irregularities: it is
often not enclitic but closely joined postpositive, and, in this case, it may,
entirely like mulìʾ, be conjunctive instead of absolute: Nahúlog ulí sya. He
fell again; but: Umakyàt sya ulèʾ. He climbed again; and even: ... naŋ
magdaàn sya ŋ ulèʾ sa pasíga ŋ itò.... when he again walked on this beach.

(2) prepositive particles.

5233.Certain particles used as absolute attributes always precede that

modified. They fall into two groups: (A) regular closely joined modifiers,
and (B) particles which immediately precede single words or short phrases.

234. (A) The closely joined particles usually receive regular 10treatment,
being followed, for instance, by enclitics. Occasionally, however, the
feeling seems to be that the particle is, as it were, placed before the whole
sentence; in this case a non-enclitic subject or a loosely joined attribute or a
second closely joined attribute may follow the particle, and the last-named
may (instead 15of the particle) be followed by some or all of the enclitics.

In the case of huwàg (§ 240) we meet for the first time alternation of
absolute and conjunctive attribution, which mostly follows the principle
that the latter construction is used where ŋ (as opposed to na) is possible (§
122).

20235. bakàʾ is expressive of an undesired contingency; it is the negative of

wishes and fears: Baká ka maputúlan naŋ dalíriʾ, Hwàn. You might get your
finger cut off, Juan, i. e. See that you don’t ... or I hope you won’t.... Baká
nya ikátawà aŋ iyo ŋ sàsabíhin. Perhaps what you intend to say will only
make 25him laugh. Baká táyu aŋ pagbintaŋàn naŋ páreʾ. I am afraid the
priest may suspect us. See § 317.

236. bákit why? Bákit ka naparíto? Why have you come here? Bákit mo
inakálaʾ...? Why do you think...? Bákit hindí ka magáral...? Why don’t you
learn...?

30237.dìʾ not is often used instead of hindìʾ (§ 239) before shorter

expressions: dí maláyoʾ not far, dí karanyúwan unusual, Si Hwàn ay dí
natákot na sumakày. Juan was not afraid to mount. See § 301.

238. gayòn (§ 190), in this use always followed by dìn 35(§ 218), also,
furthermore: Sya y isa ŋ táo ŋ may kauntì ŋ talíno at gayon dìn may kauntì
ŋ tápaŋ. He was a man of some cleverness and also of some courage.

239. hindìʾ not is used where the specific negatives áyaw (§ 267), bakàʾ (§
235), huwàg (§ 240), and walàʾ (§§ 61. 81. 89) 40are not applicable.
Occasionally it is replaced by dìʾ (§ 237). Hindìʾ. No. Hindí akò. (It is, was)
not I; I don’t, didn’t, etc. Hindí bále. It doesn’t matter. Hindí ko nàlàláman. I
don’t know. Hindí ko sya nàkíta. I didn’t see him. Hindí ko mabása iyàn. I
can’t read that. Aŋ túnay na lakì naŋ buwàn ay hindí sya ŋ nàkìkíta naŋ
maŋa táo kuŋ gabè. The real size of the moon is not 5that which people see
at night. aŋ kanya ŋ tákot na baká hindí nya abúta ŋ buhày aŋ kanya ŋ
inìíbig his fear that (perhaps) he should not see his loved one alive.

Hindìʾ negates only the material part of a word, not its grammatical (affixal)
elements: Aŋ kamahalàn naŋ manòk ay sya ŋ hindí 10ikabilì nitò naŋ
marámi ŋ táo. The high price of chicken is that which not causes-to-buy it
many people, i. e. causes many people not to buy it; the idea of buying is the
material element of i-ka-bilì (see Morphology); the causal idea, which is
expressed by the prefixes i-ka- is not negated. Aŋ pagkukublì naŋ maŋa
sundálo ay 15siyà nilà ŋ hindí ikinamatày. The hiding of the soldiers is what
caused them not to be killed, i. e. saved them from death.

