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every one that they were absolutely innocent. But the Neapolitan
Government was by no means out of its difficulties. It was pointed
out that as two innocent men had been imprisoned for nine months,
and treated with great barbarity during the greater part of the time,
they were entitled to an indemnity which was fixed at £3000. Worse
was to follow, for, egged on by the Sardinian Government, the British
Government put forward a demand that the Cagliari should be
surrendered on the ground that its capture had been illegally
effected. Both these demands were refused, and finally, in May,
1858, a special messenger was sent to Naples instructing Lyons to
leave unless within ten days the Neapolitan Government consented
to accept mediation, and stating that England would make common
cause with Sardinia under certain circumstances.
The message could not have been an agreeable one to deliver, and
what the Neapolitan Government disliked more than anything else
was the appearance of yielding to Sardinia. 'Ah! s'il n'y avait que
l'Angleterre!' had always been the expression used by Signor Carafa;
but his Government had placed itself hopelessly in the wrong, and
Lyons was able to report that the indemnity would be paid, and that
the Cagliari had been placed 'at his disposal.' It was an additional
satisfaction to him to add that: 'Far from threatening, I did not even
go so far as my instructions warranted, for I did not say that His
Majesty's Government proposed that the mediator should retire at
the end of three months, nor did I tell Signor Carafa that I was
myself ordered to go back to Rome if the mediation should be
refused at the expiration of ten days.'
In spite of the unpleasant nature of this affair, Lyons contrived to
remain on the very best of terms with the Neapolitan Ministers with
whom he had to deal, and Lord Malmesbury was so favourably
impressed with his tact and skill that he at once appointed him
Minister at Florence. His professional future was now assured; but
far greater honours were in store for him, for in November, 1858,
came the offer of the Washington Legation, an offer which, with
characteristic modesty, he accepted with considerable misgivings as
to his competence. Nor could it be said that success had arrived with
unusual rapidity, for he was already forty-one.
In the same month he succeeded to the peerage on the death of his
father. His mother had died some years previously; his brother had
perished in the Crimea, and the only remaining near relatives were
his two sisters, one of whom was married to the Duke of Norfolk,
and the other to a Bavarian gentleman, Baron von Würtzburg.
 CHAPTER II

WASHINGTON

(1859-1860)
In February, 1859, Lord Lyons, accompanied by some members of
his staff (a novelty to one who hitherto had been obliged to work
unaided) was despatched to Washington in H.M.S. Curaçoa, and
owing to the limited coal capacity of that vessel, the voyage
occupied no less than forty-two days, a period which must have
been singularly disagreeable to a man who in spite of some years'
naval service always suffered from sea sickness. The new Minister
was received with marked courtesy by the U.S. authorities, and
presented his letter of credence on April 12, Mr. Buchanan being
President at the time, and General Cass occupying the position of
Secretary of State.
Although the Presidential message of the previous December had
contained some rather ominous passages with regard to the
relations between England and the United States, the sentiments
now expressed were friendly in character and showed a disposition
to settle pending difficulties in an amicable spirit.
The first letter of importance addressed by Lord Lyons to Lord
Malmesbury deals with the effect produced in the United States by
the outbreak of war between France and Austria.
 Washington, May 24, 1859.

