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has a salary of $5000, the others, $2500. A monthly report of accounts
is to be rendered to the government. As a condition of the loan, the
frontier police force is to be maintained; the President of the United
States is to assign training officers, to be paid from the assigned
revenues. The General Receiver is also the Financial Adviser of the
Liberian Government; he is to systematize the finances of Liberia; and
to approve statements before submission to the legislature.
Appropriations must not overrun the revenues; after the legislature
adjourns, the President, Secretary of the Treasury, and the Financial
Adviser must revise the appropriations if they have overrun; their act is
binding to the Secretary of the Treasury. The Financial Adviser co-
operates with the government in establishing economical and efficient
administration and expenditure. The debts of the Republic are to be at
once paid—by bonds where the creditors chose to receive them. The
bankers are to receive for their services their out-of-pocket expenses,
legal charges, commission on the face value of the 5 per cent bonds,
and 5 per cent on the bonds purchased by themselves. Residue bonds
are to be held by the fiscal agents to meet approved, unadjusted
indebtedness: final residue bonds will be sold and the money paid to
Liberia for public improvements approved by the General Receiver. In
order that this agreement should go into effect, it was necessary that
the Liberian Legislature should pass all necessary measures of approval
before January 1, 1912. This was done. There was some delay in finally
placing the funds at the disposition of the Liberian Government, but at
present everything has been arranged and the new loan is in effect.
This arrangement caused general joy throughout the Republic; it was
felt not only that it released the people from a heavy and dangerous
obligation to unfriendly creditors, but that it probably began a period of
closer relationship between the United States and Liberia. It is possible
that too much of a feeling of security existed. It is likely that more joy
was felt over the receipt of $1,700,000 than of responsibility for its
ultimate repayment. On the whole, it must be admitted that the loan is
favorable to the Republic. The government has realized a much larger
percentage of actual funds than in any of its preceding financial
undertakings. There are, however, some weak points in the plan. It is
unfortunate that the loan was theoretically made through banks of
different nations; as a matter of fact, it was an American enterprise,
and should have been so in word as well. There is no reason why
foreign nations should be interested—except indeed that Great Britain
should experience a sentiment of joy in having the interests of her
citizens secured. The sum of $1,700,000 is so small that it could have
been easily supplied by American houses and considered a little matter
with no actual political relations. That the loan should have been
secured by a receivership is just, but it would have been much better to
have appointed a single American receiver instead of four men of
different nations. In this international receivership there lies
considerable danger. Friction is likely. France, England, Germany are
suspicious of each other. The simplest act is liable to misconstruction,
and one or another of the three sub-receivers is likely to feel his dignity
and that of his nation affected, and squabbles are certain to arise. The
American receiver, as is proper, is given the position of leadership.
Suppose he were to die or be unfit for service; which of the other three
receivers will take his place? There appears to be no arrangement made
for such a contingency, yet it is quite certain to arise, and if it should,
the man who temporarily assumes the duties, will be particularly likely
to find himself in trouble. The question as to location of the four
receivers may some time or other raise difficulties. Suppose, for
example, the British receiver were placed at Cape Mount, adjacent to
British territory, and the French receiver were to be located at Cape
Palmas, close to French authority; opportunity for unfaithfulness to the
Republic would be very great. There is nothing in the history of the past
to warrant us in assuming that these officials would be men of such
high spirit and principle as to resist temptation. The possibility of
difficulties between the General Receiver and the Liberian Government
is also very great. He is given large powers; unless he is a man of
extraordinary ability and well-balanced character, it is certain that
complications will arise; there will be constant risk of his inter-meddling
in every field of governmental affairs. Some of these difficulties of
course are inherent in a receivership, and as a receivership is absolutely
necessary, their risk must be accepted.
On the whole, the American loan should be a great help to Liberia.
Friends of the Republic hope for the best results. The government is
given a breathing spell, and time and opportunity for the re-adjustment
of its economic interests. There is no danger, if the receivership is
competent, but that the income of the nation will easily carry the loan
with all its obligations, and leave ample funds in balance for the
legitimate enterprises of the government. It is reasonable to hope that
Liberia has entered upon a period of prosperity.