Note hindí rìn (§ 218) also not, nor, and gayòn dìn hindìʾ (§ 238): Aŋ
dalága ŋ si Mariyà y sumayàw sa bála ŋ táo ŋ humilìŋ sa kanyà sa sàyáwa ŋ
pinaroonàn niya kagabè: sya y hindí 20namíli naŋ kanya ŋ sinamáhan at
hindí rin namàn namíli naŋ tugtòg na kanya ŋ sinayawàn; gayon dìn hindí
nya ininò aŋ bílaŋ at aŋ kadalasàn naŋ kanyà ŋ pagsayàw. Miss Maria
danced with any man that asked her at the dance to which she went last
night: she chose neither her partners nor the music to which she danced;
25nor did she mind the number and the frequency of her dances. See §§ 228.

237. 301. 319.

240. huwàg, hwàg is the negative of commands, purpose, obligation. Where

ŋ is possible conjunctive attribution takes the place of absolute: Aŋ haŋàd
ay aŋ huwàg bayáa ŋ lumagpàk sa 30lúpà aŋ bóla. The aim is not to let the
ball fall to the ground. (46, 36) Sinàsábi nya ríto na hwàg sunúgin aŋ ámi ŋ
báhay. He told them not to burn our house. Aŋ túro sa ákin naŋ mayèstro ay
hwàg akò ŋ mapagawày. The teacher’s order to me is that I must not be
quarrelsome. Hwag mò ŋ tawánan si Hwàn. Don’t 35laugh at Juan. Hwag kà
ŋ umyàk. Don’t cry. Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don’t go as a
spy, Juan. See § 239.

241. kaniyàʾ, kanyàʾ therefore, as a result, consequently: Bumitìw aŋ bátaʾ

sa lúbid, kanyá náparapàʾ aŋ kanyà ŋ kahatakàn. The child let go of the
rope, and so the one he was pulling 40against fell. Kanyàʾ hindí tulàʾ aŋ
kanya ŋ kinantà. Therefore what he sang was disconnected. Kanyàʾ sa
katapusàn ay sinábi nya... Therefore in the end he said.... Occasionally it is
loosely joined: Kanyà y sya y umalìs. Therefore he went away. See §§ 295.
324.

242. láloʾ (§ 147), in this use always followed by nà (§ 223), especially,

very: Lálù na kuŋ isa ŋ tahòl naŋ áso aŋ makàgísiŋ sa 5kanya, sya y
nàpàpaluksò. Especially when the barking of a dog awoke him, he would
involuntarily jump. Sya y naŋàŋáin naŋ táo lálù nà naŋ maŋa bátaʾ. It makes
its food of people, especially children.

243. sakàʾ after that, then: Pagkà pinapagpùpútol ko nà 10sya naŋ káhoy ay
saká sya nagdàdahilà ŋ may sakìt. As soon as I order him to cut wood,
(then) he alleges that he is sick.

Especially saká pa lámaŋ (§ 227) only then, not till then: Kapag
ipinamùmútol na nya naŋ káhoy aŋ lagáriʾ ay saká mo pa lámaŋ kúnin itò sa
kanyà. When he uses the saw for cutting wood, 15only then do you take it
from him.

244. tuwèʾ when followed by nà (§ 223) is used as a loosely joined

prepositive attribute: every time: Tuwí nà y syà aŋ nagìŋ mánanalò. He
turns out victorious every single time. See §§ 307. 317.

20245. (B) The particles of the second group are mechanically prefixed, as it
were, to that modified.

246. The pretonic particle báwat every precedes that modified, forming an
object expression with or without aŋ (§ 66, end): Báwat marúnuŋ naŋ
leksyòn ay makaáalìs pagdatìŋ naŋ alasìŋko. 25Everyone who knows the
lesson will be allowed to leave at five o’clock. Aŋ báwat hindí marúnuŋ naŋ
leksyòn ay màtìtirà haŋgàŋ alasès. Every one of those who do not know the
lesson will have to stay till six o’clock. báwat táo everyone, each person.