I had intended to write a despatch respecting the effect

produced in the U.S. by the War in Europe, but we are so short
of hands in the Chancery, that it is as much as we have been
able to do to get through the regular matters of business which
must be treated officially. I can however give you in a very few
words an account of the state of feeling here, which is probably
just what you would have expected it to be.
The sympathies are all with France and against Austria, but they
do not seem very strong; one sentiment however does appear
to be both strong and universal—the desire to take advantage
of the state of things in Europe to carry out American Views on
this side of the Atlantic; in short to get hold of Mexico and
Cuba. The present wish of the President is, I think, both to be
and to appear to be on the best terms with us. He is careful to
vindicate us, in the newspaper which is his organ, against all
imputation of insincerity in Central American Affairs. The
Departments are particularly attentive to all the smaller matters
I have to bring before them, and apparently anxious to do what
I ask. But here I am afraid the practical effect of their goodwill
is likely to end. The Government is so weak that I do not think it
would venture, even in a small matter, to do anything for us
which would expose it to the least unpopularity. I feel my way
cautiously, endeavouring to be very plain and firm upon clear
British Questions, and to avoid doubtful topics as much as
possible.
The immediate object of the President with regard to Mexico
appears to be to avoid the ridicule which would be heaped upon
him if the Government of Juarez were to fall immediately after
the American Cabinet had at last made up their mind to
recognize it. Instructions are, I am told, on the point of being
sent to Mr. McLane to negotiate a treaty with Mexico, partly, it is
 said, with the object of giving Juarez a little moral support,
partly perhaps to get so advantageous a Treaty from him, as to
engage public opinion here to declare itself more strongly in
favour of his being upheld by the U.S. Whether Mr. McLane will
be instructed (as Mr. Forsyth was) to propose to purchase part
of the Mexican territory, I am unable to say.
I am very much obliged by your sending out Mr. Warre, and am
impatiently expecting him. It is absolutely necessary to have a
good man here to direct the Chancery; I think too this mission
would be a very good school for a young man who really wished
to learn his business, and I should welcome any one who was
industrious, and wrote a thoroughly good legible hand.
It is particularly desirable that the Staff should be complete,
because if the Minister is to have any knowledge of the Country
and people, it is indispensable that he should visit, from time to
time, the principal cities. This is not like a European State, in
which politics and business are centred in the Capital, and can
be studied more advantageously there than elsewhere. No
political men make Washington their principal residence, in fact
they cannot do so, as it sends no members to Congress, either
to the Senate or the House of Representatives. Commerce it has
none. It is in fact little more than a large village—and when
Congress is not sitting it is a deserted village.

Another letter dated May 30, shows that he was under no illusion as
to the feelings entertained by a large section of the American public,
while fully conscious of the difficulties with which the United States
Government, however well intentioned, was forced to contend.

Lord Lyons to Lord Malmesbury.

 Washington, May 30, 1859.