 Yes, I say these were but slaves who gave us the Declaration of
Independence. They were but slaves who framed our Constitution, they
were but slaves who combatted with the odds of life, amidst wars,
devastation, and foreign aggressions to hold intact for us and for our
children this home of ours.—S. D. Ferguson, Jr.

POLITICS.

We have hesitated long about undertaking this discussion of

Liberian politics. We are almost certain to be misunderstood, no
matter what we say or how we say it. In Liberia they will feel that
we lack sympathy, that we drag forth their weaknesses and expose
them to public scorn; in this country they will fail to see that the
weak points of Liberian politics are common to all republics, that
they are as flagrant among ourselves as in Liberia; in foreign lands—
should our book be read in such—what we say will be taken as
justification for continued aggression and interference. We wish that
Liberia were a land of general education; that the whole population
had a clear understanding of the duties of citizenship; that
knowledge of public questions were general. Such conditions are
ideal in a republic. We do not find them in Liberia; we do not find
them here. Liberian politics is patterned on our own; its weaknesses
are our weaknesses. It is easy for us to see its faults because we are
an outside party; because we are rich and they are poor; because
we are white and they are black. In Liberia there is a general desire
to feed at the public trough; it makes no difference what a man is or
what he has accomplished, every one is ready to go into politics;
neither trade, agriculture, nor professional life restrains a man who
has political opportunities presented to him; everybody of ability
wants office. This is unfortunate; it is neither strange, unique, nor
blameworthy. Every official, however, has a list of dependents; once
in office, he must provide for others; the number of brothers, sons,
nephews, and cousins of officials who find some clerkship or small
appointment is relatively large. As almost every office in the
Republic, save that of representatives and senators, is appointed by
the President, it is very easy for one who holds office to practice
nepotism. It is and will be a long time before anything like actual
civil service can find a place in Liberia. Such a condition of course
leads to little activity in the doing of work for the Government; the
less a man can do to earn his salary, the better, so long as he is
certain of his job. We have already called attention to the fact,
quoting from Ellis, that there is relatively little of what we know as
party politics in Liberia. Practically there are no well marked political
platforms based on principles. If, perchance, hostility to the powers
that be threatens to become dangerous, it may be checked by skilful
appointment from the opposition to office. Thus, at the last election,
which was the most bitterly fought for many years, it was claimed
that the defeated candidate, J. J. Dossen, would never be heard of
in politics again; such, however, was not the case; he must be
provided for, in order that his later course might not threaten the
existing status; being without a job, he received appointment to the
presidency of Liberia College—a mere temporary arrangement of
course; he is now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.
There are, however, personal likes and dislikes which will vent
themselves in outbursts of party spirit. The last election was really
furious. It voiced the local jealousies of the whole Republic. Just as
in the state of Illinois it is Chicago against the counties, and as in
New York State it is the City of New York against the upstate
districts: so, in Liberia, it is Monrovia against the counties. The
election was really close after an exciting campaign. Charges of
fraud were bitterly advanced. According to the African League, there
were wild doings in Bassa County where it is printed. We refrain
from really quoting the interesting and exciting passages from its
article, but venture to give here its opening paragraphs:
“As the day of election approached, great preparations were made
by the Government and the Government officials to defeat the
National True Whig Party at any cost, and in any manner. They sent
money in every direction to call unqualified nameless bushmen to
come, and put into the hands of the Sheriff a paper which is worth
only so much gin and rum to the bushmen. These bush people had
never seen, nor heard of, the registrar’s office. Neither do they own
any land in contemplation of law, but Howard people, simply
because they have had the Government’s approval in this corruption,
had planned to force the corruption into the polls.
The people who stand for law and order sent white plates to all
the native chiefs, after the customs of the heathen, telling them to
have nothing to do with the matter in which they are not concerned
and know nothing about.