247. gaáno, gáno how? (§ 190) is used absolutely before 30words with
prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology and cf. §§
76. 179): gáno katabàʾ? How fat? gáno kaláyoʾ? How far? Gánu ka na bà
kakínis? How clever are you now?

248. The pretonic particle káhit precedes interrogatives and 35isà one
absolutely or with na; its force is generalizing, more emphatically than màn
(§ 221). The expression so formed is an object expression used with or
without aŋ (§ 68): aŋ káhit na síno, aŋ káhit síno, káhit na síno, káhit síno
anyone, anyone whatever, no matter who, káhit anò anything whatever,
káhit na anu ŋ 40táo any sort of person whatever, káhit na sínu ŋ táo any
person whatever, sa káhit alì ŋ bandà in any direction, káhit isà anyone
whatever, even one.

These expressions are often strengthened by màn (§ 221) or pà màn (§ 227):

Hindí na sya sumakày sa káhit ano pa màn. This time he did not ride on
anything. káhit sínu màn anyone at all.

Expressions beginning with káhit have the peculiarity that 5in the two
normally conjunctive constructions in which they stand na, ŋ is often
omitted before them:

After walàʾ (§ 138): Walá káhit anò. There isn’t a thing. Walá sila káhit anò.
They haven’t a thing. So even when walàʾ does not immediately precede:
Nàbuksàn aŋ pintú naŋ wala ŋ 10nakàmálay káhit sínu màn. The door came
open without anyone noticing it. Walá pa sila ŋ nàhùhúli káhit anò. They
had not yet caught anything, literally: anything that was caught. Walá sya ŋ
nàlàláman káhit isa ŋ hóta. He did not know a single iota. Occasionally na,
ŋ is used: Walá sya ŋ màkíta ŋ táo ŋ káhit anò. 15He saw no person
whatever.

As (normally conjunctive, § 149) attribute of time during which: Sya y

hindí màtahímik káhit isà ŋ sandalèʾ. He cannot keep quiet even for a single
moment. See §§ 253. 294.

249. kápuwàʾ, kápwàʾ fellow-, equally, applied to one of a 20pair, is

sometimes used with personal pronouns: in this case it follows (cf. § 129):
Si Pédro at si Hwàn ay dalawa ŋ kápwa magnanákaw. Pedro and Juan are
two fellow thieves. aŋ kápwa nya magnanákaw his fellow-thief, Kápuwa
maínam aŋ tinìg nila ŋ dalawà. The voices of the two are equally pleasant.
Kápwa 25sila malakàs. They are equally strong. Sinàsaktan silà kápuwaʾ.
They both get hurt. Redundantly: Namílog si Hwàn naŋ úlo naŋ kápwa nya
kalaròʾ. Juan fooled (literally: rounded the head of) his (fellow) playmate.

The word modified may be anaphorically omitted: Aŋ táwo 30y hindí dápat
sumakìt naŋ kanya ŋ kápwaʾ. One must not injure one’s fellow (sc. táo
man).

250. The transient pretonic particle magìŋ and its other transient forms (see
Morphology) express that the word or phrase modified is something coming
into being, arising, at the time 35specified by the tense-form of the particle:
Sya y nagìŋ hukòm. He became judge. aŋ nagìŋ pagkáhulè the falling-
behind which arose, Nagìŋ isa syà sa maŋa hindí nátaŋgàp. He turned out to
be one of those who were not accepted.

251. The pretonic particle maŋà is the sign of explicit plurality 40with object
expressions. It precedes the central element immediately, not even the na, ŋ
necessitated by a preceding conjunctive attribute comes between; only ibà
may come after maŋà: aŋ kanyà ŋ magúlaŋ, or: aŋ kanyà ŋ maŋa magúlaŋ
his, her parents, aŋ maŋa ibà ŋ táo other people. Redundantly: Sa tapàt naŋ
báhay ni Pédro ay marámi ŋ maŋa bulaklàk. In front of Pedro’s house there
are many flowers. Aŋ áraw ay sya ŋ pinópoon naŋ ilà ŋ maŋa salbáhe sa
Áfrika. The sun is worshipped 5by some savages in Africa. And even: aŋ
maŋa ilan pà ŋ maŋa tanòŋ several further questions. With maŋà compare
the prefix of the same form, see Morphology.