You will anticipate from my private letter of the 24th my answer

to your inquiry as to what would be the animus of this
Government if England became involved in the present war.
The first notion both of Government and People would be to
take advantage of the circumstance to take their full swing upon
this side of the Atlantic, and especially so far as the people are
concerned to get hold of Cuba and Mexico. The wiser heads see
very distinctly the imprudence of fresh acquisitions of territory,
and the great danger to the Union of introducing large Bodies of
Citizens of Spanish and mixed Races. I believe this to be the
feeling of the present Administration, but no administration
disregards the popular cry.
So far as I can learn, the American acquisitiveness is directed
rather South than North, and is disposed to be content for the
present, with what is most easy to lay hold of. Except on the
part of the most rancorous of the Irish here there does not
appear to be much desire of exciting disturbances in Canada or
any of our Colonies.
I think that if we were engaged in war the Americans would be
(particularly with reference to neutral rights at sea) punctilious,
exacting and quarrelsome to a degree. There is hardly any
amount of violence to which a captain of an American man of
war, if he were clearly in superior force, might not be expected
to resort, in order to prevent American merchantmen being
interfered with. And however outrageous in itself and opposed
to International Law the conduct of the American officers might
be, it would meet with enthusiastic applause from the multitude,
and consequently the Government would not dare to disavow it.
This admiration of bullying and violent proceedings on their own
side, which appears to be universal among the populace here,
and the want of firmness on the part of the Government in
withstanding it, seem to me to constitute some of the greatest
difficulties we should have to contend with in keeping at peace
with America when we were at war with other Powers.
I do not think the general sympathies of the Americans need be
taken much into the account. The violent feelings aroused at
particular conjunctures by the events of the war, or by special
matters of dispute, are what will sway the mob, and therefore
control the Government. The upper classes here have certainly
in general a strong sympathy with England; they are proud of
her position in the world, they are anxious for her good opinion,
they admire her political institutions, and are extremely
discontented with those of their own country. But the upper
classes keep aloof from political life, and have little influence in
public affairs. The mass of the Irish Emigrants appear to regard
England with bitter hatred, their numbers give them weight in
elections, but their moral power is small. I should hardly say
that the Bulk of the American people are hostile to the old
country but I think they would rather enjoy seeing us in
difficulties. Those even who are most friendly like to gratify their
pride by the idea of our being reduced to straits and of their
coming to our rescue.
I conceive that the wish both of Government and people would
certainly at first be to remain neutral, and reap all the
advantages to their commerce which could not fail to result
from that situation, and their interest in remaining at peace with
us is so apparent and so immense, that it could not fail to tell
for some time. But the People are irritable, excitable, and have a
great longing to play the part of a first-rate power.
The Government would no doubt endeavour to maintain
neutrality, but it would follow public feeling, and probably
become exacting, captious, and (to use a term more expressive
than classical) 'bumptious' to a very irritating extent. A great
deal would depend upon firmness on our side. If they thought
they could attain their ends by threats and bluster, there would
be no limit to their pretensions. Perhaps the best way to deal
 with them would be to gratify their vanity by treating them in
matters of form as great people, being careful to communicate
with them respecting our views and intentions in something the
same manner as if they were really a considerable military
power: to avoid interfering in matters in which we are not
sufficiently interested to make it worth while to raise serious
questions, and above all in matters directly affecting British
interests and British Rights to be clear and distinct in our
language, and firm and decided in our conduct, to convince
them that when we are in the right and in earnest, we are more
unyielding, not less so than formerly—in short to avoid as much
as possible raising questions with them, but not to give way
upon those we raise.
I need not remind you that these are the crude ideas of a man
who has been only seven weeks in the country, and who has
necessarily passed them in a small, and at this season, almost
deserted town, which is merely the nominal Capital.
I am anxiously looking out for Mr. Warre, whose arrival you
announce that I may soon expect. It would add much to the
efficiency of the Mission, and be a great comfort to me to have
an additional unpaid attaché, provided he were industrious,
desirous to improve, and capable of writing a good hand.

The change of Government which took place in England during the

summer substituted Lord John Russell for Lord Malmesbury at the
Foreign Office, and following the example of his predecessor, Lord
John desired to be supplied with confidential information by private
letters.

Lord Lyons to Lord John Russell.

 Washington, July 11, 1859.
At present the President and his Cabinet appear to desire both
to be, and to be thought by the Public to be on the best terms
with us. They are however so weak in Congress, that I doubt
whether they would venture to do anything for us which would
be the least unpopular. It is not therefore to be hoped that they
will make any effort to open to us the Coasting Trade, to extend
the provisions of the Reciprocity Treaty with Canada, to make a
Copyright Convention, or, in short, take any liberal course in
commercial matters. Nor indeed is it likely to be in their power
to carry any measures tending to put us on equal terms with
themselves in these respects. The Democratic spirit in this
country appears to be all in favour of Protection and Exclusive
Privileges. Happily the interest of the South is against a high
Customs Tariff; and this checks the Protectionist Tendencies of
the Manufacturing North.
Mr. Dallas will have communicated to you the Statement which
has been for months preparing here, of the views of this
Government respecting neutral rights. The Cabinet, I
understand, hope that they shall obtain great credit with the
people for their efforts to establish American views on this
point. They are very anxious to obtain our co-operation, and
imagine, I think, that they may induce us to claim now
concessions to Neutrals which would result in being a
considerable restraint to our assertion for ourselves of
Belligerent rights if we should become involved in war.
I think that our Relations with the U.S. require more than ever—
at this moment—caution and firmness. Caution—to avoid raising
questions with them, without a positive necessity; firmness—to
make them feel that they cannot take advantage of the State of
affairs in Europe to obtain undue advantages in matters directly
affecting British Interests or British Rights. For my own part I
endeavour to speak firmly and distinctly upon all matters which
 fall within the proper province of the British Minister in this
country and to avoid all doubtful topics.
* * * * *
The Americans, both Government and People, are I think very
much pleased by attentions and civilities, and very prone to
fancy themselves slighted. This quality may be sometimes
turned to good account, and should certainly be borne in mind
when it is necessary to keep them in good humour.