The Government people threatened that they would vote these
bush people or die. The people knew what that meant, and they
began to prepare for the worst, for they were determined that the
law should not be trampled under foot in that way to their prejudice,
and that, too, by those who are the administrators of the law. On
Monday, the first of May, a host of these uncivilized bush people,
headed by Major Horace, flocked into the upper ward of Buchanan,
well armed with the best guns of the Government, and that night
shooting in the streets was a common thing. Near Lower Buchanan,
there were different bands of these wild, bush people in camp
carrying on their savage plays. In Lower Buchanan at the Vai town,
the hideous noise was kept up all night, apparently as a menace to
the citizens for the next day.” On the following day the election took
place throughout the Republic, resulting in the continuance in power
of the interests which for so long had controlled the destinies of the
nation; nine contested cases were lodged against the House of
Representatives and one against the Senate; threats ran high,
feeling was intense. It is certainly an interesting moment when more
than half the membership of a house of Congress is in dispute. Yet
this excitement was allayed, and the contests were all withdrawn; it
was realized that Congress had important business before it in
connection with the American Loan, and that the future of the
Republic would be seriously jeopardized if the time of Congress were
taken up with hearing contest cases instead of dealing with these
outside matters.
There is no question that in Liberia illegal voting is common. The
election to which we have referred above was that of 1911; in 1901
Bishop Ferguson issued a charge to his clergy and lay members
upon the subject of election evils in which the following words occur:
“The corruptions and wickedness that have attended the last three
or four campaigns are startling to all right-minded people, and, if
continued, no prophet is needed to foretell the disastrous
consequences that will inevitably follow. Election frauds, open-
handed bribery, and the utter disregard of all moral restraints seem
to be the order of the day. Those who at other times are recognized
as Christian gentlemen, do not scruple on these occasions to
perpetrate offenses that are condemned both by God’s law and that
of the state. To procure the election of a party man, they lose sight
of, or completely disregard, their standing in the Church, in society,
or the social circle; and will stoop to do the meanest act. What is
worse than all, is the fact that the evils have become so rife that it
appears there are not to be found innocent citizens enough to
punish the guilty under the laws of the land. And now, to my mind,
the worst feature of the thing is the fact that the aborigines—our
brothers just emerging from the darkness of heathenism—are either
coming voluntarily, sought out and persuaded, or actually forced into
this whirl-pool of corruption and wickedness. It is enough to chill
one’s blood to think of the impression made on their minds, on their
induction into civilized usages at such time:—jostled through a crowd
of men,—ruffians now, though at other times Christian gentlemen—
armed with deadly weapons of every description, they are made to
swear that they are constitutionally qualified for the highest privilege
of citizenship under a republican form of government.”
Again in an Independence Day address given by Dr. Dingwall at
Buchanan in 1910 were these words: “Ignorant and purchasable
voters are ruinous to all other republics. Why not to ours likewise? At
the polls the vote of a fool is counted one, and that one takes the
whole of a philosopher’s to cancel it. Now in Liberia these are chiefly
manufactured from the wild heathen, more than ninety-nine in a
night. The privilege to take a few acres of land and register
hundreds of nameless natives, or on election day to vote each hour
the identical bushman, by simply christening him afresh for each
occasion, is a dangerous weapon in the hands of politicians. This
practice would have destroyed democracy, were these leaders even
honest in purpose and patriotic in spirit.”
The seriousness of the situation is that any effort to keep the
native vote from being fraudulently cast, is likely to interfere with the
legitimate voting of qualified chiefs; the desirability of having those
natives who are really entitled to the vote exercise their right of
franchise is most important; but to give unqualified native voters the
chance to cast fraudulent ballots is bad indeed. Of course this whole
question of illegal voting should hardly shock us; in my own morning
paper, the very day when I am writing this, these words appear in
prominent head-lines: “Fraud in ballots a Chicago habit Butts Board
told.” It is impossible for the pot to call the kettle black. The outside
world, however, unaccustomed to the little peculiarities of “manhood
suffrage,” will no doubt claim to be sadly shocked; it might even be
that some clean-skirted nation like France or England might
hysterically demand reform.
We have elsewhere claimed that the Liberians, too, know graft.
