Chapter 8

Social and Personality

Development in Early
Childhood

Chapter Module Outline

8.1 Theories of Social and Personality 8.4 Family Relationships and Parenting
Development
8.5 Family Structure
8.2 Personality and Self-Concept
8.6 Peer Relationships in Early Childhood
8.3 Gender Development

If you asked a random sample of adults to tell you the most Most have also broadened their social networks to include
important characteristics of children between the ages of 2 peers.
and 6, the first thing on the list would probably be their In this chapter, we will discuss all these changes and the
rapidly changing social abilities during these years. Nay- major theoretical explanations for them. We begin by review-
saying, oppositional toddlers who spend most of their play ing the ideas proposed by the psychoanalytic theorists. Next,
time alone become skilled, cooperative playmates by age 5 you will read about the very different explanations of the
or 6. Thus, the most obvious characteristic of 6-year-olds is social-cognitive theorists. From there, we turn to the topics
how socially “grown up” they seem compared to 2-year- of personality and gender role development. Finally, we will
olds. Moreover, the young child’s blossoming physical, address young children’s relationships with others.
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cognitive, and language skills lead to changes in how pre-

schoolers view themselves and relate to their families.
8.1: Theories of Social and
Personality Development
What is the period of early childhood all about? One way
to describe it would be to call it the “stepping out” phase,
because that’s precisely what 2- to 6-year-olds do. They
“step out” from the safety of the strong emotional bonds
that they share with their parents into the risky world of
relationships with others. How do they do it? The psycho-
analysts outlined the broad themes of this foundational
time of life, and the work of more recent theorists has pro-
vided us with a few details about the skills that children
develop in the process of stepping out. Before we get into
the details, let’s look at the themes.

174
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 175

years, but he placed the emphasis somewhat differently.

Both of the stages he identified in the preschool period are
triggered by children’s growing physical, cognitive, and
social skills. For example, the second of Erikson’s psycho-
social stages, the autonomy versus shame and doubt stage,
emerges at the end of the first year and continues until the
third birthday. Conflicts between the child and his environ-
ment center around the toddler’s new mobility and the
accompanying desire for autonomy. The next stage, known
as the initiative versus guilt stage, characterizes the 3- to
6-year-old and is ushered in by new cognitive skills, par-
ticularly the preschooler’s ability to plan. These skills
accentuate his wish to take the initiative. However, his
developing conscience dictates the boundaries within
“Stepping out” is the major theme of social and personality develop-
ment in early childhood. Maintaining strong bonds of affection with
which this initiative may be exercised (Evans & Erikson,
parents helps them feel secure enough to do so. 1967). For example, think about a situation in which one
child wants to play with another child’s toy. His sense of
initiative might motivate him to simply take it, but his con-
By the end of this module, you will be able to: science will likely prompt him to find a more socially
acceptable way to gain the toy. If he fails to achieve the
8.1.1 Describe the psychoanalytic view of early
kind of self-control that is required to maintain conformity
childhood social-emotional development
to his conscience, the child is likely to be hampered by
8.1.2 Explain the social-cognitive theory of social- excessive guilt and defensiveness in future psychosocial
personality development in early childhood crises.
The key to healthy development during this period,
8.1.1: Psychoanalytic Perspectives according to Erikson, is striking a balance between the
OBJECTIVE: Describe the psychoanalytic view of early child’s emerging skills and desire for autonomy and the
childhood social-emotional development parents’ need to protect the child and control the child’s
behavior. Thus, the parents’ task changes rather dramati-
Psychoanalytic theorists argue that internal drives and cally after infancy. In the early months of life, the parents’
emotions are the driving force behind developmental primary task is to provide enough warmth, predictability,
change in the social and emotional domains. As the child and responsiveness to foster a secure attachment and to
matures, she must learn to adapt these inner forces to social support basic physiological needs. But once the child
demands. In early childhood, this means that the child becomes physically, linguistically, and cognitively more
must begin to learn to take responsibility for her behavior. independent, the need to control becomes a central aspect
of the parents’ task. Too much control, and the child will
Psychoanalytic Theories of Early Childhood Social-­
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not have sufficient opportunity to explore; too little con-

Emotional Development
trol, and the child will become unmanageable and fail to
Freud and Erikson assumed that development occurred in stages. In
learn the social skills she will need to get along with peers
the social and emotional domains, the stages represent basic con-
flicts between an individual’s desires, motives, and feelings and the as well as adults.
demands of those around him.

Freud’s view—Freud described two stages during these pre-

school years. The developmental task of the anal stage (1 to
8.1.2: Social-Cognitive Perspectives
3 years) is toilet training. That of the phallic stage is to estab- OBJECTIVE: Explain the social-cognitive theory of
lish a foundation for later gender and moral development social-personality development in early
by identifying with the same-sex parent. We might sum up childhood
Freud’s view of the early childhood period as the time in life
In contrast to the psychoanalytic tradition, social-cognitive
when young children first, gain control of their bodily func-
theory assumes that social and emotional changes in the
tions, and second, renegotiate their relationships with their
child are the result of—or at least are facilitated by—the
parents to prepare for stepping out into the world of peers.
enormous growth in cognitive abilities that happens dur-
Erikson’s view—Erikson agreed with Freud’s views on bod- ing the preschool years, especially in the domain of theory
ily control and parental relationships during the preschool of mind (Macrae & Bodenhausen, 2000; Smetana, Jambon,

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 176 Chapter 8

Conry-Murray, & Sturge-Apple, 2012). Over the past three

decades, psychologists have devoted a great deal of theo-
retical and empirical attention to determining how the two
Research Report
domains are connected.
Racism in the Preschool
PERSON PERCEPTION Have you ever heard a child
describe a peer as “nice” or “not nice”? Preschoolers’
Classroom
emerging capacity for applying categories to people is Research suggests that, once young children form race
called person perception, or the ability to classify others. schemas, or consistent racial categories, they use them to
make judgments about others (Macrae & Quadflieg, 2010).
These early judgments probably reflect young children’s ego-
centric thinking. Essentially, children view those like them-
How Young Children Classify Others selves as desirable companions and those who are unlike
Most 5-year-olds use trait labels such as “nice” and “not nice” to them—in gender, race, and other categorical variables—as
describe others. However, they do not use these labels in the same
undesirable (Doyle & Aboud, 1995). Thus, like the under-
way as older children and adults do. Observable characteristics are
also included in most young children’s classifications of others. standing of race itself, race-based playmate preferences
probably result from immature cognitive structures rather
Trait Labels By age 5 or so, children are capable of using trait
than true racism.
labels such as “nice” and “not nice” to describe
others (Heyman, 2009). Moreover, children of this Of course, cognitive development doesn’t happen in a
age make judgments very similar to those of adults social vacuum, and by age 5, most White children in Eng-
when asked to identify the most intelligent child in
lish-speaking countries have acquired an understanding of
their class or play group (Droege & Stipek, 1993).
They describe their peers in terms of traits such as their culture’s racial stereotypes and prejudices (Davis,
“grumpy” and “mean” (Yuill, 1997). They also make Leman, & Barrett, 2007; Leman & Lam, 2008). Likewise,
statements about other people’s patterns of
African American, Hispanic American, and Native American
behavior—“Grandma always lets me pick the cereal
at the grocery store.” They use these observations to children become sensitive very early in life to the fact that
classify others into groups such as “people I like” people of their race are viewed negatively by many Whites.
and “people I don’t like.”
Moreover, White preschool teachers may not notice race-
Consistency of Young children’s observations and categorizations of based behavior in their classrooms, but research suggests
Trait Labels people are far less consistent than those of older
children. A playmate they judge to be “nice” one day that minority children report a significant number of such
may be referred to as “mean” the next. events to their parents (Bernhard, Lefebvre, Kilbride, Chud,
Developmentalists have found that young children’s & Lange, 1998).
judgments about others are inconsistent because
they tend to base them on their most recent The key to preventing racial awareness from developing
interactions with those individuals (Ruble & Dweck, into racism, psychologists say, is for preschool teachers to dis-
1995). In other words, a 4-year-old girl describes cuss race openly and to make conscious efforts to help chil-
one of her playmates as “nice” on Monday because
she shares a cookie but as “mean” on Tuesday dren acquire nonprejudiced attitudes (Cushner, McClelland, &
because she refuses to share a candy bar. Or the Safford, 2009). Teachers can also assign children of different
child declares, “I don’t like Grandma anymore races to do projects together. In addition, they can make chil-
because she made me go to bed early.”
dren aware of each other’s strengths as individuals because
Observable Preschoolers also categorize others on the basis of
both children and adults seem to perceive individual differ-
Characteristics observable characteristics such as race, age, and
ences only within their own racial group (Ostrom, Carpenter,
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gender (Heyman, 2009). For example, the cross-race

effect, a phenomenon in which individuals are more Sedikides, & Li, 1993).
likely to remember the faces of people of their own
Ideally, all children should learn to evaluate their own and
race than those of people of a different race, is
established by age 5 (Pezdek, Blandon-Gitlin, & Moore, others’ behavior according to individual criteria rather than
2003). Similarly, they talk about “big kids” (school-age group membership. Preschool teachers are in a position to
children) and “little kids” (their agemates), and they
provide young children with a significant push toward these
seem to know that they fit in best with the latter.
important goals.

Children use categorical labels to sort the people in

their environments into “like-me” and “not-like-me” teachers, then, need to be aware of research examining
groups. Not surprisingly, they develop preferences for how such attitudes are formed.
those they view as like themselves. Consequently, self-seg-
regation by gender begins as early as age 2. Likewise, WRITING PROMPT
young children sometimes segregate themselves according
Consider This—Ways of Preventing Racism and Sexism
to race. A preschool classroom or day-care center is often
the only setting in which children of different races come Do you think that racism and sexism start to manifest in young chil-
dren? What are some actions that psychologists, parents, and
together. Consequently, these classrooms are likely to be teachers can take to lessen the chances that children will grow up
important to the development of racial attitudes. Preschool with bigoted or sexist views?
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 177

UNDERSTANDING RULE CATEGORIES If you attended UNDERSTANDING OTHERS’ INTENTIONS Would you
a formal dinner at which the forks were on the right side of feel differently about a person who deliberately smashed
the plates rather than on the left, would you be upset? your car’s windshield with a baseball bat than you would
Probably not because social conventions, such as customs about someone else who accidentally broke it while wash-
that govern where to place flatware, are rules that have ing your car for you? Chances are you would be far more
nothing to do with our fundamental sense of right and forgiving of the person who unintentionally broke your
wrong. Consequently, most of us are not troubled when windshield because we tend to base our judgments of
they are violated and take a dim view of people who are ­others’ behavior and our responses to them on what we per-
bothered by such trifles. By contrast, we have little toler- ceive to be their intentions. Working from his assumptions
ance for the breaking of rules that we view as having a about young children’s egocentrism, Piaget suggested that
basis in morality, such as laws that forbid stealing and young children were incapable of such discriminations.
unwritten rules like the one that prohibits you from flirting However, more recent research has demonstrated that
with your best friend’s romantic partner (or with your young children do understand intentions to some degree
romantic partner’s best friend!). When and how did we (Zhang & Yu, 2002). For one thing, it’s quite common for
learn to make such distinctions? preschoolers to say “It was an accident… . I didn’t mean to
Social-cognitive theorists have found that children do it” when they are punished. Such protests suggest that
begin to respond differently to violations of different kinds children understand that intentional wrongdoing is pun-
of rules between ages 2 and 3 (Smetana, Schlagman, & ished more severely than unintentional transgressions of
Adams, 1993). For example, they view taking another the rules.
child’s toy without permission as a more serious violation Several studies suggest that children can make judg-
of rules than forgetting to say “Thank you.” They also say, ments about actors’ intentions both when faced with
just as adults would in response to similar questions, that abstract problems and when personally motivated by a
stealing and physical violence are wrong, even if their par- desire to avoid punishment (Thompson, 2009). For exam-
ticular family or preschool has no explicit rule against ple, in a classic study, 3-year-olds listened to stories about
them. This kind of understanding seems to develop both as children playing ball (Nelson, 1980). Pictures were used to
a consequence of preschoolers’ increasing capacity for clas- convey information about intentions (see Figure 8.1). The
sification and as a result of adults’ tendency to emphasize children were more likely to label as “bad” or “naughty”
transgressions that have moral overtones more than viola- the child who intended to harm a playmate than the child
tions of customs and other arbitrary rules when punishing who accidentally hit another child in the head with the
children (Smetana, 2006). ball. However, the children’s judgments were also