One of the many questions which had for some time engaged the
attention of the two Governments was the disputed ownership of the
island of San Juan on the Pacific coast, and this case afforded an
instance in which the Government of the United States was
hampered by an agent whom it was not inclined to disavow. The
culprit was a certain General Harney who in a high-handed manner
occupied the island without authorization, and conducted himself in
a generally offensive manner, but although President Buchanan was
considerably embarrassed by his action, he was too much afraid of
the press and the mob to order the withdrawal of the troops. For
some time there appeared to be a chance of an actual collision, and
Lord John Russell showed considerable irritation.

Lord John Russell to Lord Lyons.

Abergeldie, Sept. 21, 1859.

The affair of San Juan is very annoying. It is of the nature of the

U.S. citizens to push themselves where they have no right to go,
and it is of the nature of the U.S. Government not to venture to
disavow acts they cannot have the face to approve.
 The best way perhaps would be that we should seize some
other island to which we have as little right as the Americans to
San Juan. But until we know the answer of the American
Government to your note and the proceedings of Governor
Douglas, we can hardly give you instructions.
If you could contrive a convention with the U.S. by which each
Power should occupy San Juan for three or six months, each to
protect person and property till the boundary question is settled,
it will be the best arrangement that can be made for the
present.

As a matter of fact the U.S. Government showed itself more

reasonable than had been expected: a superior officer, General
Scott, was sent to settle matters, Harney, to use Lord John Russell's
expression, was 'left in the mud,' and after a joint occupation and
protracted negotiations the question of the ownership of San Juan
was referred to the arbitration of the King of Prussia, who gave his
award in favour of the United States some years later.
San Juan, however, was but one amongst a multitude of questions
requiring solution, and the great difficulty which Lord Lyons had to
contend with was—to use his own words, 'The idea that, happen
what may, England will never really declare war with this country has
become so deeply rooted that I am afraid nothing short of actual
hostilities would eradicate it.' One of these questions concerned the
Slave Trade.

Lord Lyons to Lord John Russell.

Dec 6, 1859.
You will see by my despatches of this date, that there is very
little prospect of any satisfactory result from our remonstrance
concerning the Slave Trade. Lamentable as it is, I am afraid the
President goes beyond public opinion already in the measures
he takes against it. In the South the rendering it legal has many
avowed advocates, and it is to be feared that some of the
professed Abolitionists of the North derive too much profit from
dabbling themselves in the trade to desire any efficient
measures for its suppression. The greater part of the vessels
engaged in it seem to be fitted out at New York. The state of
feeling at this moment in the South upon the whole question of
slavery is shocking. The Harper's Ferry affair seems to have
excited Southern passions to an indescribable degree. The
dissolution of the Confederation is but one of the measures
which are loudly advocated. There are plans for the re-
enslavement of all the emancipated negroes and for the purging
the South of all whites suspected of Abolitionist tendencies. The
difficulty which we shall have in obtaining decent treatment for
coloured British subjects will be almost insuperable.
Another source of trouble between us and the Southern States
may arise from the measures which they are taking to drive out
all persons suspected of unorthodox notions on slavery, and the
orthodox notion seems to be that slavery is a divine institution.
In many parts of the South, Vigilance Committees are formed
who turn people out at a moment's notice, without any pretext
even of law. If any attempt is made to treat British subjects in
this manner, I trust you will approve of my encouraging the
Consuls to insist upon the law being observed in their case, and
to resist any endeavour to inflict banishment or any other
penalty upon an Englishman, except in due form of law. But it
will require a great deal of prudence and discretion to act in
each case, for a fair trial is a thing impossible in this country of
election judges and partisan juries when party feeling is excited,
and any redress we may exact for the wrong to England, will be
too late for the individual in the hands of Lynch Law Assassins.
 The great hope is that the excitement is too violent to last, but
before it subsides, it may do incalculable harm to these states
and raise very painful and awkward questions for us.