Official salaries are very small; why then does political office possess
such great attraction? Of course position and power count for
something; but there are other solid advantages connected with
office in Liberia as well as in other lands. When graft exists in
France, Germany, even in respectable and pious England, it is not
strange that it exists in the African Republic. More than that, graft is
by no means confined to civilization; the native in the bush
understands it both in theory and practice. It would be strange
indeed if the descendants of barbaric grafters, who had been trained
in civilized graft through a long American experience, should be free
from graft when conducting their own affairs in a new land as rich
by nature as is Liberia. The number of schemes which are proposed
to the Liberian Legislature is very large; many of them are
magnificent in their proportions, enterprises, and prospects; what
could be more dazzling than the project submitted a few years ago
by the Ellsworth Company of New York? I do not mean to say that
that individual company used improper means to influence legislative
action; but a company with as ambitious plans as they offered, if
adequately capitalized, could easily have made the whole Legislature
rich rather than lose their opportunity. In the same way Sir William
Lever, in his effort to secure monopoly or large advantage in the
palm-oil product of the Republic would, from a business point of
view, be amply justified in making it well worth while for the patriots
to encourage his enterprise. Of course, many of these schemes fail
totally; many of them never get beyond a paper proposition; in the
past, however, the Liberian Legislature has been much too free in
giving concessions with monopolies. While the terms given to the
English Rubber Company seemed to leave opportunity for
competitive development of the trade by others, it practically put all
competitors in the power of the company. Liberia is beginning to
realize that in careless granting of monopolies and special privileges
she has hampered her own freedom and interfered with legitimate
development; not long ago the Government granted a concession to
Edgar Allen Forbes and others; it seems to have been a legitimate
and carefully-thought-out enterprise which he submitted; its
development would no doubt be advantageous to the public; but it is
found that previous concessions were infringed by some of its terms,
and difficulties have arisen. On the whole, it would be much better
for Liberia if the propositions submitted to it were less pretentious
and far-reaching; it is better that she should have fifty different
companies operating within her borders, each within a definite field
and succeeding within modest limits, than that everything should be
held in the hands of one or two great corporations which, when a
moment of difficulty comes, may be able to bring influences to bear
which will threaten or even destroy the existence of the nation.
Liberian officials quite well know the thing which we call junkets.
One might almost think himself at home at times. When some crisis
arises, and the “Lark” must be sent to a seat of danger, high
officials, whose relations to the Government are not such that their
presence is necessary at the seat of disturbance, take advantage of
the opportunity for a fine outing. The nation may be in financial
difficulty, but good food, good smoking, and good drinks seem easily
provided; such an outing not infrequently gives the official
opportunity to transact private business, for he may have interests
near the seat of the disturbance. Junkets are presumably inherent in
governmental activities of every kind; they are not confined to
democracies, though they are common in them. Anywhere of course
they are undesirable and should be curbed; nations, especially
republics, should not be called upon to supply free outings, free
business opportunities, free luxuries to individuals at public cost.
One of the reforms demanded by the British memorandum was
the improvement of the judiciary. Here there was indeed real reason
for complaint. Liberia has few well trained lawyers; it was not
uncommon for a man to be appointed judge who had no legal
training; there were not infrequent cases of personal and
professional misconduct on the part of judges. President Barclay, in
his message of 1908, a notable document be it said in passing, says
the following: “International attacks upon this (our judicial system)
commenced some years ago, and the movement was initiated by
citizens of the German Empire living in Liberia. But the crisis has
been precipitated by our people. When the editor of the African
League, himself an ex-judge, an attorney at law, a citizen, publishes
a special edition of his paper, headed “Startling Revelations,” in
which the judicial system of the country is attacked both in its
personnel as well as on its administrative side, when he describes
himself as a scapegoat and martyr, and when months pass and no
reply to his attack is made by the persons affected, what conclusion,
do you think, can other communities of the world, having business
interests in Liberia, draw?” In his address, The Impartial
Administration of Justice, the Corner-Stone of a Nation, Justice T.
McCants Stewart says: “It can not be denied, however, that our
judiciary to-day is the object of serious charges both by foreigners
and our own citizens, and they are charges which demand serious
consideration. They can not be brushed aside. The British
Government is not alone in making these charges. Our own people
have made them, and our Chief Executive has declared to the
Legislature that evils exist in our judicial system which must be
speedily remedied if we desire to strengthen ourselves as a nation.