Figure 8.1 A Test of Children’s Understanding of Intentionality

Pictures like these have been used to assess young children’s understanding of an actor’s intentions.
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 178 Chapter 8

influenced by outcomes. In other words, they were more comes to the child that he chooses to be the “goose.” The
likely to say a child who wanted to hurt his playmate was “goose” then has to chase “it” around the circle and try to
“good” if he failed to hit the child with the ball. These prevent him from taking goose’s seat. If “goose” fails to
results suggest that children know more about intentions beat “it,” then she becomes “it” for the next round of the
than Piaget thought, but, compared with older children, game. The difficult part of the game for many young chil-
they are still limited in their ability to base judgments dren is waiting to be chosen to be the “goose.”
entirely on intentions (Jambon & Smetana, 2014). Activities such as “Duck, Duck, Goose” may seem
frivolous, but they contribute to the process through which
temperament becomes modified into personality during
REVIEW: THEORIES OF EARLY the early childhood years. A child whose temperament
CHILDHOOD SOCIAL AND includes a low ranking on the dimension of effortful con-
trol, for instance, may not be able to tolerate waiting for his
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT turn in a game of “Duck, Duck, Goose” (Li-Grining, 2007).
Select the correct theory for each milestone: (a) Freud’s psycho- If he obeys his impulse to chase “it” and jumps up from his
sexual theory; (b) Erikson’s psychosocial theory; (c) Social-­ seat before he is declared the “goose,” he will undoubtedly
cognitive theory.
be scolded by his playmates. If his frustration leads him to
1. Resolving the initiative-versus-guilt crisis withdraw from the game with the protest “I never get to be
2. Toilet training the goose!” he will miss out on the fun of participating.
3. Distinguishing between social conventions and moral rules Either way, he will learn that controlling his impulses is
4. Identifying with the same-sex parent more beneficial to him than submitting to them. A few such
5. Understanding others’ intentions experiences will teach him to moderate the effects of his
6. Resolving the autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt crisis lack of effortful control on his social behavior. As a result,
7. Categorizing others his lack of effortful control will become less prominent in
Answers: 1. (b), 2. (a), 3. (c), 4. (a), 5. (c), 6. (b), and 7. (c). the profile of characteristics that constitute his personality
and will change how his peers respond to him. Their
approval of his modified profile will encourage him to
keep his impulses in check.
8.2: Personality and Similarly, children with difficult temperaments learn
that the behaviors associated with difficultness, such as
Self-Concept complaining, often result in peer rejection. As a result,
As young children gain more understanding of the social many of them change their behavior to gain social accep-
environment, their distinctive personalities begin to tance. Similarly, some shy toddlers are encouraged by their
emerge. At the same time, their self-concepts become more parents to be more sociable, while the timidity of others is
complex, allowing them to exercise greater control over amplified by parental overprotectiveness (Kiel & Buss,
their own behavior. 2012; Rubin, Burgess, & Hastings, 2002). Thus, personality
represents the combination of the temperament with which
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By the end of this module, you will be able to: children are probably born and the knowledge they gain
about temperament-related behavior during childhood
8.2.1 Identify the influences on temperament in early (Karreman, de Haas, Van Tuijl, van Aken, & Dekovic, 2010;
childhood McCrae, Costa, Ostendord, & Angleitner, 2000). Thus,
8.2.2 Describe changes in self-concept in early infant temperament doesn’t necessarily dictate the kind of
childhood personality a child will develop. Instead, it is one factor
among many that contribute to an individual child’s
personality.
8.2.1: From Temperament to
Personality
OBJECTIVE: Identify the influences on temperament in
8.2.2: Self-Concept in Early
early childhood Childhood
OBJECTIVE: Describe changes in self-concept in early
Are you familiar with the children’s game “Duck, Duck, childhood
Goose”? Here’s how it goes. A child who has been assigned
the role of “it” walks around the outside of a circle of chil- Ask a preschooler to describe herself, and you are likely to
dren who are seated on the floor. As “it” passes by, he get an answer such as “I’m a girl.” Pressed for more infor-
touches the head of each child and calls out “duck” until he mation, the child will add her hair color or some other
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 179

physical characteristic, tell you who her friends are, or

reveal who her favorite cartoon character is. These answers
show that the categorical self, which first emerged during
infancy, is becoming more mature. Likewise, the emotional
self grows by leaps and bounds during these years, and a
new component of self-concept, the social self, emerges.

THE EMOTIONAL SELF In recent years, research exam-

ining development of the emotional self during the early
childhood years has focused on the acquisition of emotional
regulation, or the ability to control emotional states and
emotion-related behavior (Eisenberg & Sulik, 2012). For
example, children exhibit emotional regulation when they
find a way to cheer themselves up when they are feeling
sad or when they divert their attention to a different activ-
ity when they get frustrated with something. Some studies
have revealed relationships between the development of
emotional regulation in early childhood and a variety of
social variables. One study showed that the level of emo-
tional regulation at age 2 predicted the level of aggressive
behavior at age 4 in both boys and girls (Rubin, Burgess,
Dwyer, & Hastings, 2003). Predictably, preschoolers who
display high levels of emotional regulation are more popu-
lar with their peers than those who are less able to regulate
their emotional behavior (Denham et al., 2003; Fantuzzo,
Sekino, & Cohen, 2004). Emotional regulation skills appear
to be particularly important for children whose tempera- All children get upset from time to time, but they vary widely in how
ments include high levels of anger proneness (Diener & they manage distressing feelings.
Kim, 2004). Furthermore, longitudinal research has dem-
onstrated that emotional regulation in early childhood is
related to children’s development of emotional problems
by intense rage and, often, aggressive and destructive
and their ability to think about right and wrong during the
behavior. Parents and teachers of children with DMDD
school years (Kim-Spoon, Cicchetti, & Rogosch, 2013;
typically require the assistance of a mental health profes-
Kochanska, Murray, & Coy, 1997).
sional to implement behavior management strategies that
The process of acquiring emotional regulation is one
can help these children develop the capacity to regulate
in which control shifts slowly from the parents to the child
their emotions (West & Weinstein, 2012).
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across the early childhood years (Brophy-Herb, Zajicek-

Farber, Bocknek, McKelvey, & Stansbury, 2013; Houck & EMPATHY Another aspect of the emotional self involves
Lecuyer-Maus, 2004). Here again, the child’s tempera- empathy, the ability to identify with another person’s emo-
ment is a factor. For example, preschoolers who have con- tional state. Empathy has two aspects: apprehending
sistently exhibited difficult behavior since infancy are another person’s emotional state or condition and then
more likely to have self-control problems in early child- matching that emotional state oneself. An empathizing
hood (Schmitz et al., 1999). Similarly, preschoolers who person experiences either the same feeling he imagines the
were born prematurely or who were delayed in language other person to feel or a highly similar feeling. Empathy is
development in the second year of life experience more negatively associated with aggression in the early child-
difficulties with self-control during early childhood hood years; the more advanced preschoolers’ capacity for
(Carson, Klee, & Perry, 1998; Schothorst & van Engeland, empathy is, the less aggression they display (Findlay,
1996). Girardi, & Coplan, 2006; Hatakeyama & Hatakeyama,
Difficult temperament and developmental delays are 2012). Moreover, the development of empathy in early
two important risk factors for disruptive mood dysregulation childhood appears to provide the foundation on which a
disorder (DMDD; American Psychiatric Association, 2013; more sophisticated emotion, sympathy (a general feeling of
Bitter, Mills, Adler, Strakowski, & DelBello, 2011; West, sorrow or concern for another person), is built in later
Schenkel, & Pavuluri, 2008). Two to three times per week, childhood and adolescence (Sallquist, Eisenberg, Spinrad,
preschoolers with DMDD exhibit tantrums characterized Reiser, et al., 2009).
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 180 Chapter 8

influences the development of behavior that children’s

Stages in the Development of Empathy Proposed
cultures regard as morally acceptable (Eisenberg, 2000).
by Hoffman
Thus, they form the foundation of later moral develop-
The most thorough analysis of the development of empathy and sym-
pathy has been offered by Martin Hoffman (1982,1988), who ment. Studies suggest that these feelings evolve in the
describes four broad stages. context of parent–child relationships. Young children who
do not have warm, trusting relationships with their par-
Stage 1: Global empathy—Observed during the first year. ents are at risk of failing to develop moral emotions or of
If the infant is around someone expressing a strong developing feelings of guilt, shame, and pride that are too
emotion, he may match that emotion—for example, by weak to influence their behavior (Koenig, Cicchetti, &
beginning to cry when he hears another infant crying. Rogosch, 2004).
Stage 2: Egocentric empathy—Beginning at about 12 to
18 months of age, when children have developed a fairly
clear sense of their separate selves, they respond to Review: Hoffman’s Empathy Stages
another’s distress with some distress of their own, but How well do you understand Hoffman’s stages of empathy? This
table will help you review the stages.
they may attempt to “cure” the other person’s problem
by offering what they themselves would find most com- Stage Description
forting. They may, for example, show sadness when they Stage 1: Global Infant begins to cry when he hears another
empathy infant crying.
see another child hurt and go get their own mother to
help. Stage 2: Egocentric A child shows sadness when she sees another
empathy child hurt and asks her mother to help the hurt
child.
Stage 3: Empathy for another’s feelings—Beginning as
Stage 3: Empathy for A child is distressed when he observes another
young as age 2 or 3 and continuing through elementary
another’s feelings child crying because he has misplaced a toy;
school, children note others’ feelings, partially match he tries to help the child find his toy.
those feelings, and respond to the other ’s distress in Stage 4: Empathy for A teen is more distressed about the conditions
­nonegocentric ways. Over these years, children become another’s life condition in refugee camps that she sees in news
reports than about the anxiety that a peer feels
able to distinguish a wider (and more subtle) range of because of a failing test grade.
emotions.

Stage 4: Empathy for another’s life condition—In late

childhood or adolescence, some children develop a more THE SOCIAL SELF Another facet of a child’s emerging
generalized notion of others’ feelings and respond not just sense of self is an increasing awareness of herself as a
to the immediate situation but also to the other individu- player in the social game. By age 2, a toddler has already
al’s general situation or plight. Thus, a young person at learned a variety of social “scripts”—routines of play or
this level may become more distressed by another person’s interaction with others. The toddler now begins to develop
sadness if she knows that the sadness is chronic or that the some implicit understanding of her own roles in these
person’s general situation is particularly tragic than if she scripts (Case, 1991). So she may begin to think of herself as
sees it as a momentary problem. a “helper” in some situations or as “the boss” when she is
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telling some other child what to do.

In addition to empathy, young children’s emotional You can see this clearly in children’s sociodramatic
selves include an awareness of emotional states that are play, as they begin to take explicit roles: “I’ll be the
linked to their culture’s definitions of right and wrong daddy and you be the mommy” or “I’m the boss.” As
(Thompson & Newton, 2010). These feelings, which are part of the same process, the young child also gradually
sometimes called the moral emotions, include guilt, shame, comes to understand her place in the network of family
and pride (Eisenberg, 2000). Guilt is usually thought of as roles. She has sisters, brothers, father, mother, and so
the emotional state induced when a child breaks a rule. forth.
Consequently, a child who takes a forbidden cookie will Moreover, role scripts help young children become
experience guilt. Feelings of shame arise when she fails to more independent. For example, assuming the “student”
live up to expectations. For instance, most parents and role provides a preschooler with a prescription for appro-
teachers urge young children to share their toys. Thus, priate behavior in the school situation. Students listen
when a child behaves selfishly and is reminded about the when the teacher speaks to the class, get out materials and
sharing rule, it is likely that he feels shame. By contrast, put them away at certain times, help their classmates in
children feel pride when they succeed at meeting various ways, and so on. Once a preschooler is familiar
expectations. with and adopts the student role, he can follow the role
Research suggests that the interplay among moral script and is no longer dependent on the teacher to tell him
emotions and young children’s awareness of these feelings what to do every minute of the day.
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 181

WRITING PROMPT accurately label themselves and others as boys or girls.

Likewise, clearly sex-typed behavior appears long before
Consider This—Parental Awareness of Temperament
age 4 or 5, when psychoanalytic theories claim identifica-
If parents received a description of their child’s temperament at birth tion occurs.
(sort of like the owner’s manual you get with a new appliance), do
you think it would help them to be better parents? Conversely, do
you think it would cause them to be overly tolerant of temperamental SOCIAL-LEARNING EXPLANATIONS Social-learning
characteristics that might need to be modified for the child’s own theorists have emphasized the role of parents in shaping
benefit, such as irritability?
children’s gender development (Bandura, 1977a;
Mischel, 1966,1970). This notion has been far better sup-
ported by research than have Freud’s ideas. Parents do
8.3: Gender Development seem to reinforce sex-typed activities in children as
We noted earlier that preschoolers who are asked to young as 18 months, not only by buying different kinds
describe themselves are likely to begin by stating whether of toys for boys and girls but also by responding more
they are boys or girls. In psychologists’ terms, their ten- positively when their sons play with blocks or trucks or
dency to do so suggests that “boy-ness” and “girl-ness” are when their daughters play with dolls (Fagot & Hagan,
salient, or important, categories for young children. Thus, 1991; Lytton & Romney, 1991). Such differential rein-
one fascinating developmental process of the preschool forcement is particularly clear with boys, especially from
period involves children’s evolving sense of gender, the fathers (Siegal, 1987).
psychological and social associates and implications of bio- Still, helpful as it is, a social-learning explanation is
logical sex. probably not sufficient. In particular, parents differen-
tially reinforce boys’ and girls’ behavior less than you’d
expect, and probably not enough to account for the very
By the end of this module, you will be able to: early and robust discrimination children seem to make on
8.3.1 Outline the major theories of gender the basis of gender. Even young children whose parents
development seem to treat their sons and daughters in highly similar
ways nonetheless learn gender labels and prefer same-
8.3.2 Characterize children’s understanding of sex
sex playmates.
roles
THE COGNITIVE-DEVELOPMENTAL EXPLANA-
8.3.3 Identify sex-typed behaviors exhibited by young
TION Piaget’s research revealed that children’s ability to
children
think logically about the physical world develops in a
stage-like fashion. Thus, researchers who adopt a cogni-
8.3.1: Explaining Gender tive-developmental approach to explaining gender devel-
opment focus on the logical aspects of children’s thinking
Development sequence in which their understanding of gender evolves.
OBJECTIVE: Outline the major theories of gender For example, Lawrence Kohlberg proposed a stage model
development of gender development that views children’s gender-
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

related behavior as a function of their understanding of the

Developmentalists have proposed several explanations of
concept of gender.
gender development. Each of these theories is based on
one of the broader theories of social and personality devel-
opment—psychoanalytic, social learning, cognitive-devel- Kohlberg’s Stage Theory of Gender Development
opmental, and information-processing. Kohlberg’s cognitive-developmental theory of gender development
suggests that children’s understanding of gender develops in stages
PSYCHOANALYTIC EXPLANATIONS Freud suggested (Kohlberg, 1966; Kohlberg & Ullian, 1974).
that 3- to 6-year-olds overcome the anxiety they feel about
Gender identity—First comes gender identity, which is sim-
their desires for the opposite-sex parent (the Oedipus or
ply a child’s ability to label his or her own sex correctly and
Electra conflict) through identification with the same-sex
to identify other people as men or women, boys or girls. By
parent. To identify with the parent, the child must learn
age 2, most children correctly label themselves as boys or
and conform to his or her sex-role concepts. Thus, accord-
girls, and within 6–12 months, most can correctly label
ing to Freud, children acquire gender through the process
­others as well.
of identification.
The difficulty with Freud’s theory is that toddlers Gender stability—The second step is gender stability, which
seem to understand far more about gender than the theory is the understanding that people stay the same gender
would predict. For example, many 18-month-olds throughout life. Researchers have measured this by asking
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 182 Chapter 8

children such questions as “When you were a little baby, mental frameworks, such as categories, that help humans
were you a little girl or a little boy?” or “When you grow organize processes such as thinking and remembering.
up, will you be a mommy or a daddy?” Most children Gender schema theory assumes that the development of such
understand the stability of gender by about age 4 (Slaby & a framework for gender underlies gender development.
Frey, 1975). According to this perspective, the gender schema begins to
develop as soon as the child notices the differences between
male and female, knows his own gender, and can label the
two groups with some consistency—all of which happens
by age 2 or 3 (Bem, 1981; Martin & Ruble, 2002).