If the hope expressed in the last paragraph was fallacious, the

forebodings as to the possible tribulations of British subjects proved
before long to be only too well founded.
Asked by Lord John Russell for his opinion on the position of affairs
in Mexico, he points out inter alia, that—

The actual annexation of Mexico to this Confederation raises

immediately one of those questions between the Northern and
Southern States which have already gone a great way to
dissolve the Union altogether. The Southern States desire the
addition of territory south, with a view to extending slavery and
adding to the Pro-Slavery votes in the U.S. Senate. To this the
North is conscientiously opposed on religious grounds, to say
nothing of the indignation it feels at the notion of its own vast
superiority in wealth and population being swamped in the
Senate. Even now, since every State sends equally two
senators, whatever may be its population, the North has not the
influence it ought to have in the Senate which is the more
important branch of the Legislature. As the religious sentiment
in the North approaches very nearly to fanaticism, and as the
Southern feeling on the point has become furious passion, there
is little chance of their coming to an agreement upon a matter
which calls these feelings into play. In this particular question
the South have on their side the national vanity which seems
always childishly gratified by any addition to the already
enormous extent of the territory. In the meantime the course of
events seems to be bringing about the gradual annexation of
Mexico. The Mexicans in the northern part of their country have
fallen to that point, that they can neither maintain order on the
frontier nor hold their own against the savage Indians within it.
They will (to use an American expression) be 'squatted out' of
 their country whenever and wherever any considerable number
of the more energetic race choose to settle. But this is a very
different thing from the sudden incorporation of a vast territory
and of a large population totally different in race, language,
religion and feeling, and (so far as the experiment has been
tried) utterly incapable of maintaining order among themselves
under the U.S. system of government. All the wiser and more
conservative politicians in this country deprecate as an
unmitigated evil the sudden annexation of Mexico; nor are such
men willing to undertake a protectorate of Mexico. This they say
would be an enormous innovation upon their whole political
system which has never admitted of any other connexion than
that of perfectly equal sovereign states, bound by a Federal tie
on terms the same for all.