252. The pretonic particle máy belongs here. For examples see §§ 69. 70.
85. 110. 139.

10253. nì pretonic, is a frequent substitute (Spanish) for káhit (§ 245) in

negative sentences. The object expressions which begin with it never take
aŋ (§ 68): Ní isa y walà ŋ nátira. There isn’t a single one left. Walá ní isa.
There isn’t a single one. Nàbuksàn aŋ pintú naŋ wala ŋ nakàmálay nì sínu
màn. The door 15came open without anyone noticing it. Walà ŋ nátira ní isa
naŋ maŋa péras sa mésa. Not one was left of the pears on the table.

Occasionally nì seems to take the place of naŋ before káhit: Bákit hindí sya
makátagpo nì káhit isà naŋ maŋa bágay na itò? Why could he not meet even
a single one of these things? Cf. 20§ 319.

254. The pretonic particle tagà, tigà preceding an expression of place forms
an expression denoting a person from that place: Sya y isa ŋ taga
Kapampáŋan. He is a Pampangan. aŋ taga búkid, aŋ tiga búkid: aŋ isa ŋ táo
ŋ túbo sa búkid a country-man: 25a person raised in the country, aŋ mayáma
ŋ taga iba ŋ báyan the rich man from another town, stranger, foreigner, aŋ
maŋa taga iba t ibà ŋ lupaìn people from various countries. So: taga báyan,
tiga báyan townsman, taga Filipínas Filipino, taga Amérika American, taga
Espánya Spaniard (beside Amerikáno, 30Kastílaʾ). Cf. in Morphology, the
prefix taga-.

255. Numerative pronouns and cardinal numerals are used as absolute

attributes before katáo persons, men: sa m pú katáo ten people, ten men; or:
sa m pù ŋ táo; Ilàn katáo (or: Ilà ŋ táo) aŋ bumúhat sa báhay? How many
men lifted at the house?

35256. The terms of relationship and titles which are treated as personal
names (§ 59) precede a name as absolute attributes; after most of those that
end in a syllabic, n, or ʾ, ŋ is however used. Some titles occur only in this
construction: si Kúya ŋ Pédro my oldest brother Pedro, si Atè Lóleŋ my
oldest sister 40Lola, si Iŋkòŋ Píro Grandfather Pedro, si Indà ŋ Hwána, or:
si Impò ŋ Hwána Grandmother Juana, si Áli ŋ Maryà, or: si Tiyà Maryà
Aunt Maria, si Mà ŋ Andrès Uncle Andrés, Don Andrés, si Ginoò ŋ
Polikàrpiyo Mr. Policarpio, si Gíniŋ Màrkes Miss or Mrs. Marques, si Párì
Hwàn Father Juan, si Mayèstro ŋ Pédro Teacher Pedro, Master Pedro, si
Báo ŋ Mariyà Widow Maria, si nasíra ŋ Mariyà the deceased Maria.
(3) words used as absolute attributes of manner and time.

257. The words used as absolute attributes of manner and 5time resemble in
meaning conjunctive attributes and are frequently used in the latter
construction. As a rule they are loosely joined and absolute. In this way are
used:

258. Derivatives by doubling of words of time, in the sense of every (day,

night, etc.). With these goes the compound áraw-gabè 10day and night. For
both formations see Morphology. Hinàhatdan nyà akò naŋ gátas áraw-áraw.
He delivers milk to me every day. Gabi-gabì ay tinùtulúgan naŋ bantày aŋ
áki ŋ báhay. Every night the sentry makes our house his sleeping-place.