Development of the Gender Schema

Children seem to understand very early that this is a key distinction,
so the category serves as a kind of magnet for new information.
Once the child has established even a primitive gender schema, a
great many experiences can be assimilated to it. Thus, as soon as
this schema begins to be formed, children may begin to show pref-
erence for same-sex playmates or for gender-stereotyped activities
(Martin & Little, 1990).

Ages 2 to 3 Children consistently classify others and themselves

as boys or girls.
Ages 3 to 4 Preschoolers first learn some broad distinctions
about what kinds of activities or behavior “go with”
each gender, both by observing other children and
through the reinforcements they receive from
parents. They also learn a few gender scripts—
SOURCE: Boyd & Boyd. whole sequences of events that are normally
associated with a given gender, such as “fixing
dinner” or “building with tools”—just as they learn
In describing this self-portrait, the 5-year-old artist other social scripts at about this age (Levy & Fivush,
said, “This is how I will look when I get married to a boy. I 1993).
am under a rainbow, so beautiful with a bride hat, a belt, Ages 4 to 6 Between age 4 and age 6, the child learns a more
and a purse.” The girl knows she will always be female subtle and complex set of associations for his own
gender—what children of his own gender like and
and associates gender with externals such as clothing don’t like, how they play, how they talk, and what
(gender stability). She is also already quite knowledgeable kinds of people they associate with, along with
cultural beliefs about the relative value or males and
about gender role expectations. females (Halim, Ruble, & Tamis-LeMonda, 2013).
Only between the ages of 8 and 10 does the child
Gender constancy—The final step is the development of develop an equivalently complex view of the
true gender constancy, the recognition that someone stays opposite gender (Martin, Wood, & Little, 1990).

the same gender even though he may appear to change by

wearing different clothes or changing his hair length. For The key difference between this theory and Kohlberg’s
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

example, boys don’t change into girls by wearing dresses. gender constancy theory is that gender schema theory
asserts that children need not understand that gender is
Numerous studies, including studies of children grow- permanent to form an initial gender schema. When they do
ing up in other cultures such as Kenya, Nepal, Belize, and begin to understand gender constancy, at about 5 or 6, chil-
Samoa, show that children go through this sequence dren develop a more elaborate rule, or schema, of “what
(Martin & Ruble, 2004; Munroe, Shimmin, & Munroe, people who are like me do” and treat this rule the same
1984). Moreover, progression through the sequence is way they treat other rules—as an absolute. Later, the child’s
related to general cognitive development (Trautner, Gervai, application of the gender rule becomes more flexible. She
& Nemeth, 2003). Consequently, Kohlberg asserted that knows, for example, that most boys don’t play with dolls,
gender constancy is the organizing principle that children but that they can do so if they like.
use to acquire knowledge of gender and to bring their own
BIOLOGICAL APPROACHES For a long time, develop-
behavior into conformity with cultural standards. However,
mentalists dismissed the idea that biological differences
critics point out that Kohlberg’s theory fails to explain why
between males and females were responsible for psycho-
children show clearly different behavior, such as toy prefer-
logical differences between them. Today, though, they are
ences, long before they achieve gender constancy.
taking another look at decades-old experimental studies
THE INFORMATION-PROCESSING APPROACH Infor- with animals showing that prenatal exposure to male hor-
mation-processing theorists use the term schema to refer to mones such as testosterone powerfully influences behavior
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 183

after birth (Lippa, 2005). Female animals exposed to testos- clearly stereotyped traits are weakness, gentleness, appre-
terone behave more like male animals; for instance, they ciativeness, and soft-heartedness for women, and aggres-
are more aggressive than females who do not experience sion, strength, cruelty, and coarseness for men (Eagly,
prenatal exposure to testosterone. Similarly, when experi- Eaton, Rose, Riger, & McHugh, 2012; Williams & Best,
menters block the release of testosterone during prenatal 1990). In most cultures, men are also seen as competent,
development of male animal embryos, the animals exhibit skillful, assertive, and able to get things done, while
behavior that is more typical of the females of their women are seen as warm and expressive, tactful, quiet,
species. gentle, aware of others’ feelings, and lacking in compe-
Hormonal influences have been proposed to explain tence, independence, and logic.
the outcomes of cases involving boys who carry a genetic
defect that causes them to develop deformed genitalia.
Decades ago, a few such boys were subjected to plastic sur- 8.3.3: Sex-Typed Behavior
gery to give them female-appearing genitals and were OBJECTIVE: Identify sex-typed behaviors exhibited by
raised as girls. At that time, however, doctors did not real- young children
ize that the genetic defect in question interferes only with
The final element in the development of gender is the
testosterone’s effects on the sex organs; the brains of these
actual behavior children show with those of the same and
fetuses were exposed to normal amounts of testosterone
the opposite sex. An unexpected finding is that sex-typed
throughout prenatal development (Rosenthal & Gitelman,
behavior, or different patterns of behavior among girls and
2002). Follow-up studies found that many of these chil-
boys, develops earlier than ideas about gender (Campbell,
dren, when they learned of their status, sought surgery to
Shirley, & Candy, 2004).
masculinize their bodies. Moreover, even those who elected
to retain the feminine identities they had been given in
infancy possessed many attributes and behaviors that are
more typical of males than of females (Reiner & Gearhart,
2004). Such findings support the view that hormones play
some role in gender development.

Review: Theories of Gender Development

This table will help you differentiate the theories of gender
development.

Theory Definition
Psychoanalytic Gender develops as children identify with the
same-sex parent
Social-learning Gender development is attributable to
environmental influences
Cognitive-developmental Gender concepts develop in stages
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

Gender schema Children use a mental framework to organize

information about gender
Biological Hormones shape gender development

8.3.2: Sex-Role Knowledge

OBJECTIVE: Characterize children’s understanding of
sex roles

Figuring out your gender and understanding that it stays

constant are only part of the story. Learning what goes
with being a boy or a girl in a given culture is also a vital
task for a child. In every culture, adults have clear gender
stereotypes. Indeed, the content of those stereotypes is
remarkably similar in cultures around the world.
Psychologists who have studied gender stereotypes in
many different countries, including non-Western countries Play may provide children with opportunities to learn about gender
such as Thailand, Pakistan, and Nigeria, find that the most expectations.
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 184 Chapter 8

Studies of Children’s Sex-Role Knowledge

Researchers have studied children’s sex-role knowledge in two ways—by asking children what boys and girls (or men and women) like to do
and what they are like (which is an inquiry about gender stereotypes) and by asking children if it is okay for boys to play with dolls or girls to
climb trees or do equivalent cross-sex things (an inquiry about roles).

Stereotypic Traits Studies of children show that these stereotyped ideas develop early. It would not be uncommon to hear a 3-year-old in the United
and Occupations States say “Mommies use the stove, and Daddies use the grill.” A 4-year-old might define gender roles in terms of competencies:
“Daddies are better at fixing things, but Mommies are better at tying bows and decorating.” Even 2-year-olds in the United States
already associate certain tasks and possessions with men and women, such as vacuum cleaners and kitchen utensils with
women and cars and tools with men. By age 3 or 4, children can assign stereotypic occupations, toys, and activities to each
gender. By age 5, children begin to associate certain personality traits, such as assertiveness and nurturance, with males or
females (Parmley & Cunningham, 2008).
Gendered Rules Studies of children’s ideas about how men and women (or boys and girls) ought to behave add an interesting further element. For
example, in an early study, a psychologist told a story to children ages 4–9 about a little boy named George who liked to play with
dolls (Damon, 1977). George’s parents told him that only little girls play with dolls; little boys shouldn’t. The children were then
asked questions about the story, such as “Why do people tell George not to play with dolls?” or “Is there a rule that boys
shouldn’t play with dolls?”
Four-year-olds in this study thought it was okay for George to play with dolls. There was no rule against it, and he should do
it if he wanted to. Six-year-olds, in contrast, thought it was wrong for George to play with dolls. By about age 9, children had
differentiated between what boys and girls usually do and what is “wrong.” One boy said, for example, that breaking windows was
wrong and bad but that playing with dolls was not bad in the same way. He described playing with dolls as something that boys
usually do as opposed to breaking windows is wrong in and of itself.
Recent Research Interestingly, more recent studies show that 21st-century children express ideas about gender-typed behavior that are quite
similar to those of their 1970s counterparts (Gee & Heyman, 2007; Gelman, Taylor, Nguyen, Leaper, & Bigler, 2004). These
studies suggest that a 5- to 6-year-old has figured out that gender is permanent and is searching for an all-or-none, totally reliable
rule about how boys and girls behave (Martin & Ruble, 2004). The child picks up information from watching adults, from television
and from listening to the labels that are attached to different activities (e.g., “Boys don’t cry”). Initially, children treat these as
absolute, moral rules. Later, they understand that these are social conventions; at this point, gender concepts become more
flexible and stereotyping declines somewhat (Martin & Ruble, 2004).
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By 18–24 months, children begin to show some prefer- to characterize boys’ and girls’ interaction patterns later in
ence for sex-stereotyped toys, such as dolls for girls or childhood and into adolescence.
trucks or building blocks for boys, which is some months
before they can consistently identify their own gender Sex-Typed Social Behaviors Exhibited by Young Children
(Thommessen & Todd, 2010). By age 3, children begin to One important part of same-sex interactions seems to involve instruc-
tion in and modeling of sex-appropriate behavior. In other words,
show a preference for same-sex friends and are much more older boys teach younger boys how to be “masculine,” and older girls
sociable with playmates of the same sex—at a time when teach younger girls how to be “feminine” (Danby & Baker, 1998).
they do not yet have a concept of gender stability (Corsaro, However, these “lessons” in sex-typed behavior are fairly subtle.
Molinari, Hadley, & Sugioka, 2003; Maccoby, 1988, 1990; Enabling style—Eleanor Maccoby, one of the leading theorists
Maccoby & Jacklin, 1987). in this area, describes the girls’ pattern as an enabling style
GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SOCIAL BEHAVIOR Not (Maccoby, 1990). Enabling includes such behaviors as sup-
only are preschoolers’ friendships and peer interactions porting the friend, expressing agreement, and making sugges-
increasingly sex-segregated, but it is also clear that boy– tions. All these behaviors tend to foster a greater equality and
boy interactions and girl–girl interactions differ in quality, intimacy in the relationship and keep the interaction going.
even in these early years. Gender differences in social Restrictive style—In contrast, boys are more likely to
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
behavior emerge from
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25. these early differences and continue show what Maccoby calls a constricting, or restrictive,
 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 185