The Presidential Message of December, 1859, was noticeable for an

earnest appeal to the North and South to cultivate feelings of mutual
forbearance.
The message also made clear the policy of the President towards
Mexico; in accordance with the principles of the Monroe doctrine,
European intervention in that country was repudiated, and American
intervention recommended.
A passage referring to San Juan while obviously intended to
exculpate General Harney, paid a handsome tribute to the
moderation and discretion shown by the British Admiral (Baynes)
commanding on the Pacific station; and the President in
conversation expressed the hope that the approaching close of his
administration would leave 'a clear score' with England. No doubt
President Buchanan was sincere in his expressions, but
unfortunately, early in 1860, signs were not wanting, that in the
distracted state of the country owing to the rising passions between
North and South, many people believed that a foreign war would be
the best means of promoting unity, nor was there much doubt as to
which foreign country would be selected for the experiment.
Washington has already been disrespectfully alluded to as little
better than a large village, and as bearing little resemblance to an
ordinary capital, but it is evident that Lord Lyons found plenty of
enjoyment there. He was on excellent terms personally with the
State officials and his diplomatic colleagues; liked the members of
his staff, and above all rejoiced in the fact that there was plenty of
work to be done—a good deal more, indeed, than the ordinary
person would have approved of. One of his few complaints is that he
is much beset by the inventors of implements of war. 'I have not the
slightest knowledge practical or theoretical respecting implements of
war, and should consequently never be justified in recommending
one more than another to the authorities at home. I absolutely
decline to see, touch, or have brought into my house any explosive
material, I should not feel easy at having even in a garret such a box
as you (the Consul at New York) have received for Her Majesty. I
should be inclined to ask for authority from England to sink it in the
Atlantic Ocean.'
'I am getting on tolerably well here, I hope, on the whole, and have
no complaints to make of the Americans,' he admits in letters to
other correspondents, and adds: 'I am afraid marriage is better
never than late. The American women are undoubtedly very pretty,
but my heart is too old and too callous to be wounded by their
charms. I am not going to be married either to the fascinating
accomplished niece of the President, or to the widow of a late
Foreign Minister, or to any other maiden or relict to whom I am
given by the newspapers.'
These sentiments sound rather rash even at the age of forty-two,
but they remained unchanged. It would be incorrect to describe him
as a misogynist, but he successfully withstood all attempts to marry
him. In after years, an exalted personage (neither Queen Victoria
nor the Empress Eugenie) was so insistent upon the advisability of
his espousing one of her ladies-in-waiting, that she eventually
couched her proposal in the form of an ultimatum. Lord Lyons asked
for and obtained a delay of twenty-four hours, and decided upon
consideration to refuse. In view of an event which occurred not long
afterwards the decision proved to be a prudent one, and probably
confirmed him in the suspicions which he appeared to entertain of
the opposite sex.
It had been decided that the Prince of Wales should make a tour in
Canada in the summer of 1860, and the Duke of Newcastle, at that
time Colonial Secretary, consulted Lord Lyons as to the advisability of
H.R.H. paying a visit to America. The latter, upon consideration,
pronounced in favour of it. He did not arrive at this decision without
some hesitation. It was feared by persons of experience that the
disaffected Irish in New York and elsewhere might make themselves
disagreeable; the Prince's time was limited, and he would obviously
be unable to make an extended tour, and so might involuntarily
cause offence, whilst it was highly probable that the necessity for
preserving a strictly non-official character might also give rise to
difficulties.
On the other hand, President Buchanan extended an invitation in
such cordial terms that it would have been ungracious to decline.
Lord Lyons joined the Prince of Wales in Canada in August, and the
tour must have been an agreeable change even to a person of his
sedentary inclinations. Since his arrival at Washington, fifteen
months before, he had never slept or been six miles outside the
town. 'Whenever,' he explains to a friend, 'I have planned a journey,
I have been stopped by invasions of islands in the Pacific or some
other "difficulty" as a dispute is called here.' It may be surmised,
however, that such obstacles were much less objectionable to him
than they would have been to any one else; he hated travel, openly
avowed that he loathed sight-seeing, and welcomed the opportunity
of 'getting Niagara and the Lakes done this way; it will be a good
thing over.'
It was eventually decided that the Prince's visit to the States should
take place in September, and the announcement was not only
received with unbounded satisfaction, but caused prodigious
excitement. 'The President was moved from the usual staid
solemnity of his demeanour by his gratification at receiving an
answer from Her Majesty written with her own hand. At the close of
our interview he hurried off with it in great delight (no doubt to
show it to his niece) saying: "It is indeed something to have an
autograph letter from Queen Victoria!"[2] Nor was the President's
gratification confined to the family circle, for he asked and obtained
permission to publish the royal letter which had afforded so much
satisfaction. As soon as the news became known invitations of every
kind at once began to pour in from all quarters, and offerings of the
most varied description made their appearance at the Legation,
which included such objects as equestrian sugar statues of H.R.H.,
pots of ointment for the Queen, books of sermons for "Baron
Renfrew," and a set of plates for the "Prince of Whales."
Innumerable requests arrived too for interviews, autographs, and
mementos, amongst which may be cited an application for a
photograph from a citizen of Lowell "for his virgin wife."'
It was, of course, unfortunately necessary to decline the invitations,
for the itinerary had been settled beforehand, and it had been wisely
decided that the Prince should never stay with any private individual,
but always be lodged at an hotel at his own expense, that he should
refuse to receive addresses and deputations, and should neither
hear nor make public speeches. It was also considered desirable that
receptions of British subjects should not be encouraged, and that he
should not attend any demonstration of his fellow-countrymen so as
not to excite any feeling of jealousy.
As for the gifts which were proffered in great profusion, they were
regretfully declined in accordance with the usual practice of the
Royal Family.
In spite of the nominally private character of the Prince of Wales's
tour in the United States, most careful arrangements were found to
be necessary wherever he made a stay. At New York, in particular,
which city appears to be, beyond all others, interested in Royal
personages, the programme could hardly have been of a more
elaborate nature had an Emperor been visiting an Imperial Sire and
Brother; even the ladies with whom H.R.H. was expected to dance,
having been selected long in advance. The chief difficulty in New
York and elsewhere seems to have been the prohibition of speeches
at banquets. The Americans, overflowing with hospitable
enthusiasm, were only too anxious to display their friendship in
public utterances, but the British Government had wisely decided
that nineteen was too early an age at which to begin making
speeches in a foreign country, and the rule of silence was rigidly
adhered to.
The Prince of Wales's tour, although necessarily brief, included,
besides Washington, some of the principal cities in the States, and
judging from the contemporary correspondence, was attended by
singularly few untoward incidents, proving, in fact, successful
beyond expectation.
The happy effect produced by this visit was described in an official
despatch, and private letters corroborate the favourable impression
created.
'I have more completely realized, as the Americans say, the
wonderful success of the Prince of Wales's tour than I did when it
was in progress. I have now had time to talk quietly about it with
men whose opinion is worth having, and also to compare
newspapers of various shades of politics. I am glad to see that the
incognito and other restrictions maintained are represented as a
peculiar compliment to the Americans as showing a desire to
associate with them on more equal terms than would be possible
with subjects.'[3]
'The Prince of Wales's tour in the U.S. went off completely to the
satisfaction of all parties from the beginning to the end. It was
rather hard work for me, as he never went out without me, nor I
without him, and I had quantities of letters to write and people to
see and keep in good humour. Nevertheless H.R.H. himself and all
the people with him were so agreeable, that on the whole I enjoyed
the tour very much while it was going on. I look back to it with
unmixed satisfaction.'[4]
Much of the success, although he was too modest to allude to it,
was probably due to his own carefulness and forethought.
 CHAPTER III

