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Evoking Scripture
Evoking Scripture

Seeing the Old Testament

in the New

by
Steve Moyise

t&tciark
 Published by T&T Clark
A Continuum imprint
The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038

www.continuumbooks.com

All rights reserved. No part of this publication maybe reproduced or transmitted in

any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.

Copyright © Steve Moyise, 2008

Steve Moyise has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the Author of this work.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Typeset by Free Range Book Design & Production

EISBN 9780567033253
 Contents

Abbreviations vii

1. Introduction 1

2. Evoking a scriptural framework for understanding Jesus? 6

Mk 1.2-3

3. Evoking a legal framework in order to undermine it? 21

Mk 2.25-8; 7.15-19; 10.2-9; 12.33

4. Evoking an Isaiah framework for understanding Romans? 33

Rom. 2.24

5. Evoking a hermeneutical principle for interpreting Romans? 49

Rom. 1.16-17

6. Evoking a false legal framework? 63

Gal. 3.10-14

7. Evoking a theory of prophecy? 78

1 Pet. 1.10-12

8. Evoking a powerful image in order to replace it? 96

Rev. 5.5-6
9. Evoking the wrong texts? Ill
Rev. 15.3-4

10. Literary and theological reflections 125

Bibliography 143
Index of Biblical Sources 151
Index of Modern Authors 161
 Abbreviations

AB Anchor Bible
AUSS Andrews University Seminary Studies
BECNT Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament
BNTC Black's New Testament Commentary
BR Biblical Research
ConBNT Coniectanea Biblica, New Testament
ExpT Expository Times
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments
ICC International Critical Commentary
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement Series
ISOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series
LNTS Library of New Testament Studies
LXX Septuagint
MT Masoretic Text
NIGTC The New International Greek Testament Commentary
OTL Old Testament Library
PIBA Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association
SBL Society of Biblical Literature
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature, Dissertation Series
TDOT Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament (eds G.J. Botterwick and
H. Ringgren)
TSAJ Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
 1

Introduction

T he study of how the New Testament authors read and interpreted Scripture is
experiencing something of a revival at the present time. This is being fuelled by
a renewed interest in at least three areas, the first of which is the Septuagint (LXX).
It is a tribute to the quality of scholarship behind the Gottingen series that several
decades of relative inactivity followed. But this is no longer the case. Major translation
projects in English (NETS), French (La Bible d'Alexandra) and German (Septuaginta-
deutsch) have raised fundamental questions about the nature of the LXX. In
particular, would the New Testament authors have understood the text known to
them primarily as a translation or as an authoritative text in its own right? And what
of their recipients? Would they have taken the quoted text at face value or would they
have known that it sometimes differs from other LXX manuscripts and from the
Hebrew text being read in the synagogues? Indeed, what were once explained as delib-
erate changes by the various New Testament authors, are now more likely to be
taken as evidence for early revisions of the LXX.1
Secondly, there has been a growing interest in using literary theory to under-
stand the role or function of Scripture in the New Testament. This was given a
major impetus in 1989 with Richard Hays's use of intertextuality for understanding
Paul's use of Scripture. Instead of seeing quotations and allusions as subsidiary to
Paul's main arguments, Hays sees letters like Romans, Galatians and Corinthians as
an ongoing conversation with Scripture.2 The approach was soon extended to other
New Testament writings and subject to a number of refinements (and challenges).

1
See W. Kraus and R.G. Wooden (eds), Septuagint Research. Issues and Challenges in the Study of the
Greek Jewish Scriptures (Atlanta: SBL, 2006).
2
R.B. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989).
2 Evoking Scripture

More recently, Tom Hatina3 has explicitly drawn on narrative theory to understand
the function of Scripture in Mark's Gospel, while others have drawn on ancient and
modern rhetoric, relevance theory and speech-act theory. Scriptural quotations and
allusions are now seen as a literary as well as a theological phenomenon in the New
Testament.
Thirdly, there has been a renewed interest in biblical theology and the devel-
opment of theological or canonical interpretation (particularly associated with Baker
Books and Paternoster Press, but also Intervarsity and others). Scriptural quotations
and allusions, it is argued, should not be studied in isolation but are part of the
broader question of the relationship between the two Testaments. Historical
approaches have tended to treat the Bible as a more or less random collection of
writings but this does not do justice to the religious claim that the Bible is Scripture.
It is only by attending to this that the study of scriptural material in the New
Testament receives it proper orientation.4
As a result of these three areas,5 studies of Scripture in the New Testament are
often conducted from quite specific theological or literary standpoints. For example,
some scholars take the unity of Scripture as a basic presupposition for their work.
There is no question of the New Testament authors taking texts out of context or
giving them new meaning, for the One who promised in the Old Testament is the one
who fulfils in the New Testament. Apparent differences of meaning are explained as
'organic' developments of the original rather than changes of meaning. On the other
hand, other scholars think that the coming of Christ and the birth of the Church gave
the New Testament authors a vantage point that was unavailable to the ancient
authors (sometimes quoting 2 Cor. 3.14). Since meaning is related to context, it is to
be expected that the New Testament authors found new meaning in the ancient texts.
For such scholars, the task is to show how the new situation led to the new meaning.
There is a similar dichotomy in the interpretation of the New Testament texts
themselves. Some scholars take a diachronic view that the meaning of words, and
hence sentences and paragraphs, is dependent on previous usage. Thus in order to

3
T. Hatina, In Search of a Context: The Function of Scripture in Mark's Narrative (JSNTSup, 232;
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002).
4
This is most clearly seen in the differences between Jewish interpretation, which accepts only the
Hebrew books as Scripture, and Christian interpretation, which also accepts the 27 books of the New
Testament (and in some traditions, the additional books of the LXX via the Vulgate). Referring to the 'Old
Testament' and the 'New Testament' already represents a particular interpretative framework. For this
reason, many scholars prefer to speak more neutrally of'Hebrew Bible', but this is not altogether satisfactory
for our subject, since it is the 'Greek Bible' that has primarily influenced the New Testament authors. We
will thus continue to speak of'Old Testament' as those Scriptures that are prior to what came to be known
as the 'New Testament', while acknowledging that the relationship between these collections is a matter
of dispute.
5
A fourth would of course be Qumran, though this is not so much a 'renewed interest' but a continuous
influence over the last decades.
 Introduction 3

understand a quotation, it is necessary to understand its original context (and subse-

quent contexts). On this view, a quotation is not just someone else's words but a
vehicle for transferring meaning from one context to another. Other scholars take a
synchronic view that the meaning of words is determined by current usage, not
etymology. The meaning of a quotation derives from the role or function the words
have in the new work, not what they once meant to someone else. To describe
someone as 'gay' in the twenty-first century is to say something about their sexuality.
To add that they are 'happy and cheery' because that is what the word meant in the
first half of the twentieth century is a misunderstanding of how language works.
This raises a further question of whether the focus of our study should be on
the New Testament author's intention to cite or the reader's ability to perceive. In the
example just quoted, an older reader might know that the word 'gay' used to mean
'happy and cheery' and so could plausibly ask whether the author is intending the
new meaning or the old meaning. If it was known that the author 'had a way with
words', it might even be possible to suggest that she or he was intending to evoke both
meanings. On the other hand, a younger reader (unless well-read) would probably
be unaware that the word ever had a different meaning and so this possibility is ruled
out. The significance of this for our topic is this: does it makes any sense to describe
the meaning of a quotation in terms of its original context if that context is unknown
to the readers? Some would say, Yes, for it could have been intended by the author,
even if the congregations were too dim to perceive it. Others would say, No, as the
conditions for the quotation to work in that way are absent.
Mention of author and reader leads into literary debates about the locus of
textual meaning. Some believe that the meaning of a text is only to be identified with
what the original author intended, and this should be distinguished from all later
interpretations. Others regard this as too narrow. Texts are vehicles of communication
and one cannot talk of communication without speaking of both author and reader.
In particular, since the work of the three masters of suspicion (Marx, Freud and
Nietzsche), it is doubtful that anyone is fully aware of the author's intentions or that
a text can ever be a perfect reproduction of them. To return to our previous example,
if an author disclosed at a press conference that he or she detested the corruption of
the English language (even making 'wicked' something desirable!), and had purposely
used the word cgay' in its older sense, would that then be the meaning of the text? Put
another way, would readers who took the word 'gay' to be a reference to sexuality be
guilty of misreading the text because the author claims that was not her or his
intention? Or have such readers given the true meaning of the text (in their twenty-
first century context), and the author is guilty of not saying what she or he meant?
The studies that follow all take a particular quotation or allusion (or in some
cases, a group of them) and ask, What is it that is being evoked? As this question
receives different answers depending on the particular theological and literary stand-
point of the scholar, several perspectives are presented before an analysis is offered.
The first two studies focus on Mark's Gospel. In the first (Mk 1.2-3), the thesis that
4 Evoking Scripture