style. “A restrictive style is one that tends to derail the experimenters offer them toys like dolls (Bussey & Bandura,
interaction—to inhibit the partner or cause the partner to 1992).
withdraw, thus shortening the interaction or bringing it Individual differences in sex-typed behavior are
to an end” (1990, p. 517). Contradicting, interrupting, highly stable across early and middle childhood—that is,
boasting, and other forms of self-display are all aspects among both boys and girls, those who exhibit the greatest
of this style. Rough-and-tumble play and play fighting amount of sex-typed behavior at age 2 continue to do so
are other manifestations of boys’ restrictive interaction in the middle elementary school years (Golombok et al.,
style. 2008). In addition, cross-gender behavior in early child-
hood predicts subjective feelings of differentness from
These two patterns begin to be visible in the pre- peers in adolescence (Golombok, Rust, Zervoulis,
school years. For example, beginning as early as age 3, Golding, & Hines, 2012). These findings suggest that sex-
boys and girls use quite different strategies in their typed behavior is part of a complex process of identity
attempts to influence each other ’s behavior (Maccoby, development and not just the result of cultural modeling
1990). Girls generally ask questions or make requests; and reinforcement.
boys are much more likely to make demands or phrase
things using imperatives (“Give me that!”). The really
intriguing finding is that even at this early age, boys sim- REVIEW: SEX-ROLE KNOWLEDGE
ply don’t respond to the girls’ enabling style. Thus, play-
AND SEX-TYPED BEHAVIOR
ing with boys yields little positive reinforcement for girls,
and they begin to avoid such interactions and band Which of the following best describes the differences between
­sex-role knowledge and sex-typed behavior?
together.
(A) Sex-typed behavior is children conforming to societal gender roles
and sex-role behavior is children expecting adults to conform to
societal gender roles.
WRITING PROMPT
(B) Sex-typed behavior is the different patterns of behavior observed
Consider This—Enabling and Restrictive Styles in Adulthood among girls and boys before they are aware of societal stereo-
types about gender, while sex-role knowledge is affected by soci-
To what degree do you think the enabling and constrictive interaction
etal and cultural expectations.
styles are exhibited in adults’ social interactions?
(C) Sex-role behavior is how children behave when they are around
others of the same sex or opposite sex and sex-type behavior is
CROSS-GENDER BEHAVIOR Another kind of learning different patterns of behavior among girls and boys.
opportunity happens when children exhibit cross-gender (D) Sex-typed behavior is when children show knowledge of adult
behavior—behavior that is atypical in their culture for their sexuality, which is often a sign of sexual abuse, while sex-role
behavior is usually manifested by parents reprimanding children
gender. For example, tomboyishness, girls’ preference for who do not conform to gender stereotypes.
activities that are more typical for boys, is a kind of cross- Answer: B
gender behavior. Generally, tomboyishness is tolerated by
adults and peers (Sandnabba & Ahlberg, 1999). Not surpris-
ingly, then, cross-gender behavior is far more common
among girls than boys (Etaugh & Liss, 1992). Tomboyishness
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does not appear to interfere with the development of a 8.4: Family Relationships
“feminine” personality in adulthood, and it may allow girls
to acquire positive characteristics such as assertiveness and Parenting
(­Hilgenkamp & Livingston, 2002). In contrast, peers actively Psychologists agree that family relationships constitute
discourage boys from engaging in cross-gender behavior. one of the most, if not the most, influential factors in early
Specifically, boys who play with dolls or behave in an effem- childhood development. These relationships reflect both
inate manner are likely to elicit expressions of disapproval— continuity and change. The preschooler is no less attached
or even ridicule—from other children (Martin, 1991). to her family than the infant but, at the same time, is strug-
However, it cannot be assumed that the prevalence of sex- gling to establish independence.
typed play among boys is strictly the result of adult and peer
influence. For one thing, sex-typed play preferences appear By the end of this module, you will be able to:
earlier and are more consistent in boys, which suggests that
8.4.1 Explain how attachment relationships change in
these preferences begin to develop before environmental
early childhood
forces have had much chance to influence them (Blakemore,
LaRue, & Olejnik, 1979; Fabes, Martin, & Hanish, 2003). Fur- 8.4.2 Evaluate the effects of parenting styles on child
ther, by age 3, boys are likely to show an actual aversion to development
girls’ activities—for example, by saying “yuck” when 8.4.3 Describe the factors that affect parenting styles
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 186 Chapter 8

8.4.1: Attachment in Early Childhood attached preschoolers are also more likely than their
securely attached peers to develop negative, critical atti-
OBJECTIVE: Explain how attachment relationships
tudes toward themselves (Madigan, Atkinson, Laurin, &
change in early childhood
Benoit, 2013). Finally, 4- and 5-year-olds who are securely
You will recall that a child typically establishes a clear and attached to their parents are more likely than their inse-
long-lasting attachment to at least one caregiver during the curely attached peers to have positive relationships with
first year of life. Attachment relationships change in early their preschool teachers (DeMulder et al., 2000).
childhood, but they are no less important than they are in
infancy. 8.4.2: Parenting Styles
You may also recall that attachment quality varies OBJECTIVE: Evaluate the effects of parenting styles on
from one child to another. These differences predict varia- child development
tions in behavior in the preschool years. Young children
who are securely attached to parents experience fewer Earlier we discussed the fact that differences in tempera-
behavior problems. Those who are insecurely attached dis- ment lead children to respond differently to situations.
play more anger and aggression toward both peers and Parents differ in temperament themselves, so, just like their
adults in social settings such as day care and preschool children, they vary in how they respond to situations.
(DeMulder, Denham, Schmidt, & Mitchell, 2000; Schmidt, Consider, for example, the situation in which a child resists
DeMulder, & Denham, 2002). Interestingly, insecurely going to bed. One parent takes the nightly going-to-bed
battle in stride and calmly insists that the child go to bed
Changes in Attachment Behaviors in Early Childhood even when she throws a temper tantrum. Another parent
Infants who have formed attached relationships exhibit stranger responds to the child’s emotional escalation by increasing
­anxiety and separation anxiety. Preschoolers’ attachment behaviors the emotional intensity of his demands, leading to all-out
are more subtle. warfare in which the parent assures his own victory by
Ages 2 to 3 By age 2 or 3, many attachment behaviors have become exploiting the physical, social, and emotional control he
less visible. Three-year-olds still want to sit on Mom’s or has over the child. Yet another parent may respond permis-
Dad’s lap; they are still likely to seek some closeness
when Mom returns from an absence. But when she is not sively and allow the child to go to bed whenever she wants
afraid or under stress, the 3-year-old is able to wander to. Researchers call these differences parenting styles, or the
farther and farther from her safe base without apparent
distress. She can also deal with her potential anxiety due characteristic strategies that parents use to manage chil-
to separation by creating shared plans with the parents. dren’s behavior.
For example, a parent might say “I’ll be home after your
naptime,” to which the child may respond “Can we watch
Of course, families vary in their responses to pre-
a movie then?” (Crittenden, 1992). schoolers’ increasing demands for independence.
In contrast to infants, 2-year-olds realize that they
Psychologists have struggled over the years to identify the
are independent contributors to the parent–child
relationship. This heightened sense of autonomy brings best ways of defining parenting style. At present, the most
them into more and more situations in which parents fruitful conceptualization is one offered by developmental-
want one thing and children another. However, contrary
to popular stereotypes, 2-year-olds actually comply with ist Diana Baumrind.
parents’ requests more often than not. They are more
likely to comply with safety requests (“Don’t touch that;
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it’s hot!”) or with prohibitions about care of objects Dimensions of Parenting Styles
(“Don’t tear up the book”) than they are with requests to Baumrind focuses on four aspects of family functioning: (1) warmth or
delay (“I can’t talk to you now; I’m on the phone”) or with
nurturance; (2) clarity and consistency of rules; (3) level of expecta-
instructions about self-care (“Please wash your hands
now”). On the whole, however, children of this age tions, which she describes in terms of “maturity demands”; and (4)
comply fairly readily (Gralinski & Kopp, 1993). When they communication between parent and child (Baumrind, 1972; 2013).
resist, it is most likely to be passive resistance—simply Each of these four dimensions has been independently shown to be
not doing what is asked rather than saying “no.” related to various child behaviors.
Ages 3 to 4 For most children, the attachment relationship, whether
secure or not, seems to change at about age 4. Warmth or nurturance—Children with nurturing and
Bowlby (1969) described this new stage, or level, as a
warm parents are more securely attached in the first 2 years
goal-corrected partnership, a type of social relationship
that is based on the child’s understanding that of life than those with more rejecting parents; they also have
affectionate bonds between humans are a stable higher self-esteem and are more empathetic, more altruistic,
feature of the social environment. In other words, just
as the first attachment probably requires the baby to and more responsive to others’ pain or distress; they have
understand that his mother will continue to exist when higher IQs, are more compliant in preschool and elemen-
she isn’t there, so the preschooler grasps that the
relationship itself continues to exist even when the tary school, do better in school, and are less likely to show
partners are apart. Also at about age 4, the child’s delinquent behavior in adolescence or criminal behavior in
internal model of attachment appears to generalize.
Bowlby argued that the child’s model becomes less a
adulthood (Keown, 2012; Maccoby, 1980; Maughan, Pickles,
specific property of an individual relationship and more & Quinton, 1995; Simons, Robertson, & Downs, 1989;
a general property of all the child’s social relationships.
Stormshak, Bierman, McMahon, & Lengua, 2000).
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 187

High levels of affection can even buffer a child against and emotional control over the child is exhibiting the
the negative effects of otherwise disadvantageous environ- authoritarian style. Children growing up in authoritarian
ments. Several studies of children and teens growing up in families—with high levels of demand and control but
poor, tough neighborhoods show that parental warmth is relatively low levels of warmth and communication—do
associated with both social and academic competence less well in school, have lower self-esteem, and are typi-
(Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Odgers et al., 2012). In con- cally less skilled with peers than are children from other
trast, parental hostility is linked to declining school perfor- types of families. Some of these children appear sub-
mance and higher risk of delinquency among poor children dued; others may show high aggressiveness or other
and adolescents (Melby & Conger, 1996). indications of being out of control. These effects are not
restricted to preschool-age children. In a series of large
Clarity and consistency of rules—The degree and clarity of
studies of high school students, including longitudinal
the parents’ control over the child are also significant. Par-
studies of more than 6,000 teens, developmentalists
ents with clear rules, consistently applied, have children
found that teenagers from authoritarian families had
who are much less likely to be defiant or noncompliant. Such
poorer grades in school and more negative self-concepts
children are also more competent and sure of themselves
than did teenagers from authoritative families, a finding
and less aggressive (Kurdek & Fine, 1994; Patterson, 1980).
that has been replicated in more recent cohorts of teens
Maturity demands—Equally important is the form of con- (Steinberg, Blatt-Eisengart, & Cauffman, 2006; Steinberg,
trol the parents use (Barber & Xia, 2013). The most optimal Fletcher, & Darling, 1994).
outcomes for a child occur when the parents are not overly
restrictive, explain things to the child, and avoid the use of The permissive type—The permissive type of parent
physical punishments. Children whose parents have high responds to a child’s refusal to go to bed by allowing the
expectations (high “maturity demands,” in Baumrind’s lan- child to go to bed whenever she wants to. Children grow-
guage) also fare better. Such children have higher self-esteem ing up with indulgent or permissive parents also show
and show more generosity and altruism toward others. some negative outcomes. Researchers have found that
these children do slightly worse in school during adoles-
Communication—Finally, open and regular communication
cence and are likely to be both more aggressive (particu-
between parent and child has been linked to more positive
larly if the parents are specifically permissive toward
outcomes. Listening to a child is as important as talking to
aggressiveness) and somewhat immature in their behavior
him. Ideally, parents need to convey to a child that what the
with peers and in school. They are less likely to take
child has to say is worth listening to, that his ideas are impor-
responsibility and are less independent.
tant and should be considered in family decisions. Children
of such parents have been found to be more emotionally and The authoritative type—Authoritative parents respond
socially mature (Baumrind, 1971, 2013; Bell & Bell, 1982). to undesirable behaviors such as a child’s refusal to go to
bed by firmly sticking to their demands without resorting
TYPES OF PARENTING STYLES While each of these to asserting their power over the child. The most consist-
characteristics of families may be significant individually, ently positive outcomes have been associated with an
they do not occur in isolation but in combinations and pat- authoritative pattern in which the parents are high in
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

terns. In her early research, Baumrind identified three both control and acceptance—setting clear limits but also
­patterns, or styles, of parenting (Baumrind, 1967, 2013). responding to the child’s individual needs. Children
The permissive parenting style is high in nurturance but low reared in such f­ amilies typically show higher self-esteem
in maturity demands, control, and communication. The and are more independent, and they are also more likely
authoritarian parenting style is high in control and maturity to comply with parental requests and may show more
demands but low in nurturance and communication. The altruistic behavior as well. They are self-confident and
authoritative parenting style is high in all four dimensions. achievement oriented in school and get better grades than
do children whose parents have other parenting styles
Parenting Styles Proposed by Maccoby and Martin (Crockenberg & Litman, 1990; Dornbusch, Ritter, Lieder-
Eleanor Maccoby and John Martin proposed a variation of Baumrind’s
man, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Steinberg, Elmen, &
category system (Maccoby & Martin, 1983). They categorize families Mounts, 1989).
on two dimensions: the degree of demand or control and the amount of
acceptance versus rejection. The intersection of these two dimensions The uninvolved type—Uninvolved parents do not bother
creates four types, three of which correspond to Baumrind’s authoritar- to set bedtimes for children or even to tell them to go to
ian, authoritative, and permissive types. Maccoby and Martin’s con-
ceptualization adds a fourth type, the uninvolved parenting style. bed. They appear to be totally indifferent to children’s
behavior and to the responsibilities of parenting. The most
The authoritarian type—A parent who responds to a consistently negative outcomes are associated with the
child’s refusal to go to bed by asserting physical, social, fourth ­pattern—the uninvolved, or neglecting, parenting
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 188 Chapter 8

style. A family characteristic often found in infants rated as study showed more improvement in academic competence
insecure/avoidant is the “psychological unavailability” of and self-reliance and the smallest increases in psychological
the mother. The mother may be depressed or may be over- symptoms and delinquent behavior over the succeeding
whelmed by other problems in her life and may simply not 2 years (Steinberg et al., 1994). So these effects persist.
have made any deep emotional connection with the child. The effects of the family systems are complex. That is,
Likewise, a parent may be distracted from parenting by parenting styles interact with other variables to produce
more attractive activities. Whatever the reason, such chil- variations in child outcomes. These variables include
dren continue to show disturbances in their social relation- school involvement and child temperament.
ships for many years. In adolescence, for example,
youngsters from neglecting families are more impulsive
and antisocial, less competent with their peers, and much Impact of Parenting Styles on Development
less achievement oriented in school (Block, 1971; Lamborn, Each parenting style is associated with a pattern of child develop-
ment outcomes.
Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991; Pulkkinen, 1982).
Academic performance—The effects of the family sys-
Classifying families according to parenting styles tem, however, are complex. For example, authoritative
helps developmentalists categorize families for the pur- parents are much more likely to be involved with their
pose of research. However, you should keep in mind that child’s school, attending school functions and talking to
few families fall neatly into one of these categories. Instead, teachers, and this involvement seems to play a crucial
parents tend to adapt their styles to the individual needs of role in their children’s better school performance. When
their children and to the demands of specific situations. an authoritative parent is not involved with the school,
For example, a parent who is typically authoritative may the academic outcome for the student is not so clearly
display the authoritarian style in a situation in which his positive. Similarly, a teenager whose parent is highly
child is in danger, and the child’s unquestioning obedience involved with the school but is not authoritative shows
is required to maintain her safety. a less optimal outcome. It is the combination of authori-
tativeness and school involvement that is associated
with the best results (Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, &
Review: Types of Parenting Styles Darling, 1992).
How well do you remember and understanding the four types
of parenting styles and the developmental outcomes that are Child temperament—Another set of complexities is evident
associated with them? in the interaction between parenting style and child tem-
Type Developmental Outcomes
perament (Eisenberg, Chang, Ma, & Huang, 2009). For
example, authoritative parents often use inductive
Authoritarian High demands
type Low warmth
discipline, a discipline strategy in which parents explain to
Children have lower self-esteem, poorer social skills, children why a punished behavior is wrong and typically
may be aggressive refrain from physical punishment (Choe, Olson, & Sameroff,
Authoritative High demands 2013; Hoffman, 1970). Inductive discipline helps most pre-
type High warmth schoolers gain control of their behavior and learn to look at
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