259. Words with prefix ka- referring to past time (see Morphology): 15Aŋ
pàtáya ŋ naŋyári kagabì ay paglalasìŋ aŋ nagìŋ sanhèʾ. The killing that
occurred last night had drunkenness as its cause. Aŋ maŋa áso sa báya ŋ itò
ay nagtàhúlan kagabè. The dogs in this town all bayed last night. Aŋ kabáyo
ay namatày kahápon. The horse died yesterday. Pumaroòn akò kamakalawà.
20I went there day before yesterday.

These may be followed by a disjunctive attribute telling the specific time

when: Nagsipútol kamì naŋ tubò kahápon naŋ hápon. We cut sugar-cane
yesterday afternoon. So: kahápon naŋ umága yesterday morning.

25260. Words of time with prefix kinà- and suffix -an expressing actual past
time (see Morphology): Kinàháti-ŋ-gabihàn ay nágisiŋ syà. When midnight
came he woke up. Kinàbukásan hinánap silà naŋ kanila ŋ amà. On the next
day they were called by their father.

30Withdisjunctive attribute telling the special time: Kinàbukásan naŋ hápun

ay naparoòn sila sa simbáhan. On the next day in the afternoon they went to
church.

261. Words of time preceded by the pronouns boòʾ and isà as conjunctive
modifiers: Sila y nagsipagsugàl gabi-gabì boò ŋ 35magdamàg. They gambled
all night every night. Isa ŋ áraw naupó sya sa taburéte. One day he sat down
on his chair. Aŋ iyò ŋ kapatìd ay nalígo isa ŋ hápon. Your sister bathed one
afternoon. Isa ŋ gabì ay nárinig ko.... One evening I heard.... So: isa ŋ
kataŋhalían one midday, isa ŋ liŋgò one Sunday, isa ŋ 40taŋháleʾ one noon,
isa ŋ umága one morning. As conjunctive attributes: Sya y naglálakad na isa
ŋ gabì. He was walking one night. Páparoon sya ŋ isa ŋ liŋgò. He will come
one Sunday. Those with boòʾ also as local attributes: Nakatahul nà aŋ maŋa
áso sa boò ŋ magdamàg. The dogs have been barking all night.

262. Various words of time:

5(1) antimáno beforehand (Spanish).

(2) búkas tomorrow: Magpàpapútol ba táyo naŋ káhoy búkas? Are we going
to have some wood cut tomorrow? With disjunctive attribute of specific
time: Magsìsipútol kamì naŋ tubò búkas naŋ umága. We are going to cut
sugar-cane tomorrow 10morning.

(3) dáti for a long time already; formerly; it is sometimes closely joined: aŋ
mukhá naŋ babáye, na dáti y nagpàpakilála naŋ malakì ŋ paghihírap the
face of the woman, which before had been showing great suffering; Dáti
náriyàn aŋ mansà ŋ iyàn. 15That spot has been there for a long time. As
conjunctive attribute: Dáti sya ŋ napàparíto sa áki ŋ báhay. He has been
coming to my house since long ago.

(4) kadalasàn often, usually: Aŋ kanya ŋ pinasàsakítan kadalasà y nagáanyo

ŋ pára ŋ ulòl. The person he is injuring 20usually acts as if crazy.

(5) kanína a little while ago, just now: Sinábi ko na pò sa inyo kanína, na....
I just told you a little while ago that....
With a conjunctive attribute of the specific time in the phrase kanína ŋ
umága this morning, which may be closely 25joined: Kumáin ka ba kanína ŋ
umága naŋ karnè?—Hindí ako kumáin naŋ karnè kanína ŋ umága. Did you
eat meat this morning?—I did not eat meat this morning.

(6) karanyúwan mostly, usually: Aŋ kosinéro karanyúwa y upahàn. The

cook is usually hired.

30(7)káylan, kélan when? Káylan ako malìlígoʾ? When shall I bathe?