Mark intends his opening quotation to provide a scriptural framework for under-
standing Jesus is examined. It is based on the location of the quotation at the
beginning of the work, parallels between the quoted texts and Mark's prologue, and
the repetition of such themes elsewhere in the Gospel. This is contrasted with a
narrative approach, which sees the role of the quotation as introducing the key
characters in the story (John, Jesus, followers) and outlining its plot (proclamation
of the kingdom of God). Such an approach regards the scriptural-framework view
as an imposition on the text.
The second study focuses on a number of Mark's references to the law (Mk 2.27;
7.15-19; 10.2-9; 12.33). Some scholars think thai: Mark included these references to
show his Gentile readers that Jesus undermined trie ritual ('Thus he declared all foods
clean' - 7.19) and sacrificial ('this is much more important than all whole burnt
offerings and sacrifices' - 12.33) aspects of the law. Others think the opposite, noting
that the man suffering from leprosy is commanded to go and make the prescribed
sacrifices (Mk 1.41) and that the young man seeking eternal life is directed to the
commandments (Mk 10.19). In this study, we explore how the answer to this question
affects one's understanding of Mark's use of Scripture.
Three studies on Paul's use of Scripture follow. In the first (Rom. 2.24), there
is an interesting contrast to Mk 1.2-3 in that the Isaiah quotation (Isa. 52.5) does not
come at the beginning of the work and appears to be taken out of context. However,
when the reader reaches Romans 9-11, she or he will discover that (Deutero-) Isaiah
is very important to Paul and he even includes a quotation from the same passage
(Isa. 52.7). For some, this invites a retrospective reading, demanding a sophisticated
understanding of the function of Isa. 52.5 in Rom. 2.24. Others point out that Paul's
readers would be very unlikely to know that the text, 'How beautiful are the feet of
those who bring good news', comes two verses after the text, 'The name of God is
blasphemed among the Gentiles because of you', and so would not have made such
connections.
If the position of the quotation of Isa. 52.5 (in Rom. 2.24) makes it difficult to
assign it a pivotal role in the interpretation of Romans, the same cannot be said for
the quotation of Hab. 2.4 in Rom. 1.17. Here we have the interesting phenomenon
of a text that is clearly important to Paul (he quotes it again in Gal. 3.11) but shows
no interest in any other verse from the book (at least, according to the margins of
Nestle-Aland 27). Is he using it as a convenient summary of his gospel message
('The one who is righteous will live by faith') or has this text been influential in the
formulation of his gospel?
The third study focuses on Gal. 3.10-14, where we have two interesting
phenomena. First, we have two quotations (Deut. 27.26; Lev. 18.5) that indicate the
absolute importance of keeping every aspect of the law; yet Paul is using them to show
that Gentile Christians need not, indeed, should not be attempting to keep it.
Secondly, the exegesis turns on a bold assertion that 'the law does not rest on faith'
(Gal. 3.12). Some take this as Paul's fundamental standpoint and believe he is
 Introduction 5

challenging the law's claim to give life. Others see his categorical denial in Gal. 3.21,
that the law is in any way opposed to God's promises, as the standpoint for under-
standing his exegesis. The scholar's overall view of'Paul and the law' is decisive for
understanding the role of Scripture in Romans and Galatians.
Our study of 1 Pet. 1.10-12 gives us an opportunity to explore some of the
claims of biblical theology. Some have taken this so-called 'prophecy theory' as
meaning that the prophets were fully cognizant of the christological implications of
their utterances. Others have taken it to mean that they said more than they knew
(sensusplenior). Scholars who adopt the first position see the 'prophecy theory' as a
hermeneutical guide for understanding the author's use of Scripture (and in some
cases, the whole of the New Testament). Those who hold the second position allow
the author's actual uses of Scripture to determine the meaning of the 'prophecy
theory'. This chapter makes a contribution to the debate by correlating the author's
actual uses of Isaiah with the 'prophecy theory' of 1 Pet. 1.10-12.
Our final two studies are from the book of Revelation. It is well known that
'lamb' is the key christological title of the book but when it is first introduced (Rev.
5.5-6), it is juxtaposed with the expression 'the lion of the tribe of Judah'. Given that
the lamb is associated with a considerable amount of violence in the book, the
question arises as to whether the lion imagery has been added in order to further this
end, or whether it itself is being reinterpreted or replaced by the lamb. Our second
study looks like a classic case of misdirection. Rev. 15.3 introduces the song sung by
the heavenly choir as, 'the song of Moses, the servant of God, and of the Lamb'.
However, the song that follows bears no relationship to the song of Moses recorded
in Exodus 15 and very little to Deuteronomy 32. Why then does the author evoke this
important song only to quote something else?
The final chapter offers some theological and literary reflections on our studies.
The gap between the meaning of scriptural texts in their original context and the
meaning assigned to them in the New Testament has been explained in a variety of
ways. Some look to expand the definition of authorial intention by speaking of
'communicative acts' or 'transhistorical intentions'. Others focus on the intentions of
readers, who are not trying to stand in the author's shoes (Schleiermacher) but
discern the meaning of texts for their contemporaries. These contrasting literary
theories are related to contrasting theological positions. Some take the unity of
Scripture as a presupposition and so regard the relationship between the two
Testaments as one of continuity. Others see a considerable amount of discontinuity
between the covenant of law (restricted to Jews) and the covenant of grace (open to
all) and thus see the relationship between the Testaments as more complex. Our
conclusion is that while some of these options can be shown to be more or less
probable than others, their positive insights requires a multi-faceted approach to the
subject. Only then can the activity of'evoking Scripture' be seen in all its richness and
complexity.6
6
Biblical quotations are taken from the New Revised Standard Version unless otherwise stated.
 Evoking a scriptural framework for
understanding Jesus?*
Mk 1.2-3

Introduction

A 11 four Gospels include a quotation of Isa. 40.3 (Mk 1.3; Mt. 3.3; Lk. 3.4; Jn 1.23)
./Ybut only Mark combines this with words taken from Exod. 23.20 and Mai. 3.1.
There can be little doubt that the composite quotation is important for Mark since:
(1) it is located at the beginning of the Gospel, even before John and Jesus have been
introduced; (2) this is the only editorial quotation from Mark - all the other quota-
tions (about 20) appear on the lips of Jesus or other characters in the story;1 (3) the
composite quotation of Exod. 23.20/Mal. 3.1 ('See, I am sending my messenger
ahead of you, who will prepare your way'), which appears as words of Jesus in Mt.
11.10/Lk. 7.27, is included before the citation of Isa. 40.3, even though it clashes with
the introductory formula ('As it is written in the prophet Isaiah'). An extremely
literal translation of the relevant texts is as follows:2

*• A revised and expanded version of my chapter, 'The Wilderness Quotation in Mark 1:2-3' can be found
in R.S. Sugirtharajah (ed.), Wilderness: Essays in Honour ofFrances Young (London & New York: T&T Clark,
2005), pp. 78-87.

1
Pharisees (10.4); crowd (11.9-10); Sadducees (12.19); scribe (12.32-3).
2
Adapted from J. Marcus, The Way of the Lord. Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Gospel
ofMark (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1992), p. 14.
 Evoking a scriptural framework? 7

Mkl.2 Mt. 11.10=Lk 7.27 Exod. 23.20 Mai. 3.1

behold I send behold I send behold I send behold I send out

(apostello) (apostello) (apostello) (exapostello)
my messenger my messenger my messenger my messenger
before your face before your face before your face
who will prepare who will prepare to guard and he will dear/survey
(kataskeuasei) {kataskeuasei) (phulaxe) (pnh/epiblepsetai)
your way your way you on the way away
before you before your face

Mk 1.3=Mt=Lk. Jn 1.23 Isa.40.3MT Isa.40.3LXX

the voice of one I am the voice of one the voice of one the voice of one
crying in the crying in the crying in the crying in the
wilderness wilderness wilderness wilderness
prepare straighten clear prepare
(hetoimasate) (euthunate) (pnh) (hetoimasate)
the way of the Lord the way of the Lord the way of the Lord the way of the Lord
straight make straighten straight make
{eutheias poieite) in the desert (eutheias poieite)
his paths a highway for our God the paths of our God

On the hypothesis of Markan priority, it would seem that Matthew and Luke
have dismantled the composite quotation, so that only words from Isaiah follow the
ascription to Isaiah.3 However, given the fact that Matthew and Luke both include
the Malachi/Exodus material later in their Gospels, that it occurs in an almost identi-
cally worded pericope about John the Baptist,4 and that both include the additional
phrase 'before you', most scholars have concluded that it was present in Q.5 If this is
so, then Q or its source is responsible for introducing the word kataskeuasei
('prepare') as a rendering of Malachi'sp/ift, for it can hardly be a rendering of the verb
'guard' found in Exod. 23.20. This is sufficiently unusual6 to suggest that either Mark
knew this Q tradition or both are dependent on an earlier source. Either way, it is