Outbreak of Civil War—The 'Trent' Case

(1860-1861)
Before the close of 1860 the relations between North and South had
reached the critical stage: the mutterings of the coming storm grew
louder, and when it became clear, in November, that Abraham
Lincoln was to be the new President, secession advanced with rapid
strides, while conviction became general that a collision was
inevitable.

Lord Lyons to Duke of Newcastle.

Dec. 10, 1860.

It is difficult to believe that I am in the same country which

appeared so prosperous, so contented, and one may say, so
calm when we travelled through it. The change is very great
even since I wrote to you on the 29th October. Our friends are
apparently going ahead on the road to ruin with their
characteristic speed and energy.
The President (Buchanan) is harassed beyond measure. It is a
very unfortunate moment for our negotiations, but the present
 state of things makes me more than ever anxious to get the San
Juan question safely landed beyond the reach of the incoming
administration.

The approaching rule of Lincoln entailed the disquieting probability

of the appointment of Mr. Seward as Secretary of State.

Lord Lyons to Lord John Russell.

Washington, Jan. 7, 1861.

It is considered almost certain that Mr. Seward is to be Mr.

Lincoln's Secretary of State. This will be regarded as a defiance
of the South, unless (as is expected) Mr. Seward comes out with
a conciliatory speech in the Senate. With regard to Great
Britain, I cannot help fearing that he will be a dangerous
Foreign Minister. His view of the relations between the United
States and Great Britain has always been that they are a good
material to make political capital of. He thinks at all events that
they may be safely played with without any risk of bringing on a
war. He has even to me avowed his belief that England will
never go to war with the United States. He has generally taken
up any cry against us, but this he says he has done from
friendship, to prevent the other Party's appropriating it and
doing more harm with it than he has done. The temptation will
be great for Lincoln's party, if they be not actually engaged in a
civil war, to endeavour to divert the public excitement to a
foreign quarrel. I do not think Mr. Seward would contemplate
actually going to war with us, but he would be well disposed to
play the old game of seeking popularity here by displaying
violence towards us. I don't think it will be so good a game for
 him as it used to be, even supposing we give him an apparent
triumph, but I think he is likely to play it.
This makes me more than ever anxious to settle the San Juan
question.

The forebodings came true. Mr. Seward, a lawyer, who had aimed at
the Presidency himself, became Secretary of State, and caused the
British Government and the diplomatists at Washington many
uncomfortable moments.