Children have high self-esteem, good social skills, situations from perspectives other than their own.
good academic performance, more compliant and
respectful However, research on inductive discipline suggests that
Permissive Low demands it is not equally effective for all children. Those who have
type High warmth difficult temperaments or who are physically active and
Children lack maturity, show poorer academic who seem to enjoy risk taking—such as children who like to
performance, may be aggressive, do not take climb on top of furniture and jump off—seem to have a
responsibility for actions
greater need for firm discipline and to benefit less from
Uninvolved Low demands
type inductive discipline than do their peers whose temperamen-
Low warmth
Children lack social skills, are impulsive and
tal makeup is different (Kochanska, 1997a). In fact, assump-
antisocial, have disturbed social relationships tions about the superiority of inductive discipline, as well as
authoritative parenting in general, have been criticized by
developmentalists who claim that correlations between dis-
EFFECTS OF PARENTING STYLES As we mentioned ear-
cipline strategy and child behavior may arise simply because
lier, children of authoritative parents tend to get higher grades
parents adapt their techniques to their children’s behavior.
than children who are being raised by parents who exhibit
Thus, parents of poorly behaved children may be more
other styles (Steinberg et al., 1994). Moreover, in a longitudi-
punitive or authoritarian because they have discovered that
nal analysis, researchers found that students who described
this is the kind of parenting their children need.
their parents as most authoritative at the beginning of the
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 189

Developmental Science at Home: To Spank or Not to Spank?

Developmentalists oppose spanking for a variety of reasons.

The Problem Marie is at her wits’ end as to what to do about her 4-year-old daughter’s whining. “What that child needs is a good
spanking,” Marie’s grandmother declared one afternoon while the three were out shopping. Before she had children, Marie
thought that she would never consider spanking them, but she now finds herself wondering whether her grandmother is
right. Is Marie right to be reluctant to spank her daughter?
Effects of Physical Research suggests that there are many disadvantages to physical punishment.
Punishment
Relevant Research and In the short term, spanking usually does get the child to stop an undesirable behavior and temporarily reduces the
Recommendations likelihood that the child will repeat it (Gershoff, 2002). In the long term, however, the effects of spanking are clearly
negative, although modestly so (Ferguson, 2013). Research indicates that spanking (1) models infliction of pain as a means
of getting someone to do what you want them to do, (2) associates the parent who spanks with the child’s experience of
physical pain, (3) leads to a family climate that is characterized by emotional rejection, and (4) is associated with higher
levels of aggression among children who are spanked than among those who are not. Moreover, some children appear to
be especially vulnerable to these effects. For example, spanking combines with genetic factors such as a difficult
temperament to significantly increase a child’s risk of developing disruptive behavior disorders (Barnes, Boutwell, Beaver, &
Gibson, 2013).
For these reasons, developmentalists recommend that spanking, if it is used at all, be reserved for behaviors that are
potentially harmful to the child or others (Namka, 2002). In addition, spanking, like other forms of punishment, should always be
accompanied by an explanation of why the child was punished and an assurance that she is loved. Finally, experts agree that
physical punishment should never under any circumstances be used to discipline children younger than 2 years of age (DYG
Inc., 2004).
Conclusion Thinking back to the question we posed at the outset of this discussion, we must conclude that Marie’s reservations about
spanking her daughter are on target. Moreover, although Marie’s grandmother recommended spanking, she probably told
her own children, “If you don’t stop whining, I won’t let you watch TV” before she started searching for a paddle.
Unbeknownst to her, Marie’s grandmother, like generations of parents before her, was using an everyday variation of a
behavior management technique that psychologists call the Premack principle, named after researcher David Premack, who
demonstrated its effectiveness in a classic series of studies with primates and children (Premack, 1959). Thus, parents who
employ the Premack principle instead of resorting to spanking can be assured of the support of grandmothers and
psychologists alike.

The majority of preschool-age children of parents associated with positive developmental outcomes across
who respond to demonstrations of poor self-control, such all groups (Sorkhabi & Mandara, 2013).
as temper tantrums, by asserting their social and physical
power—as often happens when parents physically pun-
ish children—have poorer self-control than preschoolers
whose parents use inductive discipline (Houck & Factors Associated With Parenting Style
Lecuyer-Maus, 2004; Kochanska, 1997b; Kochanska, In a classic, large-scale, cross-sectional study involving roughly
10,000 9th- through 12th-grade students representing four ethnic
Murray, Jacques, Koenig, & Vandegeest, 1996). For this
groups (White, African American, Hispanic, and Asian), students
and other reasons, most developmentalists are opposed answered questions about the acceptance, control, and autonomy
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

to physical punishment, as discussed in Developmental they received from their parents (Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn, &
Science at Home. Dornbusch, 1991). When an adolescent described his family as above
the average on all three dimensions, the family was classed as
authoritative.
WRITING PROMPT
Ethnicity—The researchers found that the authoritative
Consider This—Extinction and Whining pattern was most common among White families and
How might operant conditioning principle of extinction be used to least common among Asian Americans, but in each eth-
diminish Marie’s daughter’s whining? In what ways does having nic group, authoritative parenting was more common
been spanked as a child influence an adult’s views about the
acceptability of spanking as a form of discipline? among middle-class and two-parent families than among
single-parent or stepparent families. Furthermore, these
researchers found relationships between authoritative
8.4.3: Ethnicity, Socioeconomic parenting and positive outcomes in all ethnic groups. In
Status, and Parenting Styles all four groups, for example, teenagers from authorita-
OBJECTIVE: Describe the factors that affect parenting tive families showed more self-reliance and less delin-
styles quency than did those from nonauthoritative families.
However, this study also found links between authoritar-
Ethnicity and socioeconomic variables interact with par- ian style and variables such as school performance and
enting styles, although authoritative parenting is social competence.
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 190 Chapter 8

Studies in which children provide information enhance their children’s potential for success. In fact, the
about their parents’ style as well as those in which correlation between authoritarian parenting and varia-
researchers conduct direct observation of parents have bles such as self-control among African American chil-
consistently found that, in general, Asian American par- dren suggests that they may be right (Baumrind, 1980;
ents display a more authoritarian style than those in Broman et al., 2006).
other ethnic groups (Chao, 1994; Wang & Phinney, 1998).
Poverty—Another reason that authoritarian parenting
The finding that Asian American children score higher
may be more common in African American families is
than their White counterparts on almost all measures of
that they are more likely to be poor. As we noted earlier,
cognitive competence argues against the assumption
authoritative parenting is generally less common among
that authoritative parenting is best. In fact, developmen-
poor parents than among middle-class parents in all four
talists have found a link between Asian American chil-
major U.S. ethnic groups. It seems likely that the reason
dren’s achievement and authoritarian parenting—that
for this pattern is similar to the one mentioned earlier for
is, parents who have the most authoritarian parenting
African Americans—that is, poor parents believe author-
style have the highest-scoring children (Wang & Phin-
itarian parenting will help their children attain impor-
ney, 1998). Likewise, longitudinal research suggests that
tant goals.
authoritarian parenting reduces the risk of child abuse
in African American single-parent families (Valentino,
­N uttall, Comas, Borkowski, & Akai 2012). Similarly,
authoritarian parenting has been shown to reduce the
likelihood of substance abuse in both White and African
8.5: Family Structure
Despite increases in the number of single-parent house-
American children (Broman, Reckase, & Freedman-
holds, the two-parent family continues to be the domi-
Doan, 2006).
nant structure in the United States. In 1970, almost 95% of
Parenting goals—However, the key variable in these children lived in such families. By contrast, in 2010, only
findings may not be ethnicity. Many studies have shown 70% of children were living in two-parent homes (U.S.
that parenting styles are grounded in parenting goals Census Bureau, 2012a). Moreover, the proportion of
(e.g., Cheay & Rubin, 2004). Parenting goals are influ- ­single-parent families in the United States far exceeds
enced by cultural values and by the immediate context in that in other industrialized countries, as you can see in
which parents are raising children (Choi, Kim, Kim, & Figure 8.2 (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Park, 2013; Valentino et al., 2012). Consequently, it’s Development, 2010).
important to know that many Asian American partici-
pants in studies comparing their parenting behaviors to By the end of this module, you will be able to:
those of European Americans have been recent immi-
8.5.1 Identify the effects of family structure on early
grants to the United States. Thus, Asian American par-
child development
ents may be authoritarian in response to living in an
environment that is different from the one in which they 8.5.2 Explain the effects of divorce on child behavior
grew up, not because they are Asian. Authoritarian par- 8.5.3 Identify the variables that contribute to the
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

enting may help them achieve two important goals: to relationship between family structure and child
help their children succeed economically and to enable development
them to maintain a sense of ethnic identity. Evidence
supporting this interpretation also comes from studies of
families who have emigrated to Israel, Canada, France, 8.5.1: Family Structure and Early
and Norway (Camilleri & Malewska-Peyre, 1997; Chuang Childhood
& Su, 2009; Javo, Ronning, Heyerdahl, & Rudmin, 2004; OBJECTIVE: Identify the effects of family structure on
Roer-Strier & Rivlis, 1998). early child development
The same link between parenting goals and parenting
style may help explain the greater incidence of We often hear reports of family structure statistics such
authoritarian behavior on the part of African American as the percentage of children growing up in single-
parents. Specifically, African American parents are keenly parent homes. But statistics tell us little about the signifi-
aware of the degree to which social forces such as racism cance of family structure with regard to child develop-
may impede their children’s achievement of educational, ment. Research suggests that a number of important
economic, and social success. Consequently, they may developmental outcomes are associated with family
adopt an authoritarian style because they believe it will structure.

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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 191

Figure 8.2 Two-Parent Families Around the World

Children in the United States are less likely than children in many other industrialized nations to live in two-parent homes.
SOURCE: OECD, 2010
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DIVERSITY IN TWO-PARENT AND SINGLE-PARENT

FAMILIES The two-parent family, though still the most
common living arrangement for children in the United
States, is far more diverse than in the past (Kreider, 2008).
Just over 60% of all children in the United States live with
both their biological or adoptive parents who are married.
Another 3% live with their cohabiting biological or adop-
tive parents. About 7% live in two-parent households that
were created when a divorced, never-married, or widowed
single biological or adoptive parent married another single
parent or a nonparent. Thus, many children in two-parent
households have experienced single-parenting at one time
or another while growing up.
Single-parent households are diverse as well. In con-
trast to stereotypes, some single parents are very finan- Some “two-parent” households in the United States are actually
cially secure. Surveys show that, while poverty rates are those in which a child is being raised by her grandparents.

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 192 Chapter 8

Figure 8.3 Ethnicity and Family Structure

Household types for U.S. children under 18 years of age.
SOURCE: Aud & Fox, 2010; U. S. Census Bureau, 2012.

White
100
African American
Hispanic American
Asian American
80
Native American
Two or more ethnicities
Percentage

60

40

20

0
Two Parent Single Mother Single Father Other
Family structure

higher among single-parent families, about 8% of single-

Figure 8.4 Ethnicity and Births to Unmarried Women
parent households in the United States have incomes in
Percentage of births to unmarried women across racial/ethnic
excess of $100,000 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010a). Moreover,
groups in the United States. The rate of births to unmarried women
unmarried teenage parents are likely to live with their own increased across all groups in the United States for decades but
parents (Bowden & Greenberg, 2010). Consequently, seems to have leveled off. Still, the percentage of infants born to
­single-parent households are no more alike than are two- unmarried women is far greater than it was in 1960 when just 5% of
parent households. all births in the United States were to unmarried women.
SOURCE: NCHS, 2010; Martin, Hamilton, VeEntura, Osterman, Wilson, &
FAMILY STRUCTURE AND ETHNICITY Looking at Mathews, 2012.
family structure across ethnic groups further illustrates
White
family diversity in the United States. You can get some 80 African American
feeling for the degree of variation from Figure 8.3. The fig- Native American
ure graphs estimates of the percentages of three family Asian American
types among White, African American, Asian American, Hispanic American
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

Native American, and Hispanic American children in the 60

United States (Forum on Child and Family Statistics, 2016;
Percentage

U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b).