3
Scribes had a different solution, changing the ascription in Mk 1.2 from 'Isaiah' to 'the prophets' 'Isaiah'
is read by tt B L A 33 565 892 1241 2427 al syPhmsco; Or^.
4
The two passages (Mt. 11.9-10; Lk. 7.26-7) agree in 30 out of 31 words (Matthew includes the
personal pronoun ego before the verb, as in the LXX).
5
Or for those who do not accept the Q hypothesis, Matthew knew it from another source and Luke
followed Matthew. Either way, the composite quotation existed in another source.
6
The LXX uses over 30 verbs to render pnh but never kataskeuazo .
8 Evoking Scripture

unlikely that Mark himself is responsible for the kataskeuasei but found it in an
existing (Greek) source. In other words, Mark is not the originator of this part of the
composite quotation (Exodus/Malachi), and indeed we cannot be sure whether he
would have recognized it as composite.
On the other hand, it would appear that Mark is responsible for introducing
the composite quotation directly before his quotation of Isa. 40.3 (thus producing
his own composite quotation!). The link between the two texts is clearly the idea of
'preparing the way', even though the Greek texts use different words for 'prepare'. Joel
Marcus thinks that Mark would have known that the Hebrew text of Mai. 3.1 uses
pnh for 'prepare', just as Isa. 40.3 does, and that this explains why the two texts have
been brought together.7 This is possible but we should not imagine that texts can only
be brought together if they contain identical wording. Mark knew two texts (one
composite, though he may not have realized it) which he understood as proph-
esying a messenger who would 'prepare the way'. His Isaiah quotation is undoubtedly
drawn from the LXX (or a source that has used the LXX), as can be seen by its
periphrastic rendering of'make straight' (eutheiaspoieite), the plural 'paths' (tribous)
for the singular 'highway' and the omission of the final 'in the desert' clause. There
is little evidence to suggest that Mark knew the Hebrew text of this verse, especially
as its parallelism (in the wilderness/in the desert) implies that the actual 'preparation'
rather than just the 'voice' are to be located there. It would appear that Mark knew
two Greek texts that he understood as predictions of a messenger who would prepare
the way of Jesus and he largely quoted them in the form that he knew them.8

The role of the Old Testament background(s)

in determining Mark's meaning

Isaiah
In an article entitled, 'Streams of Tradition Emerging from Isaiah 40:1-5 and their
Adaptation in the New Testament', Klyne Snodgrass first demonstrates the influence
of this text in other Old Testament books (Mai. 3.1), Qumran (1QS 8.12-16; 9.17-
20), the Pseudepigrapha (1 Bar. 5.5-7), Apocrypha (Ass. Mos. 10.1-5) and the rabbis
(Pes. R. 29-33). He then turns to the Gospels, where he thinks that Luke has been
influenced by this text in 1.17, 76-9; 2.30-31 and 9.52, as well as the extended

7
Marcus, The Way of the Lord, pp. 12-17.
8
Such conservatism is indicated by the fact that Mark did not conform the kataskeuazo of the composite
quotation (a word he never uses again) to the hetoimazo of the Isaiah quotation (which he uses on four
other occasions). This could indicate that the change from the paths of our God' to 'his paths' might
already have been present in Mark's source, especially as this is found in Luke, even though Luke extends
the quotation to include Isa. 40.4-5.
 Evoking a scriptural framework? 9

quotation in Lk. 3.4-6. As for Mark, its pivotal position at the beginning of the
Gospel suggests that the author has 'adopted a stream of tradition which will
summarize immediately what his gospel is about'.9 He notes particularly the way that
hodos ('way') is later used for the 'way of God' (Mk 12.14) and the 'way of discipleship'
(Mk 10.52), and so 'the composite quotation not only provides a link with the Old
Testament, but also establishes a theme that is integral in Mark's explanation of
discipleship.'10 He concludes the article with the statement that the 'formative role that
these verses have particularly in Mark and Luke can be appreciated only in light of
previous usage'.11
Joel Marcus begins his study of Mk 1.2-3 by offering five arguments in favour
of the view that Mark is responsible for inserting the Exod. 23.20/Mal. 3.1 material
into his Isaiah quotation and placing it before John the Baptist is introduced.12 He then
draws on Robert Guelich's study13 that kathos gegraptai ('as it is written') always plays
a transitional role in the New Testament, acting as a bridge between a previously
mentioned fact or event and the Old Testament quotation.14 That being the case, the
primary role of the quotation is not the location of John in the wilderness or even
John as the forerunner of Jesus, both of which follow the quotation, but its link with
the opening verse. According to Marcus, Mark begins his Gospel with the assertion
that the 'good news of Jesus Christ' is 'written in the prophet Isaiah'.
Marcus is aware of the dangers of assuming that Old Testament quotations
always evoke their wider context15 but in this case, he thinks it is justified. He cites a
number of studies that have already suggested that Isaiah 40 is the most likely
background for understanding Mark's use ofevangelion ('good news/gospel').16 He
also notes common themes, such as the revelation of God's kingly power (Isa. 40.9-
10/Mk 1.9-11) and the requirement to proclaim the good news (Isa. 40.9/Mk 1.15).
Citing Snodgrass's article concerning streams of tradition from Isa. 40.1-5, Marcus
asserts that:

9
K.R. Snodgrass, 'Streams of Tradition Emerging from Isaiah 40:1-5 and their Adaptation in the New
Testament', JSNT 8 (1980), p. 36.
10
Snodgrass, 'Streams of Tradition', p. 36.
11
Snodgrass, 'Streams of Tradition', p. 40.
12
(1) The technique of beginning a work with references to Scripture is common in the New Testament
(Matthew, John, Romans, Hebrews); (2) Conflation is part of Mark's style (1.11; 11.9-10; 11.17; 13.24-26;
14.62); (3) It explains the reference to 'Isaiah'; (4) By eliminating the words 'before you', Mark has
improved the parallelism between v. 2 and v. 3; (5) By so doing, he has accented the parallelism between
'your way' and 'the way of the Lord' which coheres with the importance of this theme later in the Gospel.
See Marcus, The Way of the Lord, pp. 15-16.
13
R.A. Guelich, '"The Beginning of the Gospel": Mark 1:1-15', BR 27 (1982), pp. 5-15.
14
He argues that the four possible counter-examples (Lk. 11.30; 17.26; Jn 3.14; 1 Cor. 2.9) are not true
parallels to Mk 1.2 and so Guelich's conclusion is correct.
15
A view often associated with C.H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures: The Sub-structure of New
Testament Theology (London: Nisbet, 1952).
16
P. Stuhlmacher, Die paulinische Evangelium, vol 1, Vorgeschichte (FRLANT, 95; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968).
Other documents randomly have
different content
 They had galloped but half a mile, when crossing a little ridge,
they came abruptly in view of several hundred Indians advancing on
each side of a knoll, on the top of which were the men, where a
cluster of trees and rocks made a good defence. It was evident that
they had come suddenly into the midst of the Indian village, and
jumping from their horses, with the instinctive skill of old hunters
and mountaineers as they were, had got into an admirable place to
fight from.
The Indians had nearly surrounded the knoll, and were about
getting possession of the horses, as Fremont's party came in view.
Their welcome shout as they charged up the hill, was answered by
the yell of the Delawares as they dashed down to recover their
animals, and the crack of Owens' and Maxwell's rifles. Owens had
singled out the foremost Indian who went headlong down the hill, to
steal horses no more.
Profiting by the first surprise of the Indians, and anxious for the
safety of the men who had been left in camp, the whites
immediately retreated towards it, checking the Indians with
occasional rifle shots, with the range of which it seemed remarkable
that they were acquainted.
The whole camp were on guard until daylight. As soon as it was
dark, each man crept to his post. They heard the women and
children retreating towards the mountains, but nothing disturbed the
quiet of the camp, except when one of the Delawares shot at a wolf
as it jumped over a log, and which he mistook for an Indian. As soon
as it grew light they took to the most open ground, and retreated
into the plain.
 CHAPTER XXV.