Lord Lyons to Lord John Russell.

Washington, March 26, 1861.

Mr. Seward came to me on the evening of the 20th ultimo, and

asked me to let him speak to me very confidentially....
Mr. Seward observed that he considered it all important to ward
off a crisis during the next three months; that he had good
hopes that if this could be effected a counter revolution would
take place in the South; that he hoped and believed it would
begin in the most distant State, Texas, where indeed he saw
symptoms of it already. It might be necessary towards
producing this effect to make the Southern States feel
uncomfortable in their present condition by interrupting their
commerce. It was however most important that the new
Confederacy should not in the mean time be recognized by any
Foreign Power.
I said that certainly the feelings as well as the interests of Great
Britain would render H.M.'s Government most desirous to avoid
any step which could prolong the quarrel between North and
South, or be an obstacle to a cordial and speedy reunion
between them if that were possible. Still I said, if the U.S.
determined to stop by force so important a commerce as that of
Great Britain with the cotton-growing States, I could not answer
for what might happen.
Mr. Seward asked whether England would not be content to get
cotton through the Northern Ports, to which it could be sent by
land.
I answered that cotton although by far the most important
article of the Trade was not the only point to be considered. It
was however a matter of the greatest consequence to England
to procure cheap cotton. If a considerable rise were to take
place in the price of cotton, and British ships were to be at the
same time excluded from the Southern Ports, an immense
pressure would be put upon H.M.'s Government to use all the
means in their power to open those Ports. If H.M.'s Government
felt it to be their duty to do so, they would naturally endeavour
to effect their object in a manner as consistent as possible first
with, their friendly feelings towards both Sections of this
Country, and secondly with the recognized principles of
International Law. As regards the latter point in particular, it
certainly appeared that the most simple, if not the only way,
would be to recognize the Southern Confederacy. I said a good
deal about my hopes that Mr. Seward would never let things
come to this, with which it is unnecessary to trouble you.
I thought that Mr. Seward, although he did not give up the
point, listened with complacency to my arguments against
interference with Foreign Commerce. He said more than once
that he should like to take me to the President to discuss the
subject with him. The conclusion I came to was that the
questions of a forcible collection of the duties in the Southern
Ports, and of a blockade of those Ports were under discussion in
the Cabinet, but that Mr. Seward was himself opposed to those
measures, and had good hopes that his opinion would prevail.
It would appear however that a change took place in the
interval between this conversation and yesterday. Mr. Seward,
the principal Members of the Cabinet, the Russian Minister, M.
de Stoeckl, and the French Minister, Mons. Mercier, with some
other people dined with me. After dinner, Mr. Seward entered
into an animated conversation with my French and Russian
Colleagues, and signed to me to join them. When I came up I
found him asking M. Mercier to give him a copy of his
Instructions to the French Consuls in the Southern States. M.
Mercier made some excuse for refusing, but said that what the
instructions amounted to was that the Consuls were to do their
best to protect French Commerce 'sans sortir de la plus stricte
neutralité.' Mr. Seward then asked me to give him a copy of my
instructions to H.M.'s Consuls. I, of course, declined to do so,
but I told him that the purport of them was that the Consuls
were to regard questions from a commercial not a political point
of view, that they were to do all they could to favour the
continuance of peaceful commerce short of performing an act of
recognition without the orders of Her Majesty's Government.
 Larger Image

WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD

London: Edward Arnold

Mr. Seward then alluded to the Peruvian Papers, and speaking

as he had done all along very loud, said to my French and
Russian Colleagues and me, 'I have formed my opinion on that
matter, and I may as well tell it to you now as at any other time.
I differ with my Predecessor as to de facto Authorities. If one of
your Ships comes out of a Southern Port without the Papers
required by the laws of the U.S., and is seized by one of our
Cruisers and carried into New York and confiscated, we shall not
make any compensation.' My Russian Colleague, M. de Stoeckl,
argued the question with Mr. Seward very good humouredly and
very ably. Upon his saying that a Blockade to be respected must
be effective, Mr. Seward replied that it was not a blockade that
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