SINGLE-PARENT BIRTHS You can see that single-­ 40

parent families are far more common among African
Americans and Native Americans than among other
groups (see Figure 8.4). A difference in the proportion of
20
births to unmarried women is one contributing factor.
Births to single women have increased rather dramati-
cally across all racial and ethnic groups in the United
States in the past few decades. However, the rates of 0
such births are much higher among African American 2010 2014
Unmarried births
and Native American women than in other groups. (By
the way, in all groups, more than three quarters of single
women giving birth are over the age of 20. Thus, teenage A second factor is that, although many African
pregnancy contributes very little to the statistics on American and Native American single mothers eventually
­single motherhood.) marry, adults in these groups—whether parents or
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 193

not—are less likely to marry (Goodwin & Mosher, 2010; series of traumatic events that have disrupted their own
U.S. Census Bureau, 2007). For instance, among middle- families (Smith & Palmieri, 2007). These events can include
age adults (40–44 years of age), 12% of Asian Americans, abuse of the children. Thus, developmentalists know very
14% of Whites, and 16% of Hispanic Americans have never little about how children raised by grandparents fare in the
married (Goodwin & Mosher, 2010). By contrast, 30% of absence of such confounding factors.
African American 40- to 44-year-olds have never married.
Gay and lesbian parents—Most gay and lesbian parents
Comparable statistics are not available for middle-age
are raising children who were conceived in prior hetero-
Native Americans. However, surveys of adults from 15 to
sexual relationships. However, a growing number of cou-
44 years of age show that, within this very broad age range,
ples are choosing to be parents through artificial
24% of Whites, 26% of Asian Americans, and 32% of
insemination or adoption. Studies have generally shown
Hispanic Americans have never married, compared to 41%
that children raised by gay and lesbian parents develop
and 35% of African Americans and Native Americans,
sex-role identities and sexual orientations in the same
respectively (Goodwin & Mosher, 2010; U.S. Census
way as children of heterosexual parents (Golombok &
Bureau, 2007).
Tasker, 1996). However, some studies suggest that they
Of course, statistics can’t explain why African
may be less sure about their future sexual orientation
American and Native American families are more likely
than children in families headed by heterosexual couples
than families of other groups to be headed by single par-
(e.g., Bos & Sandfort, 2010).
ents. Sociologists speculate that, in the case of African
More comprehensive studies have attempted to
Americans, lack of economic opportunities for men ren-
answer general questions about cognitive and social
ders them less able to take on family responsibilities
development among the adopted children of gay and
(Cherlin, 1992). Others add that grandparents and other
lesbian parents. Others have focused on developmental
relatives in both groups traditionally help support single
outcomes of children that gay and lesbian parents con-
mothers. For instance, among Native Americans, a tradi-
ceived in heterosexual relationships or through assisted
tional cultural value sociologists call kin orientation views
reproductive technologies (e.g., Carone, Baiocco,
parenting as the responsibility of a child’s entire family,
Ioverno, Chirumbolo, & Lingiardi, 2017). In general,
including grandparents and aunts and uncles. As a result,
such studies have found that children raised by gay and
Native American single parents, especially those who live
lesbian parents do not differ from those raised by hetero-
in predominantly Native American communities, receive
sexual parents (Chan, Raboy, & Patterson, 1998; Fitzger-
more material and emotional support than do single par-
ald, 1999; Gartrell & Bos, 2010; Goldberg & Smith, 2013;
ents in other groups and may feel less pressure to marry
Patterson, 2006).
(Ambert, 2001).

OTHER TYPES OF FAMILY STRUCTURES In contrast to

the amount of research comparing two-parent and single-
parent families, there are relatively few studies of the
effects of other kinds of family structures.
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The Effects of Other Types of Family Structures on Child

Development
Research on custodial grandparenting tends to focus on the effects
of the parenting experience on aging adults. Similarly, concerns
about children’s sex-role identity and sexual orientation have domi-
nated research on gay and lesbian parenting.

Custodial grandparents—Grandparents’ responses to

children’s problems are quite similar to those of parents
(Daly & Glenwick, 2000). However, the stresses of parent-
ing combined with the physical effects of aging are likely
to cause older adults to feel more anxious and depressed 8.5.2: Divorce
than younger adults in similar situations (Burton, 1992; OBJECTIVE: Explain the effects of divorce on child
Jendrek, 1993). behavior
Some have suggested that rates of behavior problems
are higher among children who are living with custodial There can be little doubt that divorce is traumatic for chil-
grandparents. However, researchers point out that such dren. It’s important to note, however, that some of the neg-
children are often in the care of their grandparents due to a ative effects of divorce are due to factors that were present
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 194 Chapter 8

before the divorce, such as difficult temperament in the

child or excessive marital conflict between the parents
(Cherlin, Chase-Lansdale, & McRae, 1998). It’s also impor-
tant to keep in mind that divorce is not a single variable;
children are probably affected by a multitude of divorce-
related factors—parental conflict, poverty, disruptions of
daily routine, involvement of the noncustodial parent, and
so on (Bailey & Zvonkovic, 2003; Wallerstein, Lewis, &
Packer Rosenthal, 2013).

Effects of Divorce on Children

Researchers have identified several effects of divorce on children
development. These effects persist into adulthood. They vary across
genders but are consistent across ethnic groups.

Short-Term and In the first few years after a divorce, children

Long-Term Effects typically exhibit declines in school performance
and show more aggressive, defiant, negative, or
depressed behavior (Greene, Krcmar, Rubin,
Walters, & Hale, 2002). By adolescence, the
children of divorced parents are more likely than
their peers to engage in criminal behavior (Price
& Kunz, 2003; Wallerstein et al., 2013). Children
living in stepparent families also have higher rates
of delinquency, more behavior problems in
school, and lower grades than do those in intact
families (Jeynes, 2006).
These negative effects of divorce seem to
persist for many years (Wallerstein et al., 2013).
For example, children whose parents divorce
have a higher risk of mental health problems in
adulthood (Chase-Lansdale, Cherlin, & Kiernan,
1995; Cherlin et al., 1998; Wallerstein & Lewis,
1998). Many young adults whose parents are
divorced lack the financial resources and
emotional support necessary to succeed in
college, and a majority report that they struggle
with fears of intimacy in relationships
(Cartwright, 2006). Not surprisingly, adults
whose parents divorced are themselves more
likely to divorce.
Gender Differences As a general rule, the negative effects of divorce
are more pronounced for boys than for girls.
However, some researchers have found that the Many single parents manage to overcome substantial obstacles to
effects are delayed in girls, making it more give their children the support and supervision they need.
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difficult to associate the effects with the divorce.

Consequently, longitudinal studies often find that
girls show equal or even greater negative effects
(Amato, 1993; Hetherington, 1991a, 1991b). WHEN DIVORCE IS UNAVOIDABLE Most parents
Age differences in the severity of the reaction
have been found in some studies but not others. know that divorce is traumatic for children and do their
For example, one longitudinal study found that best to avoid it. However, as we all know, in some situa-
the effects of divorce were most severe in a
group of 12-year-olds who experienced parental
tions there is no alternative. In such cases, parents often
divorce in early childhood rather than during their turn to counselors and psychologists for advice on how to
school years (Pagani, Boulerice, Tremblay, &
prevent the negative effects of divorce. As with so many
Vitaro, 1997).
other important challenges, in helping a child overcome
Ethnic Differences Ethnicity, incidentally, does not appear to be a
causal factor here. Yes, a larger percentage of the trauma of divorce, there is not a simple—or even
African American children grow up in single- ­complex—formula parents can follow.
parent families. But the same negative outcomes
occur in White single-parent families, and the It’s important for divorcing parents to realize that they
same positive outcomes are found in two-parent cannot eliminate all the short-term disruptive effects of this
non-White families. For example, the school
dropout rate for White children from single-parent event on children. However, there are some specific things
families is higher than the dropout rate for they can do to soften or lessen the effects:
Hispanic or African American children reared in
two-parent families (McLanahan & Sandefur, • Try to keep the number of separate changes the child
1994).
has to cope with to a minimum. If at all possible, keep
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 195

the children in the same school or day-care setting and structure itself. Thus, it’s important to know just what the
in the same house or apartment. differences are.
• If the children are teenagers, consider having each Children growing up in single-parent families are
child live with the parent of the same gender. The data about twice as likely to drop out of high school, twice as
are not totally consistent, but it looks as if this may be likely to have a child before age 20, and less likely to
a less stressful arrangement (Pickhardt, 2009). have a steady job in their late teens or early 20s (Child
• The custodial parent should help children stay in Trends Data Bank, 2015). Children of adolescent mothers
touch with the noncustodial parent. Likewise, the non- are particularly at risk. Differences between children of
custodial parent should maintain as much contact as teenagers and those whose mothers are older are evident
possible with the children, calling and seeing them in early childhood. Preschoolers whose mothers are
regularly, attending school functions, and so on. ­s ingle teenagers display less advanced cognitive and
social development than their peers (Coley & Chase-
• Keep the open conflict to a minimum. Most of all, try
Lansdale, 1998).
not to fight in front of the children. Open conflict has
negative effects on children, whether the parents are
divorced or not (Boyan & Termini, 2005). Thus, divorce
is not the only culprit; divorce combined with open Explaining the Relationship Between Family Structure
conflict between the adults has worse effects. and Child Development
• Do not use the children as go-betweens or talk dispar- A number of developmental outcomes are associated with family
agingly about the ex-spouse to them. Children who structure. Researchers have identified several factors that contribute
to these associations.
feel caught in the middle between the two parents are
more likely to show various kinds of negative symp- Risk Factors First, single parenthood or divorce reduces the financial
and emotional resources available to support the child.
toms, such as depression or behavior problems With only one parent, the household typically has only
(Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dornbusch, 1991). one income and only one adult to respond to the
child’s emotional needs. Data from the United States
• Do not expect the children to provide emotional sup- indicate that a woman’s income drops an average of
port. Parents should maintain their own network of 40–50% after a divorce (Bradbury & Katz, 2002;
Smock, 1993).
support and use that network liberally. They should Second, any family transition involves upheaval.
stay in touch with friends, seek out others in the same Both adults and children adapt slowly and with difficulty
to subtraction from or addition of new adults to the
situation, and join a support group. family system (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1995).
The period of maximum disruption appears to last
In the midst of the emotional upheaval that accompa- several years, during which the parents often find it
nies divorce, these prescriptions are not easy to follow. difficult to monitor their children and maintain control
However, if divorcing parents are able to do so, their chil- over them.
Perhaps most important, single parenthood,
dren will probably suffer less. divorce, and stepparenthood all increase the likelihood
that the family climate or style will shift away from
authoritative parenting (Wallerstein et al., 2013). This
8.5.3: Understanding the Effects of shift is not uncommon in the first few years after a
divorce, when the custodial parent (usually the
Family Structure and Divorce mother) is distracted or depressed and less able to
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

manage warm control; it occurs in stepfamilies as

OBJECTIVE: Identify the variables that contribute to well, where rates of authoritative parenting are lower
than in intact families.
the relationship between family structure Remember, authoritarian or neglecting parenting is
and child development linked to poor outcomes whether it is triggered by a
divorce, a stressful remarriage, the father’s loss of a job,
or any other stress factor (Goldberg, 1990). Ultimately, it
The broadest statement psychologists can make about the is the parenting style, rather than any particular type of
effects of family structure is that, at least in the United disruption, that is significant for the child.
States, research suggests that the optimum situation for Protective Many families also construct a social network called
Factors an extended family, a family structure that includes
children appears to be one that includes two natural par-
parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and so
ents (Lamb & Lewis, 2010). Never-married mothers, on. Extended families seem to serve a protective
divorced mothers or fathers who have not remarried, and function for children who are growing up in single-
parent homes (Wilson, 1995). Grandmothers, for
stepparents are frequently linked to less positive outcomes. example, appear to be important sources of
Factors associated with single-parenthood, such as pov- emotional warmth for the children of teenage mothers
(Coley & Chase-Lansdale, 1998). And, as mentioned
erty, may help explain its negative effects on development. earlier, extended family members often help single
Still, the differences between children who never experi- and divorced mothers with financial and emotional
support as well as with child care. In the United
ence single-parenting and those who do are too large to be States, such networks are more common among
completely explained by other variables. This means that minorities than among Whites (Harrison, Wilson, Pine,
Chan, & Buriel, 1990).
at least part of the difference is connected to the family
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 196 Chapter 8

WRITING PROMPT often simply playing side by side with different toys.
Developmentalists refer to this as parallel play. Toddlers
Consider This—Divorce and Family Structure
this age express interest in one another and gaze at or make
In what ways do you think that changes in family structure following noises at one another.
a divorce can affect a child’s development? Do you think that there
would be the same effects if the family structure changed for other Associative play—It isn’t until around 18 months that
reasons such as one parent dying or having to move far away?
children engage in associative play. In associative play, tod-
dlers pursue their own activities but also engage in sponta-
8.6: Peer Relationships in neous, though short-lived, social interactions. For example,
one toddler may put down a toy to spend a few minutes
Early Childhood chasing another, or one may imitate another’s action with
a toy.
What is the first thought that springs to mind when you
think about 2- to 6-year-olds? Perhaps it is the phenome- Cooperative play—By age 3 or 4, children begin to engage
non of play. Certainly, people of all ages enjoy playing, in cooperative play, a pattern in which several children work
although they obviously define it differently, but in the together to accomplish a goal. Cooperative play can be
early childhood period, playing is the predominant form of either constructive or symbolic. A group of children may
behavior. In the context of play, children learn the skills cooperate to build a city out of blocks, or they may assign
they need to relate to others, and they learn that relation- roles such as “mommy,” “daddy,” and “baby” to one
ships have both negative and positive aspects. another to play house.