The record of Fremont and Carson's journey through this region

of country, already so thoroughly explored at such great hazard, and
accompanied with such unheard-of sufferings, would be but a
repetition of what has already been written, for they were again
driven to mule meat, or whatever else chance or Providence might
throw in their way, to sustain life. In every need—in every peril—in
every quarter where coolness, sagacity, and skill were most required,
Carson was ever first, and his conduct throughout cemented, if
possible, more firmly the friendship between him and his young
commander.
They reached, at last, Sutter's Fort, where they were received
with the hospitality which has made Mr. Sutter's name proverbial;
and leaving his party to recruit there, Fremont pushed on towards
Monterey, to make known to the authorities there the condition of
his party, and obtained permission to recruit and procure the
supplies necessary for the prosecution of his exploration.
Journeying in the security of this permission, he was suddenly
arrested in his march, near Monterey, by an officer at the head of a
body of cavalry, who bore him a violent message from the
commanding officer in California—Gen. Castro—commanding him to
retire instantly from the country.
There was now no alternative but to put himself on the
defensive, as he had come to the country for an entirely peaceable
purpose, and it was not in the blood of Americans to submit to
dictation. The direction of travel was therefore changed; a strong
point was selected and fortified as thoroughly as could be with the
means at their command, which work was hardly completed before
Gen. Castro, at the head of several hundred men, arrived and
established his camp within a few hundred yards and in sight of the
exploring party, evidently under the mistaken idea that he could
intimidate them by his numbers.
Though the Americans were but forty in number, every man had
already seen service, and the half score of old traders and trappers,
who had been leaders in many an Indian fight, made the party, small
as it was, quite equal to that of the ten fold greater number of the
Mexicans; for the men, equally with their leader, were determined to
maintain their rights, and if need be, to sacrifice their lives in
defence of the cause of American citizens in Mexico; for in the three
days during which they lay there encamped, expresses came in from
the American citizens in Monterey, warning them of their danger, and
announcing too, the probability of a war with Mexico, and urging the
propriety that every American should unite in a common defence
against the Mexican authorities.
At the end of three days the council which Fremont now called,
agreed with him, that the Mexican General had no intention of
attacking them, and that it was the more prudent course to break up
camp, push on to the Sacramento River, and endeavor at Lawson's
trading post to obtain the needed outfit for their return homeward
through Oregon, as further exploration in southern California
seemed out of the question; and because, as an officer in the United
States service, Fremont felt he could not commence, or willingly
court hostility with the Mexican authorities—besides, all the
American residents in the country were equally in peril; and if the
event of war pressed upon them, preparation was needed, and
should be made at once.
In council Fremont found Carson ready for such, as for every
emergency; and, around the camp fires, where the subject was
discussed, every man was ready for the affray; and while willing to
retire and wait the command of the leader evinced no disposition to
avoid it.
 The party remained ten days at Lawson's post, when information
was brought that the Indians were in arms at the instigation of the
Mexicans, as it was supposed, and were advancing to destroy the
post, and any other American settlement; and it was soon rumored
that a thousand warriors were collected, and on their way to aid in
this purpose. The time had now come for action, and, with five men
from the post, Captain Fremont and his command, with Carson for
his Lieutenant, by choice of the party, as well as of its leader, took
up their march against the savages, in aid of their countrymen.
They had no difficulty in finding the Indian war party, and
immediately made the attack, which was responded to with vigor by
the Indians, and contested bravely; but, of course, with inability to
conquer. The red men were defeated with terrible slaughter, and
learned here the lesson not forgotten for many years, that it was
useless to measure their strength with white men.
Carson was, of course, as was his invariable custom, in the
thickest of the fight, and when it was over, and the Indians had
retired, cowed and defeated, ventured the opinion that they had
received a lesson which would not be required to be repeated in
many years.
This victory won, and present danger from these Indians thus
avoided, the party returned to Lawson's post, where, having
completed their outfit, they turned their backs on Mexican
possessions, and started northward, Fremont looking to Oregon as
the field of his future operations, intending to explore a new route to
the Wah-lah-math settlements.
While on that journey, Carson being as ever his guide,
companion, and friend, the party was suddenly surprised by the
appearance of two white men, who, as all knew from experience,
must have incurred the greatest perils and hazards to reach that
spot.
They proved to be two of Mr. Fremont's old voyageurs, and
quickly told their story. They were part of a guard of six men
conducting a United States officer, who was on his trail with
despatches from Washington, and whom they had left two days
back, while they came on to give notice of his approach, and to ask
that assistance might be sent him. They themselves had only
escaped the Indians by the swiftness of their horses. It was a case
in which there was no time to be lost, nor a mistake made. Mr.
Fremont determined to go himself; and taking ten picked men,
Carson of course accompanying him, he rode down the western
shore of the lake on the morning of the 9th, (the direction the officer
was to come,) and made a journey of sixty miles without a halt. But
to meet men, and not to miss them, was the difficult point in this
trackless region. It was not the case of a high road, where all
travelers must meet in passing each other: at intervals there were
places—defiles, or camping grounds—where both parties might
pass; and watching for these, he came to one in the afternoon, and
decided that, if the party was not killed, it must be there that night.
He halted and encamped; and, as the sun was going down, had the
inexpressible satisfaction to see the four men approaching. The
officer proved to be Lieutenant Gillespie, of the United States
marines, who had been despatched from Washington the November
previous, to make his way by Vera Cruz, the City of Mexico, and
Mazatlan, to Monterey, in Upper California, deliver despatches to the
United States consul there; and then find Mr. Fremont, wherever he
should be.
Carson, in a letter to the Washington Union in June 1847, thus
describes the interview, and the events consequent upon it:
"Mr. Gillespie had brought the Colonel letters from home—the
first he had had since leaving the States the year before—and he
was up, and kept a large fire burning until after midnight; the rest of
us were tired out, and all went to sleep. This was the only night in
all our travels, except the one night on the island in the Salt Lake,
that we failed to keep guard; and as the men were so tired, and we
expected no attack now that we had sixteen in the party, the Colonel
didn't like to ask it of them, but sat up late himself. Owens and I
were sleeping together, and we were waked at the same time by the
licks of the axe that killed our men. At first, I didn't know it was that;
but I called to Basil, who was on that side—'What's the matter
there?—What's that fuss about?'—he never answered, for he was
dead then, poor fellow, and he never knew what killed him—his
head had been cut in, in his sleep; the other groaned a little as he
died. The Delawares (we had four with us) were sleeping at that
fire, and they sprang up as the Tlamaths charged them. One of
them caught up a gun, which was unloaded; but, although he could
do no execution, he kept them at bay, fighting like a soldier, and
didn't give up until he was shot full of arrows—three entering his
heart; he died bravely. As soon as I had called out, I saw it was
Indians in the camp, and I and Owens together cried out 'Indians.'
There were no orders given; things went on too fast, and the
Colonel had men with him that didn't need to be told their duty. The
Colonel and I, Maxwell, Owens, Godey, and Stepp, jumped together,
we six, and ran to the assistance of our Delawares. I don't know
who fired and who didn't; but I think it was Stepp's shot that killed
the Tlamath chief; for it was at the crack of Stepp's gun that he fell.
He had an English half-axe slung to his wrist by a cord, and there
were forty arrows left in his quiver—the most beautiful and warlike
arrows I ever saw. He must have been the bravest man among
them, from the way he was armed, and judging by his cap. When
the Tlamaths saw him fall, they ran; but we lay, every man with his
rifle cocked, until daylight, expecting another attack.
"In the morning we found by the tracks that from fifteen to
twenty of the Tlamaths had attacked us. They had killed three of our
men, and wounded one of the Delawares, who scalped the chief,
whom we left where he fell. Our dead men we carried on mules;
but, after going about ten miles, we found it impossible to get them
any farther through the thick timber, and finding a secret place, we
buried them under logs and chunks, having no way to dig a grave. It
was only a few days before this fight that some of these same
Indians had come into our camp; and, although we had only meat
for two days, and felt sure that we should have to eat mules for ten
or fifteen days to come, the Colonel divided with them, and even
had a mule unpacked to give them some tobacco and knives."
 CHAPTER XXVI.