Gentlemen of the Bar: Can we be quiet while our judges are charged
both at home and abroad with: (1) ignorance; (2) excessive use of
intoxicants; (3) the exhibition of prejudice or passion in the trial of
cases; (4) shocking immorality; (5) accepting retainers from private
parties; (6) sharing moneys as a reward for the arrest of criminals;
(7) accepting bribes?” This is specific enough and bad enough. To
the credit of the nation be it said that reforms have seriously been
undertaken, and the present condition of the judiciary is greatly
improved. It is rather interesting that we ourselves at this moment
are agitating against a corrupt judiciary; it is scarcely likely that we
are in a condition for stone-throwing.
Of course where there is corruption in the judiciary there is almost
certain to be miscarriage of justice. During the time we were in
Monrovia, there was great excitement over the case of Col. Lomax
and Commissioner Cooper. We have already mentioned Col. Lomax.
He figured conspicuously in the Kanre-Lahun matter, when he gained
the undying hostility of the British; when Major Mackay Cadell was
removed from his position as the head of the Frontier Force, Lomax
took charge; he has recently been in the district of the newly
acquired Behlu Territory. This is the tract of forest land, of little
value, which Great Britain traded to the Liberian Government in
exchange for the rich and desirable Kanre-Lahun district. Poor as
that area is, Britain will never be content to leave it in Liberian
possession. In taking over the area, Col. Lomax was sent to the new
boundary with soldiers, and Commissioner Cooper was sent to aid in
delimiting the boundary. Of course there was trouble; there would
have been trouble had Lomax and Cooper been angels. At the town
of Behlu itself, certainly within the new Liberian territory, there was
difficulty, and several Liberian soldiers were killed. All sorts of
complaints were hurried to Monrovia by the Sierra Leone authorities:
—Lomax was causing difficulties; he and Cooper were interfering
with the delimitation of the boundary; Liberian soldiers, instigated no
doubt by Lomax, were tearing down the cairns which marked the
boundary line; the British commissioners refused to do anything
unless both men were summoned from the border, and meantime
would charge up the expenses of the commission for the period of
their idleness; Col. Lomax was accused of murder—it was stated that
he had killed eight native chiefs. These complaints were so urgent
and serious that the President of the Republic sent orders to Lomax
and Cooper to return at once to Monrovia; to these orders no
attention was given. The Secretary of State was sent to fetch them,
but is said to have stayed in the district, apparently sympathizing in
their attitude; it is asserted that the deeds of violence, destruction of
cairns, and insulting of British commissioners continued after he was
on the ground. The Postmaster-General was hurried to the boundary
to bring back the Secretary of State, the Colonel, the Commissioner,
and their henchman, Lieutenant Morris,—who, it seems, had been
the active agent in the cairn destruction. Some days of inexplicable
delay seem to have passed, when the Secretary of the Treasury, the
Assistant Secretary of State, and Capt. Brown (one of the American
officers) were hastened to the scene of difficulty to get the
recalcitrants home. The Secretary of State, Postmaster-General,
Secretary of the Treasury, and Capt. Brown started together for
Monrovia; Lomax, Cooper, and Morris were reported to be already
upon their way through the interior to the capital. Arrived there,
Lomax and Cooper were promptly jailed; less promptly they were
brought to trial. The Attorney-General presented the case against
them. Lomax was tried for the murder of two native chiefs; Cooper
for the murder of a third. The Lomax trial lasted two days; it was
before the jury for but ten minutes. He was found not guilty, and
was carried in triumph on the shoulders of friends, amidst a great
outburst of feeling, from the court-house. The Cooper trial came the
next day; it was promptly decided in his favor. There is no question
that the Behlu difficulty is on; Great Britain will in some way get
back the territory which she so generously traded to Liberia;
undoubtedly in the diplomatic dealings regarding it much will be
made of this Lomax case; there is not the least doubt that the native
chiefs were killed; there is no denial that Lomax and Cooper were
responsible for the killing; but the trial and its results are good
psychology; they were as inevitable as anything could be. There was
in this case no actual miscarriage of justice; Col. Lomax is a national
hero; he embodied the national aspirations; he represented the
nation as a victim of the injustice and greed of Britain through the
years; his ovation was the result of natural sentiments. It may not
be diplomacy; it may not be good politics; but it is in the very nature
of humanity.