By the end of this module, you will be able to: Play provides opportunities for children to develop
social skills, a set of behaviors that usually lead to being
8.6.1 Describe the various types of play accepted as a play partner or friend by others. For
8.6.2 Summarize the types of aggression children ­example, many researchers have focused on the social
display in early childhood skill of group entry, the ability to integrate oneself into a
8.6.3 Describe changes in prosocial behavior and group without disrupting it. Children who are skilled in
friendships that occur in early childhood group entry spend time observing others to find out
what they’re doing and then try to become a part of it.
Children who have poor group-entry skills try to gain
8.6.1: Relating to Peers Through Play acceptance through aggressive behavior or by interrupt-
OBJECTIVE: Describe the various types of play ing the group. Developmentalists have found that chil-
dren with poor group-entry skills are often rejected by
You may recall that the type of play that a child exhibits is peers (Fantuzzo, Coolahan, & Mendez, 1998). Peer rejec-
related to her level of cognitive development. But what tion, in turn, is an important factor in future social
about the social features of children’s play activities? The development.
social dimensions of play were outlined in a classic obser- Because of the risks associated with poor social
vational study conducted by MildredParten (1932).
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skills, developmentalists have turned their attention to

social-skills training as a preventive measure. One
Parten’s Stages of Play important finding is that social-skills training improves
If you observe young children who are engaged in free play, you will children’s ability to regulate emotions (Calkins &
see that Parten’s stages of play continue to be useful today. Mackler, 2011). Thus, interventions that help children
better manage their feelings and understand those of
Solitary and onlooker play—At every age, children are
their peers may improve their social skills. Improving
likely to spend at least some of their time playing alone—
children’s communication skills can also help. In one
a pattern known as solitary play. They may also exhibit
intervention study, socially withdrawn 4- and 5-year-
onlooker play, a pattern in which they watch another child
olds were taught specific verbal phrases to use when try-
playing. However, children first begin to show some posi-
ing to gain acceptance by a group of peers (Doctoroff,
tive interest in playing with others as early as 6 months of
1997). In addition, their socially accepted peers were
age. If you place two babies that age on the floor facing
taught to remind the trained children to use their new
each other, they will look at each other, touch, pull each
skills. For the most part, social-skills interventions like
other’s hair, imitate each other’s actions, and smile at
this one lead to immediate gains in social acceptance.
each other.
However, the degree to which early childhood social-
Parallel play—By 14–18 months, two or more children skills training can prevent later social difficulties is
play together with toys—sometimes cooperating, but more unknown at present.
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 197

8.6.2: Aggression Changes in Aggressive Behavior

OBJECTIVE: Summarize the types of aggression Every young child shows at least some aggressive behavior, but the
children display in early childhood form and frequency of aggression change over the preschool years
(Cummings, Hollenbeck, Iannotti, Radke-Yarrow, & Zahn-Waxler,
Suppose you were the parent of two boys, a 4-year-old and 1986; Goodenough, 1931; Hartup, 1974).

a 6-year-old, and saw them laughing with delight while From Physical to When 2- or 3-year-old children are upset or
they were wrestling. What do you think might happen? Verbal Aggression frustrated, they are most likely to throw things or
hit each other. As their verbal skills improve,
You might remember a sequence of events like this one however, they shift away from such overt
from your own childhood: First, one child “accidentally” physical aggression toward greater use of verbal
aggression, such as taunting or name-calling,
punches the other too hard. Next, the victim’s nascent just as their defiance of their parents shifts from
sense of justice dictates that he respond in kind. Soon what physical to verbal strategies.
The decline in physical aggression over
started out as fun escalates into a full-blown fight. these years also undoubtedly reflects the
Interactions of this kind are common in the early child- preschooler’s declining egocentrism and
increasing understanding of other children’s
hood period and even into the early adolescent years. thoughts and feelings. Yet another factor
Aggression is defined as behavior that is intended to injure in the decline of physical aggression is the
another person or damage an object. The emphasis on emergence of dominance hierarchies, a
group’s tendency to organize itself into
intentionality helps separate true aggression from rough- subgroups of those that dominate and those
and-tumble play in which children sometimes accidentally that are dominated by other group members.
As early as age 3 or 4, groups of children
hurt one another. arrange themselves in well-understood pecking
orders of leaders and followers (Strayer, 1980).
They know who will win a fight and who will
lose one, which children they dare attack and
which ones they must submit to—knowledge
that serves to reduce the actual amount of
physical aggression.
From Instrumental to A second change in the quality of aggression
Hostile Aggression during the preschool years is a shift from
instrumental aggression to hostile aggression.
Instrumental aggression is aimed at gaining or
damaging some object; the purpose of hostile
aggression is to hurt another person or gain an
advantage. Thus, when 3-year-old Sarah
pushes aside her playmate Lucetta in the
sandbox and grabs Lucetta’s bucket, she is
showing instrumental aggression. When
Lucetta in turn gets angry at Sarah and calls
her a “dummy,” she is displaying hostile
aggression.

KEY FACTORS IN AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR What

causes aggressive behavior? Theories explaining aggres-
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

sive behavior have been derived from all of the major psy-
chological perspectives. Psychoanalysts view anger as a
manifestation of repressed emotions. Behaviorists see it as

Review: Age-Related Changes in Aggressive Behavior

Physical aggression is common in the first years of the early
childhood period. Over time, physical aggression gives way to
other forms of aggression as children become more cognitively and
Developmentalists distinguish between true aggression (intentional socially sophisticated.
harm) and the accidental injuries that often occur during normal
Type of
rough-and-tumble play.
Aggression 2- to 4-Year-Olds 4- to 8-Year-Olds
Physical aggression At its peak Declines
In summary, physical aggression is common in the
Verbal aggression Relatively rare at 2; Dominant form of
first years of the early childhood period. Over time, increases as child’s aggression
physical aggression gives way to other forms of aggres- verbal skills improve
sion. These changes occur as children become more Goal of aggression Mostly instrumental Mostly hostile
­cognitively sophisticated, linguistically competent, and Occasion for Most often after Most often after
aggression conflicts with parents conflicts with peers
socially skilled.
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25.
 198 Chapter 8

the result of reinforcement. However, no single perspec- appear to be rewarded for their aggression, they learn
tive can fully explain aggression. Instead, developmental- aggressive behavior.
ists view aggression as a pattern of behavior that is
Trait aggression—Whatever the cause, most children
influenced by several key factors, some of which are
become less aggressive during the preschool years. There
within the child himself as well as others that are
are a few children, however, whose aggressive behavior
environmental.
pattern in early childhood becomes quite literally a way
of life, a finding that has been supported by cross-cultural
Key Factors That Affect Aggression research (Hart, Olsen, Robinson, & Mandleco, 1997;
Psychologists have suggested several key factors in aggressive
Henry, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 1996; Newman, Caspi,
behavior. Moffitt, & Silva, 1997; Röll, Koglin, & Petermann, 2012).
Researchers have searched for causes of this kind of
Frustration—One early group of American psychologists
aggression, which some psychologists refer to as trait
argued that aggression was always preceded by frus­
aggression, to distinguish it from developmentally normal
tration, and that frustration was always followed by
forms of aggression.
aggression (Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears,
Psychologists looking for a genetic basis for trait
1939). The frustration-aggression hypothesis turned out
aggression have produced some supportive data (Hudziak
to be too broadly stated; not all frustration leads to
et al., 2003; van Beijsterveldt, Bartels, Hudziak, &
aggression, but frustration does make aggression more
Boomsma, 2003; Yaman, Mesman, van IJzendoorn, &
likely. Toddlers and preschoolers are often frustrated—
Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2010). Others suggest that trait
because they cannot always do what they want and
aggression is associated with being raised in an aggres-
because they cannot express their needs clearly—and
sive environment, such as an abusive family (Dodge,
they often express that frustration through aggression. As
1993). Family factors other than abuse, such as lack of
a child acquires greater ability to communicate, plan, and
affection and the use of coercive discipline techniques,
organize her activities, her frustration level declines, and
also appear to be related to trait aggression, especially in
overt aggression drops.
boys (Campbell, Spieker, Vandergrift, Belsky, & Burchinal,
Reinforcement—Other developmentalists argue that 2010; Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, & McBride-Chang, 2003).
reinforcement is important. For instance, when Sarah Young children’s capacity for regulating their emotions
pushes Lucetta away and grabs her toy, Sarah is rein- also predicts aggressive behavior later in childhood (Röll,
forced for her aggression because she gets the toy. This et al., 2012).
straightforward effect of reinforcement clearly plays a Still other developmentalists have discovered evidence
vital role in children’s development of aggressive pat- that aggressive children may shape their environments to
terns of behavior. Moreover, when parents give in to gain continuing reinforcement for their behavior. For
their young child’s tantrums or aggression, they are rein- example, aggressive boys as young as 4 years old tend to
forcing the very behavior they deplore, and they thereby prefer other aggressive boys as playmates and to form
help to establish a long-lasting pattern of aggression and stable peer groups. Boys in these groups develop their own
defiance. patterns of interaction and reward each other with social
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approval for aggressive acts (Farver, 1996). This pattern of

Modeling—Modeling, too, plays a key role in children’s
association among aggressive boys continues through
learning of aggressive behaviors. In a classic series of
middle childhood and adolescence.
studies, psychologist Albert Bandura found that chil-
dren learn specific forms of aggression, such as hitting, Social reasoning—Finally, social-cognitivists have pro-
by watching other people perform them (Bandura, Ross, duced a large body of research suggesting that highly
& Ross, 1961, 1963). Clearly, entertainment media offer aggressive children lag behind their peers in under-
children many opportunities to observe aggressive standing others’ intentions (Crick & Dodge, 1994; Meece
behavior, but real-life aggressive models may be more & Mize, 2010). Research demonstrating that teaching
influential. For example, children learn that aggression aggressive children how to think about others’ inten-
is an acceptable way of solving problems by watching tions reduces aggressive behavior also supports this
their parents, siblings, and ­others behave aggressively. conclusion (Crick & Dodge, 1996; Webster-Stratton &
Indeed, parents who consistently use physical punish- Reid, 2003). Specifically, these studies suggest that
ment have children who are more aggressive than those aggressive school-age children seem to reason more like
of parents who do not model aggression in this way 2- to 3-year-olds about intentions. For example, they are
(Stacks, Oshio, Gerard, & Roe, 2009). It should not be likely to perceive a playground incident (say, one child
surprising that when children have many different accidentally tripping another during a soccer game) as
aggressive models, especially if those aggressive models an intentional act that requires retaliation. Training,
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25.
 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 199

which also includes anger-management techniques, adolescence. But not all prosocial behaviors show this
helps aggressive school-age children acquire an under- pattern. Comforting another child, for example, seems to
standing of others’ intentions that most children learn be more common among preschoolers and children in
between the ages of 3 and 5. early elementary grades than among older children
Similar results have been obtained in studies examin- (Eisenberg, 2004).
ing aggressive children’s ability to engage in other kinds Children vary a lot in the amount of altruistic behav-
of social reasoning (Harvey, Fletcher, & French, 2001). ior they show, and young children who show relatively
However, developmentalists have found that, like their more empathy and altruism are also those who regulate
reasoning about intentions, aggressive children’s social their own emotions well. They show positive emotions
reasoning can be improved with training. In one study, readily and negative emotions less often and are also more
for example, researchers successfully used videotapes of popular with peers (Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad 2006).
children engaging in rough-and-tumble play to teach These variations among children’s levels of empathy or
aggressive children how to recognize the difference altruism seem to be related to specific kinds of child rear-
between “play fighting” and aggressive acts that can ing. In addition, longitudinal studies indicate that chil-
cause physical pain (Smith, Smees, & Pelligrini, 2004). dren who display higher levels of prosocial behavior in
Thus, trait aggression may originate in some kind of devi- the preschool years continue to demonstrate higher levels
ation from the typical social-cognitive developmental of such behavior in adulthood (Eisenberg, Hofer, Sulik, &
path during the early childhood period, and it may be Liew, 2014).
reduced with interventions aimed at returning children to
that path. PARENTAL AND CULTURAL INFLUENCES ON PROSO-
CIAL BEHAVIOR Research suggests that parental behav-
ior contributes to the development of prosocial behavior
8.6.3: Prosocial Behavior and (Eisenberg, 2004). Specifically, parents of altruistic children
Friendships create a loving and warm family climate. If such warmth is
combined with clear explanations and rules about what to
OBJECTIVE: Describe changes in prosocial behavior
do as well as what not to do, the children are even more
and friendships that occur in early
likely to behave altruistically. Such parents also often
childhood
explain the consequences of the child’s action in terms of
At the other end of the spectrum of peer relationships is a its effects on others—for example, “If you hit Susan, it will
set of behaviors psychologists call prosocial behavior. Like hurt her.” Stating rules or guidelines positively rather than
aggression, prosocial behavior is intentional and volun- negatively also appears to be important; for example, “It’s
tary, but its purpose is to help another person in some way always good to be helpful to other people” is more effec-
(Eisenberg, 1992). In everyday language, such behavior is tive guidance than “Don’t be so selfish!”
called altruism, and it changes with age, as do other aspects
of peer behavior.
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DEVELOPMENT OF PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR Altruis-

tic behaviors first become evident in children of about 2
or 3—at about the same time as real interest in playing
with other children arises. They will offer to help another
child who is hurt, share a toy, or try to comfort another
person (Tomasello, 2009). Children this young are only
beginning to understand that others feel differently than
they do—but they obviously understand enough about
the emotions of others to respond in supportive and sym-
pathetic ways when they see other children or adults
hurt or sad.
Beyond these early years, changes in prosocial
behavior show a mixed pattern. Some kinds of prosocial
behavior, such as taking turns, seem to increase with
age. If you give children an opportunity to donate some
treat to another child who is described as needy, older Prosocial behaviors, such as sharing, are influenced by cognitive
children donate more than younger children do. development and by the deliberate efforts of parents and teachers to
Helpfulness, too, seems to increase with age, through teach children to behave in such ways.
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 200 Chapter 8

Providing prosocial attributions—positive statements & Tamplin, 1985). Thus, one important change in social
about the underlying cause for helpful behavior—also behavior during early childhood is the formation of stable
helps. For example, a parent might praise a child by saying friendships (Hay, Payne, & Chadwick, 2004).
“You’re such a helpful child!” or “You certainly do a lot of To be sure, these early peer interactions are still quite
nice things for other people.” Having heard such state- primitive. However, it is noteworthy that preschool friend
ments often during early childhood helps children incor- pairs nonetheless show more mutual liking, more reciproc-
porate them into their self-concepts later in childhood. In ity, more extended interactions, more positive and less neg-
this way, parents may help create a generalized, internal- ative behavior, and more supportiveness in a novel
ized pattern of altruistic behavior in the child. situation than do nonfriend pairs at this same age—all
Parents of altruistic children also look for opportuni- signs that these relationships are more than merely passing
ties for them to do helpful things. For example, they allow fancies. Moreover, having had a friend in early childhood
children to help cook, take care of pets, make toys to give is related to social competence (Rubin, Coplan Chen,
away, teach younger siblings, and so forth. Finally, paren- Bowker, & McDonald, 2011; Sebanc, 2003).
tal modeling of thoughtful and generous behavior—that is,
parents demonstrating consistency between what they say
WRITING PROMPT
and what they do—is another contributing factor.
Consider This—Influences on Aggression and Prosocial Behavior
FRIENDSHIPS IN EARLY CHILDHOOD Beginning at
What are some ways that parents, siblings, and other family mem-
about 18 months, a few toddlers show early hints of play- bers and friends can influence a child’s propensity toward prosocial
mate preferences or individual friendships (Howes, behavior? Similarly, if a child regularly shows too much aggression,
1983,1987). However, by age 3, about 20% of children have what are some ways that family members and friends can act to
reduce this? How do you think being friends with other children who
a stable playmate. By 4, more than half spend 30% or more are not very aggressive impacts a child’s likelihood of acting aggres-
of their time with one other child (Hinde, Titmus, Easton, sively?