Those who have not been in similar dangers cannot properly

appreciate the feelings of the survivors, as they watched with their
dead and performed for them the last sad rites. Fremont had lost
Lajeunesse, whom they all loved, and the other two, Crane and the
Delaware Indian, were not less brave than he. The Indians had
watched for Lieutenant Gillespie, but in Fremont's coming up, while
three were taken, more were saved, and the benefit to the country,
and perhaps the safety to Fremont's whole force was secured by the
receipt of the dispatches, and this early rencontre. None had
apprehended danger that night, being, as they erroneously
supposed, far removed from the Tlamath country, and equally far
from the point where they already had encountered and defeated
the red men. The Indians never again found Fremont's party off
guard, for the events of this night proved a serious and melancholy,
as well as a sufficient lesson. That they cherished revenge, is not to
be wondered at, nor that they vowed to seek it at the earliest
opportunity, as it was now known that war had been declared with
Mexico, for such was the tenor of Lieut. Gillespie's information.
Fremont determined to return to California, and choosing to give his
men a chance for revenge before doing so, he traveled around
Tlamath lake, and, camping at a spot nearly opposite where his
three men had been killed, the next morning sent Carson on in
advance, with ten chosen men, and with instructions that, if he
discovered a large Indian village, without being seen himself, he
should send back word, and that he would hasten on with the rest of
the party and give them battle; but if this could not be done, to
attack the village himself, if he thought the chances were equal.
 Of course Carson and his men were parties to this advice,
choosing the situation of danger because only in that way could they
revenge the death of their comrades.
They were not long in finding a trail, which they followed to a
village of fifty lodges, in each of which were probably three warriors.
The village was in commotion, which indicated that they had
discovered Carson and his party; so that no time could be lost, and
Carson and his comrades at once determined to take advantage of
the confusion in which the Indian camp seemed to be, by making a
sudden charge.
The Indians had their families to defend, and were brave in
proportion as that motive is an incentive to activity, therefore the
attack of the white men was received and met with desperation. But
a panic of fear seized them, owing to the suddenness of the attack,
and they fled, leaving behind them all their possessions, while the
victors pursued and shot them down without mercy, and when the
victory was declared complete by their leader Carson, they returned
to the richly-stored village. In all their travels and adventures, they
had never seen an Indian village in which the lodges were more
tasteful in their workmanship and their decorations, or which were
better supplied with utensils of convenience. The wigwams were
woven of the broad leaves of a kind of flag which was highly
combustible. Carson therefore ordered that they should be burned,
having first visited them to see that their contents were so arranged
as to be consumed in the conflagration. The work was completed in
a few moments and Fremont, seeing the smoke, knew that Carson
was engaged with the Indians, and hastened forward to render him
any needed assistance. But he arrived only to hear the report of his
lieutenant, and to have the gloom of the whole party dispelled by
the news of the victory accomplished; and to move on a little for an
encampment, and a talk in regard to their future operations.
The next day all started for the valley of the Sacramento, and
were four days out from their camp when they came to a point on
the river where it passes through a deep cañon, through which the
trail would take them, but Carson advised to avoid this gorge, and
they were wise in doing so, as Tlamath Indians were concealed
there, intending to cut off the party of white men. Disappointed that
they had lost their prey, the Indians came out from this ambush, and
were immediately dispersed by Carson and Godey, and a few others,
who made a charge upon them. But one old Indian, inspired
probably by revenge for some friend lost, stood his ground, and with
several arrows in his mouth waited the attack he courted. Carson
and Godey advanced, and when within shooting distance, were
obliged to dodge rapidly to avoid the arrows leveled at them. The
Indian was behind a tree, and only by cautiously advancing while
dodging the death he was sending from his bow, did Carson gain a
position where he was able to aim a bullet at his heart. The beautiful
bow and still unexhausted quiver that Carson took from this Indian,
he presented to Lieutenant Gillespie on his return to camp.
They were in a locality where game was scarce, not being able
to find any, the whole party went supperless that night and
breakfastless next morning, but the next day they found some
game, and came, after severe traveling for some days longer, safely
in to Peter Lawson's Fort, where they rested and hunted a week,
and then moved lower down on the Sacramento, and again camped.
But his men were restless from inactivity, and Fremont decided it
was no longer wise to wait for positive instructions, as the war was
probably commenced; he therefore sent a part of his force to take
the little town and fort at Sonoma, which had but a weak garrison.
They captured General Vallejos here, with two captains and several
cannon, and a quantity of arms. The whole force united at Sonoma,
and learning that the Mexicans and Americans in the south were
engaged in open hostility, Fremont was preparing to join them,
calling in all the Americans in the vicinity to come to his command,
when a large Mexican force, dispatched by General Castro from San
Francisco, with orders to drive the Americans out of the country,
came into the vicinity, and took prisoners and killed two men, whom
Fremont had sent out as messengers to the American settlers, to
inform them that Sonoma was taken, and that they could fly thither
for safety.
The captain of this party of Mexicans, hearing that Fremont and
his forces were anxious to attack him, lost all courage and fled, to be
pursued by the party of explorers, who followed them closely for six
days, and captured many horses which they had abandoned in their
fright. But finding they could not overtake them, Fremont returned
to Sonoma, and the party of Mexicans continued their march to Los
Angelos, where General Castro joined them.
Around Fremont's party, the American citizens now rallied in
great numbers—nearly all who were in the country—knowing that
their time to aid in its emancipation had arrived. Fremont left a
strong garrison at Sonoma, and went to Sutter's Fort, where he left
his prisoners, General Vallejos and the two captains, and an
American, a brother-in-law of General Vallejos, and having put the
fort under military rules, with all his mountain men, started to take
possession of Monterey. But he had been anticipated in this work by
Commodore Sloat, who was in port with the American squadron, and
who left soon after Fremont's arrival, Commodore Stockton
assuming the command.
While at Sonoma, Fremont and his mountain men, with the
American settlers, had declared the Independence of California, and
assumed the Bear Flag, which he gallantly tendered to Commodore
Sloat, and the flag of the United States was hoisted over his camp.
 CHAPTER XXVII.

With Carson as his constant adviser, as he was now his

acknowledged friend, Fremont here obtained the use of the ship
Cyanne, to convey himself and his command to San Diego, where
they hoped to be able to obtain animals, and march upon the
Mexicans under General Castro, who was then at Los Angelos,
leaving their own for the use of Commodore Stockton and his
marines, who were to meet them at that place.
With the Americans who joined him at San Diego, all of them
pioneers of the true stamp, inured to hardships, hard fare, and
Indian fights, Fremont's command numbered one hundred and fifty
men, who started for Los Angelos, with perfect confidence in their
own success, though the force of the enemy was seven or eight
hundred.
Fremont camped a league from this beautiful town, to await the
arrival of the Commodore, who soon joined him, with "as fine a body
of men as I ever looked upon," to quote Carson's own words, and
the forces thus united, marched at once upon Los Angelos, which
they found deserted, as General Castro dared not risk a battle with
such men as he knew Fremont commanded.
After this, Fremont was appointed Governor of California by
Commodore Stockton, and returned to Monterey and the northern
portion of the country, while the Commodore went to San Diego, as
that was a better port than San Pedro, the port of Los Angelos; and
General Castro returned to the possession of Los Angelos.
 Meantime, Carson, with a force of fifteen men, was dispatched
to make the overland journey to Washington, as the bearer of
important dispatches. He was instructed to make the journey in sixty
days if possible, which he felt sure of being able to accomplish,
though no one knew, better than he did, the difficulties he might
expect to encounter.
When two days out from the copper mines of New Mexico, he
came suddenly upon a village of Apache Indians, which his quick wit
enabled him to elude. He rode forward in his path, as if unmindful of
their presence, and halted in a wood a few yards from the village,
which seemed to disconcert the inhabitants, unused to being
approached with so much boldness, as they had never been treated
in that manner by the Mexicans. He here demanded a parley, which
was granted, and he told them that his party were simply travelers
on the road to New Mexico, and that they had come to their village
for an exchange of animals, as theirs were nearly exhausted.
The Indians were satisfied with his explanation; and Carson,
choosing as his camping-ground a suitable spot for defense, traded
with the Apaches to advantage, and at an early hour on the
following morning resumed his journey, glad to be thus easily rid of
such treacherous, thieving rascals. A few more days of travel
brought him to the Mexican settlements, and near to his own home
and family. The party had been, for some time, short of provisions,
as their haste in traveling did not allow them to stop to hunt, and on
the route—desert much of the way—there had been little game; and
now, with only a little corn which they ate parched, they were glad
of relief, which Carson readily obtained from friends at the first
ranche he entered; for though the country was at war with the
United States, Carson was a Mexican as much as an American,
having chosen their country for his home, and taken a wife from
their people. He was pursuing his course towards Taos, when, across
a broad prairie, he espied a speck moving towards him, which his
eagle eye soon discerned could not belong to the country. As it
neared him, and its form became visible, hastening on, he met an
expedition sent out by the United States Government to operate in
California, under the command of General Kearney, to which officer
he lost no time in presenting himself, and narrated to him his errand,
and the state of affairs in California, with the most graphic fidelity.
Kearney was extremely glad to meet him, and after detaining him as
long as Carson thought it wise to remain, proposed to Carson to
return with him, while he should send the dispatches to Washington
by Mr. Fitzpatrick—with whom Carson had a familiar acquaintance;
and knowing how almost invaluable his services would be to General
Kearney, Carson gave the ready answer, "As the General pleases,"
trusting entirely to his fidelity in the matter, and as the exchange
was a self-denial to him, he had no occasion to weigh the motives
that might influence a man like General Kearney in the affair of the
dispatches, or the good that his presence with them might be to
himself when he should arrive in Washington, but while he would
have been glad to have met his family, he cared for the honor of
having done his duty.
 CHAPTER XXVIII.