The great American government, after a silence, far from forgetting and
abandoning the tender infant cast upon the shores of Africa, has come in
our hour of danger to assist us on her strong pinions to a nest of safety. If
we but follow her example and heed her teachings of economy, thrift and
industry, and if we are just in our dealings with men and nations we shall
never escape her vigilant eye, nor cease to be the object of marked
manifestation of interest on her part.—Daniel E. Howard.

THE APPEAL TO THE UNITED STATES.

In 1908 Liberian conditions were desperate. England and France

had been alternately slicing off territory; debts were weighing the
nation down, and creditors were pressing; reforms were insolently
demanded under threats. The future indeed was dark. In her hour of
desperation, Liberia turned to the United States. The idea of seeking
aid from us seems to have been first voiced by T. McCants Stewart in
January, 1908. A Commission was appointed by the Legislature—
consisting of Garretson W. Gibson, J. J. Dossen, and Charles B.
Dunbar, with Charles R. Branch and T. J. R. Faulkner as secretaries.
Garretson W. Gibson had been President of the Republic and was a
man well on in years and generally respected; J. J. Dossen was at
the time Vice-President; Charles B. Dunbar is a successful and well
trained lawyer. On its way to the United States the Commission
visited Germany, where it was well received and officially entertained
in the capital city, Berlin. On its arrival in New York in May, Charles
Hall Adams, of Boston, Consul-General for Liberia in this country,
and Booker T. Washington received them and attended to the details
of their visit. They spent several days in New York and visited
Tuskegee, but, of course, spent most of their time in the city of
Washington. They were received by President Roosevelt on the 10th
of June, had several important interviews with Secretary Root, and
were introduced to Secretary Taft—just before the Republican
Convention was held which nominated him for the presidency of the
United States. They were everywhere treated with distinguished
courtesy and everywhere made a remarkably favorable impression;
the newspapers gave considerable space to their visit and quite a
general interest was aroused in their errand. A notable reception was
given in their honor in Washington by the Negro Business League.
Before they left New York, Secretary Taft had received his
nomination, and one of their last official acts was the sending of a
letter of congratulation to him.
The Commission arrived at home in August, 1909. An official
reception was given them on the 18th by President Barclay. The
address of welcome was given by the Secretary of State, F. E. R.
Johnson, and other addresses by Acting Mayor Roberts and
Postmaster-General Prout. Replies were made by Gibson, Dossen,
Dunbar, and Faulkner. It is significant that in these addresses more
emphasis was laid upon the subject of negro education in the United
States than upon other matters. Both then and while in this country,
Vice-President Dossen especially emphasized the importance of
immigration; he wants 600,000 negroes from America to settle in
Liberia, and claims that the people of Liberia feel that they are
holding their territory in trust for this mass of immigrants. Music and
refreshments were supplied and a speech of congratulation given by
President Barclay. Of course nothing definite at this time could be
said in regard to the actual results of the Commission’s visit; no one
knew just what impression had been made upon our Government;
no one knew just what to expect in the way of action.
Our Government, however, had seriously taken Liberian matters
under advisement, and on the 4th of March, 1909, an American
Commission was appointed to visit Liberia and to investigate Liberian
conditions. The Commissioners were Roland P. Falkner, George Sale,
and Emmett J. Scott, with George A. Finch as secretary. The
Commission sailed on April 24th, 1909, and arrived in Monrovia on
the 8th of May. They spent thirty days in Liberia and Sierra Leone.
The work they had to do was wisely divided up among the members
of the Commission, in order to permit their accomplishing the utmost
in the short time at their disposition.