Summary: Social and Personality Development in Early

Childhood
8.1 Theories of Social and Personality global sense of self. Children make major strides in
Development self-control and in their understanding of their own
social roles in the preschool years, as parents gradually
• Freud and Erikson each described two stages of per-
turn over the job of control to the child.
sonality development during the preschool years: the
anal and phallic stages in Freud’s theory and the stages 8.3 Gender Development
in which autonomy and initiative are developed in
Erikson’s theory. Both theories, but especially Freud’s, • Freud’s explanation of gender development has not
received much support from researchers. Social-
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place primary importance on the parent–child rela-

tionship. More recent psychoanalytic approaches learning explanations are more persuasive but ignore
emphasize the importance of relationships with peers the role of cognitive development. Cognitive-devel-
and siblings. opmental theory claims that gender development
depends on children’s understanding of the gender
• Social-cognitive theorists assert that advances in social
concept and that the latter develops in three stages.
and personality development are associated with cog-
Between ages 2 and 6, most children move through a
nitive development. Three topics of interest to such
series of steps in their understanding of gender con-
theorists are person perception, understanding of oth-
stancy: first labeling their own and others’ gender,
ers’ intentions, and understanding of different kinds
then understanding the stability of gender, and finally
of rules.
comprehending the constancy of gender at about age
5 or 6. Gender schema theory claims that children
8.2 Personality and Self-Concept organize ideas about gender using a mental frame-
• During early childhood, children’s temperaments are work (schema) that they construct as soon as they can
modified by social experiences both within and out- reliably label themselves and others as male and
side the family to form their personalities. female.
• The preschooler continues to define himself along a • At about age 2, children begin to learn what is appro-
series of objective dimensions but does not yet have a priate behavior for their gender. By age 5 or 6, most
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
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 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 201

children have developed fairly rigid rules about what play and may exhibit onlooker play, a pattern in
boys or girls are supposed to do and be. which they watch another child play. By 14–18
• Children display sex-typed behavior as early as 18–24 months, children engage in parallel play, playing
months of age. Some theorists think children play in alongside each other but not interacting. At 18 months,
gender-segregated groups because same-sex peers associative play—play that includes some interac-
help them learn about sex-appropriate behavior. tion—is apparent. By 3 or 4, children begin to engage
in cooperative play, in which they work together to
8.4 Family Relationships and Parenting accomplish a goal.
• Physical aggression toward peers increases and then
• The young child’s attachment to the parent(s) remains
declines during these years, while verbal aggression
strong, but except in stressful situations, attachment
increases among older preschoolers. A shift from
behaviors become less visible as the child gets older. Pre-
instrumental aggression, which is goal oriented, to
schoolers refuse or defy parental influence attempts
hostile aggression, which aims to hurt others or gain
more than infants do. Outright defiance, however,
an advantage over them, is also apparent. Some chil-
declines from age 2 to age 6. Both these changes are
dren display trait aggression, a pattern of aggressive
clearly linked to the child’s language and cognitive gains.
behavior that continues to cause problems for them
• Authoritative parenting, which combines warmth, clear
throughout childhood and adolescence.
rules, and communication with high maturity demands,
• Children as young as 2 show prosocial behavior
is associated with the most positive outcomes for chil-
toward others, and this behavior seems to become
dren. Authoritarian parenting has some negative effects
more common as the child’s ability to take another’s
on development. However, permissive and uninvolved
perspective increases. Stable friendships develop
parenting seem to be the least positive styles.
between children in this age range.
• Ethnicity and socioeconomic class are linked to parent-
ing style. Asian American and African American par-
ents are more authoritarian than those in other ethnic
SHARED WRITING
groups, and poor parents in all ethnic groups tend to Court-Ordered Counseling for Divorcing Parents
be authoritarian. Studies of parenting style and devel- Decide which of these two statements you most agree with and
opmental outcomes in ethnic groups suggest that, in think about how you would defend your position:
some situations, authoritative parenting may not be 1. Given that divorce is traumatic for children, courts should require
the best style. parents with children who want to divorce to go through coun-
seling aimed at determining whether reconciliation is possible.
2. Courts should not require parents with children who want to
8.5 Family Structure divorce to go through counseling aimed at determining whether
• Family structure affects early childhood social and reconciliation is possible because a conflict-ridden marriage may
be just as harmful to children as divorce.
personality development. Data from U.S. studies sug-
gest that any family structure other than one that
includes two biological parents is linked to more nega-
Chapter Test
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

tive outcomes.
• Following a divorce, children typically show disrupted Answers to all the Chapter Test questions can be found at the end
behavior for several years. Parenting styles also of the book.
change, becoming less authoritative. However, many 1. Sheila classifies her friends and teachers as “good,”
effects of divorce on children are associated with prob- “bad,” “nice,” “naughty,” etc., based on her experi-
lems that existed before the marriage ended. ences with them in a day. This capacity for categoriza-
• To understand the influence of family structure on tion is called _________________.
development, a number of variables, such as poverty, a. social-cognitive behavior c. person perception
associated with differences in family structure must be b. cross-race effect d. labeling
taken into account. However, these variables alone are
2. If Leila is in Kohlberg’s gender stability stage, which of
insufficient to explain differences in children that are
the following will she likely not understand?
correlated with variations in family makeup.
a. categorization of children as “boys” and “girls”
b. that she will still be a girl even if she wears boys’
8.6 Peer Relationships in Early Childhood clothing
• Play with peers is evident before age 2 and becomes c. that she will grow up to be a woman
increasingly important through the preschool years. d. categorization of toys and activities as “for girls” or
At every age, children spend some time in solitary “for boys”
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25.
 202 Chapter 8

3. According to Eleanor Maccoby, girls use a(n) 10. Which of the following is not a descriptive characteris-
_________________ communication style that usually tic of highly aggressive preschoolers?
involves giving suggestions, expressing support, and a. They prefer nonaggressive playmates whom they
seeking agreement with others? can bully.
a. sex-typed c. facilitating b. They are less able to understand others’ intentions
b. enabling d. constricting than nonaggressive children are.
4. Six-year-old Bettina asks her mother if she can stay up c. Most form stable peer groups.
until 9 p.m. on Friday night to watch a special educa- d. They develop social reasoning skills more slowly
tional TV program. Her mother says, “Your bedtime is than their peers do.
8:00, and rules are rules. Get ready for bed immediately 11. When do children first engage in associative play,
or you’ll have to be grounded to your room all day where they have, spontaneous though, short-lived
tomorrow.” What is Bettina’s mother’s parenting style? interactions with other children?
a. authoritarian c. punishing a. 6 to 8 months
b. authoritative d. neglectful b. 12 to 14 months
5. According to Erikson, what is an example of moral c. around 18 months
emotion that 4-year-old Sara feels? d. about 2 years
a. guilt for having dropped her mother ’s mobile 12. Which of the following is a central theme of Erikson’s
phone view of development during the preschool period?
b. jealousy about her friend owning a Barbie a. Families must balance their children’s emerging
c. anger when her brother took her pencil without skills and desire for autonomy with their parental
asking need to protect and control their children.
d. sadness when her favorite cartoon character cried b. Language, cognition, and motor skills are develop-
6. Which of the following does the text cite as a possible mentally intertwined, and one aspect of develop-
reason that immigrant families use an authoritarian ment supports other aspects of development.
parenting style with their children? c. Children’s sexual development is triggered by
a. They believe that authoritarian parenting will help social and emotional interactions with peers.
children succeed and attain important goals. d. The basis for children’s social and personality
b. They value children less than non-immigrant fami- development is their cognitive development.
lies do. 13. Leena, a 6-year-old, giggles and says a vehement,
c. Authoritarian parenting is consistent with most “No, you can’t,” when her elder sister dresses up
immigrants’ cultural beliefs. in trousers and says, “From today, I will be a man.”
d. Immigrant families do not want their children to This is a sign that Leena has developed a sense
assimilate to the majority culture. of _________.
7. By what age do children start assigning stereotypic a. gender awareness
occupations, toys, and activities to each gender? b. gender identity
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

a. age 1 or 2 c. age 5 or 6 c. gender stability

b. age 3 or 4 d. age 7 or 8 d. gender constancy
8. Which of the following is part of “goal-corrected part- 14. Erikson asserted that young children must develop
nership” that preschoolers reach at about 4 years of which of the following traits?
age? a. impulse control and gender roles that are consistent
a. Relationships exist even if people are apart. with biological sex
b. The child generalizes relationships to the social cir- b. control of elimination and identification with same-
cle rather than just the immediate circle. sex parent
c. Securely attached children have more positive rela- c. an enabling communication style with parents and
tionships with teachers. a restrictive style with peers
d. All the above. d. autonomy and initiative
9. According to the text, impulse control develops as a 15. According to Freud, a preschool child’s development
result of _________________. is centered on _________________.
a. attainment of Kohlberg’s gender-constancy stage a. renegotiation of parental relationships
b. advances in cognitive development b. increased autonomy
c. social interactions c. the desire for peer acceptance
d. allowing children to express their individuality d. improved social skills
Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25.
 Social and Personality Development in Early Childhood 203

16. Cross-cultural studies have found similar gender ste- 22. Which of the following is not a component of a 4-year-
reotypes across cultures. Which of the following is not old girl’s negotiation of Erikson’s initiative versus
a common gender stereotype for men? guilt crisis?
a. coarseness c. warmth a. newly emerging cognitive skills
b. strength d. assertiveness b. saying “no” to parental requests and commands
17. Which of the following statements can be classified as c. concern for socially acceptable ways of accomplish-
an attribution? ing goals
a. You are a good child! d. balancing her desires with the demands of her
b. Don’t be selfish, go and help others! conscience
c. If you don’t help others, God will punish you! 23. Professor Mbatu is studying 5-year-old children’s abil-
d. You are such a lovely, helpful child! ity to remember faces. According to the text, the chil-
18. Which of the following is instrumental aggression? dren in his study are likely to remember _____________.
a. Radha hits Arun for disturbing her while she a. angry faces more frequently than happy ones
watches TV. b. faces of people in their own ethnic groups more fre-
b. Harold gets angry and calls Ben an idiot. quently than those in other groups
c. Rita pushes past Ruth to get to the candy on the c. female faces more frequently than male faces
table. d. children’s faces more frequently than adults’ faces
d. Raina hurls the scale at Bob to stop his crying. 24. Will’s mother and father think that making sure
19. When several children engage to accomplish a com- that children know they are loved is the most impor-
mon goal, it is called _________________. tant goal of parenting. Their way of ensuring that
a. parallel play this happens is to give Will pretty much whatever
b. associative play he asks for and constantly tell him that they love
c. cooperative play him. If Will gets in trouble at preschool, which hap-
d. social play pens often, his parents characterize the incident as a
“personality conflict” with the teacher. They do not
20. Which parenting style is associated with poor impulse
discuss it with Will or punish him in any way.
control in children?
Which parenting style would you say best describes
a. permissive c. authoritative
Will’s parents?
b. authoritarian d. uninvolved
a. permissive c. authoritarian
21. Which statement about young children’s preference b. authoritative d. uninvolved
for same-sex playmates is true?
25. Which theory of gender role development is based on
a. Boys’ preference for male playmates can be changed
information-processing theory?
through modeling and reinforcement.
a. cognitive-developmental theory
b. Girls express a stronger preference for same-sex
b. observational learning theory
playmates than boys do.
c. psychosexual theory
c. The preference for same-sex companions appears
d. gender schema theory
Copyright © 2019. Pearson Education, Limited. All rights reserved.

very early in life.

d. Children of parents who encourage cross-gender
play are unlikely to prefer same-sex playmates.

Boyd, D., Bee, H., Bee, H., Boyd, D., Boyd, D., Bee, H., Boyd, D., & Bee, H. (2019). Lifespan development, ebook, global edition. Pearson Education, Limited.
Created from arden on 2022-01-01 17:15:25.