On the 18th of October, Gen. Kearney took up his march from

his camp upon the Rio Grande, having Christopher Carson for his
guide, with instructions to lead the party by the most direct route to
California: and so ably did Carson fulfill this official duty, so
unexpectedly imposed upon him, that, with their animals in good
condition still, they camped within the limit of California on the
evening of the third of December, and the next morning advanced
towards San Diego.
But the Mexicans were not unapprised of the approach of
American troops, and spies sent out by General Castro, to meet
Kearney's force, were surprised and brought into camp by a scout
which Carson attended. Compelled to give information, they said
that the Mexican forces under its general, were planning an attack
upon the Americans before they could join their California allies.
Carson, with the understanding he had of Gen. Kearney, and his
knowledge of guerrilla warfare, would have advised another route,
to evade the Mexican troops and avoid a battle, until the weary and
newly arrived soldiery had had some rest, and the assistance and
advice of those who knew the last movements of the Mexicans,
could make a battle more effectual with less of risk than now; but
General Kearney was impatient for an encounter with the stupid
Mexicans, as he deemed them, and only learned by experience that
the Californians were superior to those he had known in other of the
Mexican States, both in courage and natural tact, and in their
military order and discipline, as the story will fully show.
 He kept on his course until he approached within fifteen miles of
the Mexican camp, where he halted, and despatched a party to
reconnoitre. They reported on their return, that the enemy were
strongly fortified in an Indian village; but in making the observation
the scout had been discovered and pursued back to camp.
General Kearney determined to make an immediate attack, and
commenced his march at one o'clock in the morning, with no rest
that night for his animals or for his men; and weary and hungry
before day, when within a mile of Castro's camp, the advance guard
of the Americans came upon the advance guard of the Mexicans,
which had been stationed to prevent a surprise.
This Mexican guard slept in their dress, ready at a five minutes'
warning to mount in their saddles, which were their pillows, while
their horses were tied to feed close around them. The sound of the
trumpet commanded first a rapid trot, then a gallop, and the fifteen
Americans under Captain Johnson with Kit Carson, of course, for his
next officer, had a brisk fight with this Mexican outpost, but failed to
stampede their animals, as each Mexican mounted his own horse
immediately, and the guard drew back into camp. Capt. Johnson and
Carson were now joined by Capt. Moore with twenty five Americans,
a force that had united with Kearney's since he came into California,
when Moore ordered an attack upon the centre of the Mexican force,
in order to divide it, and cause confusion in the Mexican ranks.
The command of forty men were within a hundred yards of the
enemy, and Carson among the foremost, when his horse suddenly
fell and threw its rider, who was not seriously injured; but the stock
of his gun was shivered to splinters, and his position one of
exceeding danger, as the whole body of dragoons went galloping
over him. When he could arise from the ground, he saw a dead
horseman lying near, whom he relieved of gun and cartridge box,
and again mounting his horse, upon whose bridle he had managed
to retain his hold, he was speedily in the thickest of the fight, where
the contest was becoming desperate.
 Capt. Johnson and several of the soldiers in the advance had
already been killed, and probably only the fall of his horse had saved
Carson's life, but he was now able to assist Moore and his men to
dislodge the Mexicans, and oblige them to retreat. The Americans
pursued them, but as there were only forty in the whole of General
Kearney's command who were mounted on horses, and the mules
which were ridden by the rest had become at once unmanageable
when the firing commenced, their success was not complete. The
horses they had were wild, having been captured by Capt. Davidson
and Kit Carson since their arrival in California, from a party of
Mexicans bound for Sonora, so that even Moore's party had become
scattered in the chase, and the pursuit accomplished very little.
The Mexicans immediately discovered the condition of the
Americans, and turning back, recommenced the fight, which had
been nearly a bloodless victory until now, but soon became for the
Americans, a terrible slaughter. Every moment some dragoon yielded
his life to the bullet or the deadly blow of an exasperated Mexican,
and of the forty dragoons on horses thirty were either killed or
severely wounded. Captain Moore, whom Carson calls, "as brave a
man as ever drew the breath of life," was already among the killed.
As fast as the American soldiers could come up, they joined the
battle, but the Mexicans fought with a bravery unsurpassed, and
seemed to carry all before them.
Gen. Kearney now drew his sword, and placed himself at the
head of his remaining forces, and though severely wounded,
attempted to again force the Mexicans to retreat, while Lieutenant
Davidson came up with two mountain howitzers; but before he could
unlimber them for use, the men who were working them were shot
down, and the lasso, thrown with unerring aim, had captured the
horses attached to one of them, and the gun was taken to the ranks
of the enemy, who, for some reason, could not make it go off, or the
American howitzer, at the distance of three hundred yards, would
have done execution against those who had brought it thousands of
miles to this point, to have it turned against them; though
Lieutenant Davidson had nearly lost his life in the attempt to save it,
but to no purpose.
The Americans were now obliged to take refuge at a point of
rocks that offered, near where they had been defeated, for they had
but two officers besides Carson, who were not either killed or
wounded; and here they waited for the Mexicans, but they did not
again venture an attack.
The fighting had continued throughout the entire day; both sides
were weary and spent, and night closed over this scene of battle,
without any positive result to either party. Gen. Kearney must now
attend to the wounded, and all night the camp was occupied in the
sad work of burying its dead, and alleviating the agony of the
sufferers; while, at the same time, a close watch was kept for the
enemy, who were constantly receiving reinforcements, of Indians as
well as Mexicans, from the country around. A council of war was
held, which at once decided it was best to advance toward San
Diego in the morning, with the hope of soon receiving additions to
their forces. Gen. Kearney had dispatched three men to San Diego,
with messages to Commodore Stockton, and before the battle
commenced, they had come back within sight of their comrades,
when they were taken prisoners by the enemy; and whether they
had succeeded in getting through to San Diego, Gen. Kearney did
not know. Early in the morning, the command was again upon its
way, with the following order of march: Carson, with twenty-five still
able-bodied men, formed the advance, and the remainder, a much
crippled band of soldiers, followed in the trail that he had made.
Their march was continued all the morning, in the constant
expectation of an attack from the Mexicans, who were also moving
on, sometimes out of sight in the valleys, and sometimes seen from
the neighboring hills. When the first opportunity occurred, Gen.
Kearney demanded a parley, and arranged to exchange a lieutenant,
whose horse had been shot from under him during the battle, and
who had consequently fallen into the hands of the Americans, for
one of the express messengers the Mexicans were detaining; but it
availed nothing, for the expressman stated that, finding it impossible
to reach San Diego, he and his companions had returned, when they
were captured by the Mexicans.
The Mexicans had been manœuvering all day, and toward
evening, as the Americans were about going into camp by a stream
of water, came down upon them in two divisions, making a vigorous
charge. The Americans were obliged to retire before such vastly
superior numbers, and marched in order to a hill a little distance off,
where they halted to give the Mexicans battle; but the latter, seeing
the advantage of the position, drew off to a neighboring height,
where they commenced and continued a deadly cannonade upon
the Americans. A party of Americans was sent to dislodge them,
which they accomplished, and the whole force of the Americans
went over to occupy that position, as they were compelled to make
a resting place somewhere, because it was no longer possible for
them to continue their march, with the Mexican force ready at any
time to fall upon them. Upon this hill there was barely water enough
for the men, and to take the horses to the stream could not be
thought of, for the Mexicans would surely capture them; nor had
they any food left, except as they killed and ate their mules.
The condition of the party had become extremely desperate, and
the war council that was called, discussed a variety of measures,
equally desperate with their condition, for immediate relief, until,
when the rest had made their propositions, Carson again showed
himself "the right man in the right place," and when all besides were
hopeless, was the salvation of his party. He rose in the council and
said:
"Our case is a desperate one, but there is yet hope. If we stay
here, we are all dead men; our animals cannot last long, and the
soldiers and marines at San Diego do not know of our coming. But if
they receive information of our position, they would hasten to our
rescue. There is no use in thinking why or how we are here, but only
of our present and speedy escape. I will attempt to go through the
Mexican lines, and will then go to San Diego, and send relief from
Commodore Stockton."
 Lieutenant Beale, of the United States Navy, at once seconded
Carson, and volunteered to accompany him.
Lieutenant Beale is now widely known for his valuable services
to the country, and, as an explorer, he has few equals in the world.
The writer is informed that he is now deeply interested in a
wagon road across the country by the route he had just crossed, at
the time of which we write. His life has been full of strange
adventures, since he left the service of the seas.
Gen. Kearney immediately accepted the proposal of Carson and
Lieutenant Beale, as his only hope, and they started at once, as
soon as the cover of darkness was hung around them. Their mission
was to be one of success or of death to themselves, and the whole
force. Carson was familiar with the custom of the Mexicans, as well
as the Indians, of putting their ear to the ground to detect any
sound, and knew, therefore, the necessity of avoiding the slightest
noise. As this was not possible, wearing their shoes, they removed
them, and putting them under their belts, crept on over the bushes
and rocks, with the greatest caution and silence.
They discovered that the Mexicans had three rows of sentinels,
whose beats extended past each other, embracing the hill where
Kearney and his command were held in siege. They were, doubtless,
satisfied that they could not be eluded. But our messengers crept
on, often so near a sentinel as to see his figure and equipment in
the darkness; and once, when within a few yards of them, one of
the sentinels had dismounted and lighted his cigarette with his flint
and steel. Kit Carson seeing this, as he lay flat on the ground, had
put his foot back and touched Lieutenant Beale, a signal to be still as
he was doing. The minutes the Mexican was occupied in this way,
seemed hours to our heroes, who expected they were discovered;
and Carson affirms that they were so still he could hear Lieutenant
Beale's heart pulsate, and in the agony of the time he lived a year.
But the Mexican finally mounted his horse, and rode off in a contrary
direction, as if he were guided by Providence, to give safety to these
courageous adventurers. For full two miles Kit Carson and Lieutenant
Beale thus worked their way along, upon their hands and knees,
turning their eyes in every direction to detect any thing which might
lead to their discovery, and having past the last sentinel, and left the
lines sufficiently behind them, they felt an immeasurable relief in
once more gaining their feet.
But their shoes were gone, and in the excitement of the journey,
neither of them had thought of their shoes since they first put them
in their belts; but they could speak again, and congratulate each
other that the imminent danger was past, and thank heaven that
they had been aided thus far. But there were still abundant
difficulties, as their path was rough with bushes, from the necessity
of avoiding the well-trodden trail lest they be detected; and the
prickly pear covered the ground, and its thorns penetrated their feet
at every step; and their road was lengthened by going around out of
the direct path, though the latter would have shortened their
journey many a weary mile. All the day following they pursued their
journey, and on still, without cessation, into the night following, for
they could not stop until assured that relief was to be furnished to
their anxious and perilous conditioned fellow soldiers.
Carson had pursued so straight a course, and aimed so correctly
for his mark, that they entered the town by the most direct passage,
and answering "friends" to the challenge of the sentinel, it was
known from whence they came, and they were at once conducted to
Commodore Stockton, to whom they related the errand on which
they had come, and the further particulars we have described.
Commodore Stockton immediately detailed a force of nearly two
hundred men, and with his usual promptness, ordered them to seek
their besieged countrymen by forced marches.
They took with them a piece of ordnance, which the men were
obliged to draw themselves, as there were in readiness no animals
to be had. Carson did not return with them, as his feet were in a
terrible condition, and he needed to rest or he might lose them, but
he described the position of General Kearney so accurately, that the
party to relieve him would find him with no difficulty; and yet, if the
Commodore had expressed the wish, he would have undertaken to
conduct the relief party upon its march.
Lieutenant Beale was partially deranged for several days, from
the effects of this severe service, and was sent on board the frigate
lying in port for medical attendance; but he did not fully recover his
former physical health for more than two years; but he never spoke
regretfully of an undertaking, which was not excelled by any feat
performed in the Mexican war.
The reinforcement reached General Kearney without a collision
with the Mexicans, and very soon all marched to San Diego, where
the wounded soldiers received medical attendance.
We have spoken of the superiority of character of the California
Mexicans over that of the inhabitants of the other Mexican States.
The officials appointed at the Mexican capital for this State, were
treated deferentially or cavalierly, as they consulted or disregarded
the wishes of the people, and often it happened that a Governor-
General of California was put on board a ship at Monterey, and
directed to betake himself back to those who sent him.
California was so remote from the headquarters of the general
government, that these things were done with impunity, for it would
have been difficult to send a force into the State that could subdue
it, with its scattered population, and if laws obnoxious to them were
enacted, and they violated them, or expelled an official who
proposed their enforcement, it was quietly overlooked. Managing
their own affairs in this way, a spirit of independence and bold
daring had been cultivated, especially since the time when our story
of California life commenced in Carson's first visit to that State, nor
had the intercourse with Americans hitherto lessened these feelings,
for the California Mexicans admired the Americans, as they called
them, and cultivated good fellowship with them generally; so that
we see when the Bear Flag and Independence of the State became
the order under Fremont and his party, many of its leading citizens
came at once into the arrangement, or were parties in it at the first.
 Had the conquest and government of the country been
conducted wholly by Fremont, it would have exhibited very little
expenditure of life, for conciliation and the cultivation of kindly
feeling was the policy he pursued; indeed, with Carson as prime
counselor, whose wife at home in Taos owned kindred with this
people as one of the same race, how could it have been otherwise!
though as Americans and citizens of the United States, in whose
employ they acted, first allegiance was ever cheerfully accorded to
their country, by Carson equally with Fremont, as the history of
California most fully proves.
The United States forces at San Diego were not in condition to
again take the field, until a number of weeks had elapsed, when a
command of six hundred had been organized for the purpose of
again capturing Los Angelos, where the Mexican forces were
concentrated; and General Kearney and Commodore Stockton were
united in conducting it, and in two days arrived within fifteen miles
of the town, near where the Mexican army, to the number of seven
hundred, had established themselves strongly upon a hill beside
their camp, and between whom and the Americans flowed a stream
of water.
General Kearney ordered two pieces of artillery planted where
they would rake the position of the Mexicans, which soon forced
them to break up their camp, when Gen. Kearney and Commodore
Stockton immediately marched into the town, but only to find it
destitute of any military control, as the Mexican army had gone
northward to meet Col. Fremont, who had left Monterey with a force
of four hundred Americans, to come to Los Angelos.
The Mexicans found Col. Fremont, and laid down their arms to
him, probably preferring to give him the honor of the victory rather
than Gen. Kearney, though if this was or was not the motive, history
now sayeth not. Col. Fremont continued his march and came to Los
Angelos, and as the fighting for the present certainly was over, he
and his men rested here for the winter, where Carson, who had been
rendering all the aid in his power to Gen. Kearney, now gladly joined
his old commander.
The position of the American forces, had the camps been
harmonious, was as comfortable and conducive to happiness during
the winter as it was possible for it to be, and the Mexican citizens of
Los Angelos had been so conciliated, the time might have passed
pleasantly. But, as we have intimated, Gen. Kearney had a general
contempt for the Mexicans, and his position in the camp forbade
those pleasant civilities which had commenced in San Diego before
his arrival, and would have been prosecuted in Los Angelos, to the
advantage of all concerned; for, as many of the men in Fremont's
camp were old residents of the country, and known and respected
by the Mexican citizens, with whom some of them had contracted
intimate social relations, it is not wonderful that the Mexican officers
and soldiers chose to lay down their arms to him and his command.
Fremont had beside, at the instigation of Carson as well as of his
own inclination, taken every reasonable opportunity to gratify their
love of social life, by joining in their assemblies as opportunity
offered; and for this, as well as his magnanimous courage, we can
appreciate their choice in giving him the palm of victory.
 CHAPTER XXIX.