Káylan pa kayà paŋhìhinayáŋan naŋ maŋa táo aŋ maŋa áni ŋ taòn-taò y
nàsìsíra naŋ luktòn o naŋ túyot? When, pray, will the people regret the
harvests every year destroyed by locusts or by drought? So káylan màn at
any time, ever, always 35(§§ 221. 317): Káylan mà y hindí nilìlimútan si
Maryà. Maria was never forgotten.

(8) makálawà twice, when with maghápon per day: Naàári ako ŋ malígo
makálawa maghápun, dahilàn sa kainítan. I can bathe twice a day on
account of the heat. Alone makálawà is a 40conjunctive attribute: Makálawa
ko ŋ itinanùŋ kuŋ saàn sya páparoòn, dátapuwat hindí nya ako sinagòt. I
asked him twice where he was going, but he did not answer me. Maghápon
does not occur alone.

(9) mámayàʾ, mámyàʾ after a while, soon, with a disjunctive attribute of the
specific time when: Mámyá naŋ kauntìʾ ay áalis akò. In a little while I am
going. As conjunctive modifier; the phrase so formed is used like mámayàʾ
alone: Mámaya ŋ gabì 5ay pàpások táyo sa teyátro. This evening we shall go
to the theatre.

(10) mínsan once, once upon a time: Mínsan sila y nakáraàn naŋ isa ŋ púno-
ŋ-nyòg. Once upon a time they came across a cocoanut-tree. With màn at
any one time (§ 221): Mínsan 10màn ay hindí sya náuna. Not a single time
did he succeed in getting ahead. As conjunctive attribute: Aŋ tatlo ŋ itù y
nagtìpána ŋ mínsan. These three once made an appointment.

(11) ŋayòn now, just now, today (cf. § 302): Sya y nása Mayníla ŋayòn. He
is in Manila today. Ŋayòn ay maŋàkàkatúlog 15silà. Now they will be able to
sleep. So ŋayon dìn right now (§ 218): Umalìs ka ŋayon dìn. Go away this
minute.

(12) paráti often: Mahína aŋ kanyà ŋ katawàn at paráti sa sakìt. Her body
was weak and often in sickness. Also conjunctive: Akò y paráti ŋ
nàhàhábol. I am often pursued.

20(13) siyèmpre (Spanish) always: Aŋ paggalàw na pagtagílid ay syèmpre

(or: káylan màn ay) sa kaikliàn naŋ baŋkàʾ, dátapuwat aŋ pagtikwàs ay sa
kahabáan. The movement of rocking is always along the short axis of a
boat, but pitching is along its length.

25263. Four words of place, which serve also as local forms of the
demonstrative pronouns (§ 199). They are, corresponding to the four
demonstrative pronouns: díne, ríne; díto, ríto; diyàn, dyàn, riyàn; doòn,
roòn. They occur in every position which an attribute can have:

30Looselyjoined, preceding: Doòn ay sinalúboŋ sya naŋ susòʾ. There he

was met by the snail. Díto nàmálas nya ŋ.... Here he perceived that....

Loosely joined, following: Taginit nà naŋ sya y dumatiŋ díto. It was already
summer when he arrived here. Aŋ alílaʾ ay 35ipinagamùt nya díto. The
servant was-ordered-to-be-cured by-him of-the-latter, i. e. He had the latter
cure the servant. Alis dyàn! Get away there! (e. g. to a dog). Alìs na riyàn,
Pédro. Go away from there, Pedro. Mátira ka dyàn. Stay there.

Closely joined, preceding: Díne ako maúupòʾ. I am going 40to sit right here.
Díto ka na makikáin sa ámin. Eat here with us. Díto nya ginámit aŋ kanya ŋ
lakàs. For this he used his strength. Doòn sila magpalípas naŋ bakasyòn.
There they are to spend the vacation.

Closely joined, following: Hwag mò ŋ ilagay díto aŋ palatòn. Don’t put the
plate here.

5Enclitic:
Dalhìn mo ríto iyò ŋ librò ŋ binàbása ko kagabì. Bring here the
book I was reading last night. Magdalà ka díto naŋ kasapwégo. Bring some
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