Events transpire rapidly when a country is in a state of

revolution. Early in March of '46 the little party of explorers received
the "first hostile message" from General Castro—the Commandant
General of California—which, though really a declaration of war,
upon a party sent out by the United States Government on a purely
scientific expedition, had been received and acted upon by Fremont
with moderation, and actual war had not been declared until July,
when Sonoma was taken, and the flag of Independence hoisted on
the fourth of that month, and Fremont elected Governor of
California.
While hearing indefinitely of these events, Commodore Sloat,
who, with the vessels belonging to his command, was lying at
Monterey, had hoisted the flag of the United States over that city,
anticipating any command to do so on the part of his government,
and anticipating also the action of the commander of the British ship
of war, sent for a similar purpose, which arrived at Monterey on the
19th of July, under the command of Sir George Seymour; one of
whose officers, in a book published by him after his return to
England, describes the entrance of Fremont and his party into
Monterey as follows:
"During our stay in Monterey," says Mr. Walpole, "Captain
Fremont and his party arrived. They naturally excited curiosity. Here
were true trappers, the class that produced the heroes of Fennimore
Cooper's best works. These men had passed years in the wilds,
living upon their own resources; they were a curious set. A vast
cloud of dust appeared first, and thence in long file emerged this
wildest wild party. Fremont rode ahead, a spare, active-looking man,
with such an eye! He was dressed in a blouse and leggings, and
wore a felt hat. After him came five Delaware Indians, who were his
body-guard, and have been with him through all his wanderings;
they had charge of two baggage horses. The rest, many of them
blacker than the Indians, rode two and two, the rifle held by one
hand across the pommel of the saddle. Thirty-nine of them are his
regular men, the rest are loafers picked up lately; his original men
are principally backwoodsmen, from the State of Tennessee and the
banks of the upper waters of the Missouri. He has one or two with
him who enjoy a high reputation in the prairies. Kit Carson is as well
known there as 'the Duke' is in Europe. The dress of these men was
principally a long loose coat of deer skin, tied with thongs in front;
trowsers of the same, of their own manufacture, which, when wet
through, they take off, scrape well inside with a knife, and put on as
soon as dry; the saddles were of various fashions, though these and
a large drove of horses, and a brass field-gun, were things they had
picked up about California. They are allowed no liquor, tea and sugar
only; this, no doubt, has much to do with their good conduct; and
the discipline, too, is very strict. They were marched up to an open
space on the hills near the town, under some large fires, and there
took up their quarters, in messes of six or seven, in the open air. The
Indians lay beside their leader. One man, a doctor, six feet six high,
was an odd-looking fellow. May I never come under his hands!"
Commodore Stockton had arrived the same day with Fremont
and Carson and their command, and under him Fremont had been
appointed General in Chief of the California forces, with Carson for
his first Lieutenant; Stockton assuming the civil office of Governor of
the country. This had been deemed a measure of necessity, from the
fact that the California Mexicans had not yet learned, from the
Mexican authorities, the actual declaration of war between the
United States and Mexico; and therefore looked upon the operations
of the Americans as the acts of adventurers for their own
aggrandizement; and yet, with all the intensity of feeling such ideas
aroused, Fremont and Carson had won their admiration and their
hearts, by the rapidity of their movements, their sudden and
effective blows, and the effort by dispatch to avoid all cruelty and
bloodshed as far as possible.
In this way had San Diego, San Pedro, Los Angelos, Santa
Barbara, and the whole country, as the Mexican authorities declared,
come into the possession of Commodore Stockton and General
Fremont, as a conquered territory, taken in behalf of the United
States; and the whole work been completed in about sixty days from
the time the first blow was struck; and when all was accomplished,
and the conquest complete, Carson started upon his errand to
communicate the intelligence to the general government at
Washington; with the knowledge that all the leading citizens of
California, native as well as the American settlers, were friendly to
Fremont, and on his account to Commodore Stockton.
During the three months of Carson's absence, events had
transpired that made it necessary to do this work over again,
resulting in a measure from the indiscretions of American officers,
which induced insurrection on the part of the Mexicans. The arrival
of General Kearney with United States troops still further excited
them, and produced results which were everything but pleasant to
Fremont and Commodore Stockton, the details of which we forbear
to give, simply saying that Carson's regard for Fremont showed itself
by his return to his service, and doing all that he could to forward his
interests, and in his often attending him in his excursions. Fremont's
command was an independent battalion; and concerning the last
and final contest, General Kearney thus wrote to the War
Department:
"This morning, Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont, of the regiment of
mounted riflemen, reached here with four hundred volunteers from
the Sacramento; the enemy capitulated with him yesterday, near
San Fernando, agreeing to lay down their arms; and we have now
the prospect of having peace and quietness in this country, which I
hope may not be interrupted again."
 It was during Carson's absence, en route for Washington, that
Fremont accomplished the most extraordinary feat of physical
energy and endurance ever recorded. We find it in the "National
Intelligencer," of November 22, 1847, and quote it entire, as
illustrating not only the physical powers of human endurance
produced by practice and culture, but the wonderful sagacity and
enduring qualities of the California horses:

"The Extraordinary Ride of Lieut. Col.

Fremont, his friend Don Jesus Pico, and his
Servant, Jacob Dodson, from Los Angelos to
Monterey and Back in March, 1847.
"This extraordinary ride of 800 miles in eight days, including all
stoppages and near two days' detention—a whole day and a night at
Monterey, and nearly two half days at San Luis Obispo—having been
brought into evidence before the Army Court Martial now in session
in this city, and great desire being expressed by some friends to
know how the ride was made, I herewith send you the particulars,
that you may publish them, if you please, in the National
Intelligencer, as an incident connected with the times and affairs
under review in the trial, of which you give so full a report. The
circumstances were first got from Jacob, afterwards revised by Col.
Fremont, and I drew them up from his statement.
"The publication will show, besides the horsemanship of the
riders, the power of the California horse, especially as one of the
horses was subjected, in the course of the ride, to an extraordinary
trial, in order to exhibit the capacity of his race. Of course this
statement will make no allusion to the objects of the journey, but be
confined strictly to its performance.
"It was at daybreak on the morning of the 22d of March, that
the party set out from La Ciudad de los Angelos (the city of the
Angels) in the southern part of Upper California, to proceed, in the
shortest time, to Monterey on the Pacific coast, distant full four
hundred miles. The way is over a mountainous country, much of it
uninhabited, with no other road than a trace, and many defiles to
pass, particularly the maritime defile of el Rincon or Punto Gordo,
fifteen miles in extent, made by the jutting of a precipitous mountain
into the sea, and which can only be passed when the tide is out and
the sea calm, and then in many places through the waves. The
towns of Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo, and occasional
ranches, are the principal inhabited places on the route. Each of the
party had three horses, nine in all, to take their turns under the
saddle. The six loose horses ran ahead, without bridle or halter, and
required some attention to keep to the track. When wanted for a
change, say at the distance of twenty miles, they were caught by
the lasso, thrown either by Don Jesus or the servant Jacob, who,
though born in Washington, in his long expeditions with Col.
Fremont, had become as expert as a Mexican with the lasso, as sure
as the mountaineer with the rifle, equal to either on horse or foot,
and always a lad of courage and fidelity.
"None of the horses were shod, that being a practice unknown
to the Californians. The most usual gait was a sweeping gallop. The
first day they ran one hundred and twenty-five miles, passing the
San Fernando mountain, the defile of the Rincon, several other
mountains, and slept at the hospitable ranche of Don Thomas
Robberis, beyond the town of Santa Barbara. The only fatigue
complained of in this day's ride, was in Jacob's right arm, made tired
by throwing the lasso, and using it as a whip to keep the loose
horses to the track.
"The next day they made another one hundred and twenty-five
miles, passing the formidable mountain of Santa Barbara, and
counting upon it the skeletons of some fifty horses, part of near
double that number which perished in the crossing of that terrible
mountain by the California battalion, on Christmas day, 1846, amidst
a raging tempest, and a deluge of rain and cold more killing than
that of the Sierra Nevada—the day of severest suffering, say
Fremont and his men, that they have ever passed. At sunset, the
party stopped to sup with the friendly Capt. Dana, and at nine at
night San Luis Obispo was reached, the home of Don Jesus, and
where an affecting reception awaited Lieutenant-Colonel Fremont, in
consequence of an incident which occurred there that history will
one day record; and he was detained till 10 o'clock in the morning
receiving the visits of the inhabitants, (mothers and children
included,) taking a breakfast of honor, and waiting for a relief of
fresh horses to be brought in from the surrounding country. Here the
nine horses from Los Angelos were left, and eight others taken in
their place, and a Spanish boy added to the party to assist in
managing the loose horses.
"Proceeding at the usual gait till eight at night, and having made
some seventy miles, Don Jesus, who had spent the night before with
his family and friends, and probably with but little sleep, became
fatigued, and proposed a halt for a few hours. It was in the valley of
the Salinas (salt river called Buenaventura in the old maps,) and the
haunt of marauding Indians. For safety during their repose, the party
turned off the trace, issued through a cañon into a thick wood, and
laid down, the horses being put to grass at a short distance, with the
Spanish boy in the saddle to watch. Sleep, when commenced, was
too sweet to be easily given up, and it was half way between
midnight and day, when the sleepers were aroused by an estampedo
among the horses, and the calls of the boy. The cause of the alarm
was soon found, not Indians, but white bears—this valley being their
great resort, and the place where Col. Fremont and thirty-five of his
men encountered some hundred of them the summer before, killing
thirty upon the ground.
"The character of these bears is well known, and the bravest
hunters do not like to meet them without the advantage of numbers.
On discovering the enemy, Col. Fremont felt for his pistols, but Don
Jesus desired him to lie still, saying that 'people could scare bears;'
and immediately hallooed at them in Spanish, and they went off.
Sleep went off also; and the recovery of the horses frightened by the
bears, building a rousing fire, making a breakfast from the
hospitable supplies of San Luis Obispo, occupied the party till
daybreak, when the journey was resumed. Eighty miles, and the
afternoon brought the party to Monterey.
"The next day, in the afternoon, the party set out on their
return, and the two horses rode by Col. Fremont from San Luis
Obispo, being a present to him from Don Jesus, he (Don Jesus)
desired to make an experiment of what one of them could do. They
were brothers, one a grass younger than the other, both of the same
color, (cinnamon,) and hence called el cañalo, or los cañalos, (the
cinnamon or the cinnamons.) The elder was to be taken for the trial;
and the journey commenced upon him at leaving Monterey, the
afternoon well advanced. Thirty miles under the saddle done that
evening, and the party stopped for the night. In the morning, the
elder cañalo was again under the saddle for Col. Fremont, and for
ninety miles he carried him without a change, and without apparent
fatigue. It was still thirty miles to San Luis Obispo, where the night
was to be passed, and Don Jesus insisted that cañalo could do it,
and so said the horse by his looks and action. But Col. Fremont
would not put him to the trial, and, shifting the saddle to the
younger brother, the elder was turned loose to run the remaining
thirty miles without a rider. He did so, immediately taking the lead
and keeping it all the way, and entering San Luis in a sweeping
gallop, nostrils distended, snuffing the air, and neighing with
exultation at his return to his native pastures; his younger brother all
the time at the head of the horses under the saddle, bearing on his
bit, and held in by his rider. The whole eight horses made their one
hundred and twenty miles each that day, (after thirty the evening
before,) the elder cinnamon making ninety of his under the saddle
that day, besides thirty under the saddle the evening before; nor
was there the least doubt that he would have done the whole
distance in the same time if he had continued under the saddle.
"After a hospitable detention of another half a day at San Luis
Obispo, the party set out for Los Angelos, on the same nine horses
which they had rode from that place, and made the ride back in
about the same time they had made it up, namely, at the rate of 125
miles a day.
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