Their arrival at Liberia was hailed with joy. In anticipation of their
coming the legislators had come from all the counties to Monrovia
and were in the capital before the arrival of the Commission. The
cruiser Chester arrived in front of Monrovia on the morning of May
8th, and at once saluted with twenty-one guns; the salute was
returned by the Liberians from the shore. Ernest Lyon, the American
Minister, at once boarded the vessel. When he returned, the
Attorney-General with a party of citizens went on board to escort the
Commissioners to the shore. The city was gaily decorated. The
Mayor, Common Council, and a crowd of citizens met the
Commissioners at the landing where, under the first arch of
welcome, the acting Mayor made an address. Mr. Falkner replied on
behalf of the Commission. Two companies of the militia escorted the
Commission up the hill to the second arch, where Mrs. Parker
addressed them on behalf of the Liberian ladies. Sale responded,
after which Mrs. McGill spoke on behalf of the county of Grand
Bassa. At the third arch Miss Irene A. Gant received them on behalf
of Sinoe County, and Miss Matilda Roberts on behalf of Maryland
County. Passing now to the American legation, they were officially
received by the American Minister. Few public occasions in the
history of Monrovia equal this reception, which fairly deserves to be
called a popular ovation. On the 13th, President Barclay offered the
Commission an official reception at which the President and the
Cabinet, the Commission and attachés, and the United States
Minister with his Secretary were present. In the afternoon of the
12th, a general reception was given at the Executive Mansion.
During their stay in Africa, the Commission visited Grand Bassa and
Maryland, and in both regions they were treated with distinguished
courtesy. The report of the Commission sent to the Senate and
House of Representatives by President Taft on March 25th, 1910,
was an exceptionally good public document. The Commission
recognized the importance of the work entrusted to it and did its
work with thoroughness. They made six recommendations to our
government. They were as follows: (1) That the United States
extend its aid to Liberia in the prompt settlement of pending
boundary disputes. (2) That the United States enable Liberia to
refund its debt by assuming as guarantee for the payment of
obligations under such arrangement the control and collection of the
Liberian customs. (3) That the United States lend its assistance to
the Liberian Government in the reform of its internal finances. (4)
That the United States lend its aid to Liberia in organizing and
drilling an adequate constabulary or frontier police force. (5) That
the United States should establish and maintain a research station in
Liberia. (6) That the United States re-open the question of a naval
coaling station in Liberia. Some of these recommendations the
United States has carried through. She has made the loan necessary
for the refunding of the public debt; she is lending assistance to the
Liberian Government in the reform of internal finances; she is aiding
Liberia in the organization and drilling of her frontier force. These
are good things, and it is to be hoped that they will prove as helpful
as has been anticipated. We should help Liberia, and help her
handsomely; she deserves all that we can do for her. We must be
careful, of course, in our assistance, not to accustom her to the
notion of dependency. Muscle can only be developed in a body by
the exercise of that body itself. No being can develop muscle for
another. Liberia, if she is to prosper, must develop energy, force,
independence; she needs help but must work out her own salvation.
Exercise to be valuable must not be a death struggle; we must
protect her from her foes, but we must insist upon her self-
development. There are, however, still many things that we can do
for the Republic without reducing her to a condition of dependency
and pauperization.
We should energize every already existing bond between us.
There are already missions established in the Republic; these should
be handsomely maintained, without forgetting that the ultimate end
is the production of self-supporting churches; the needs of missions
and mission-schools should be carefully examined by the different
Boards and liberal appropriations made to meet them; it is desirable
that the Presbyterian denomination—so rich, respectable, and self-
satisfied—should really look after its “little flock of humble black folk”
with their splendid opportunity before them. The Boards which hold
funds for the benefit of Liberia College should seriously recognize
the importance of their responsibility; they should investigate with
care, and act promptly and liberally; they must devise some method
of more effective co-operation with the local management for
gaining the great ends possible by combined action. There are funds
in the United States intended to aid Liberia, which are tied up and
have been tied up for many years through some unfortunate
condition in the terms of the bequest; such funds, if possible, should
be put to work; if they are actually unavailable, it is best that a final
decision be reached, and public announcement be made of the
unfortunate fact; it is better that Liberia should not be kept waiting
in hope of aid that never comes. A considerable interest was aroused
in the United States by the visit of the Commission in 1908; this
interest was shown in the newspapers of the day; it is greatly to be
desired that the American people should be kept constantly informed
as to Liberia; information should not be spasmodically given out, but
there should be a definite, constant spreading of facts regarding the
Republic, whose heroic struggle deserves our firm and steady
sympathy. The need was never greater for a regular line of shipping
between the two Republics than now; this has been already
sufficiently considered. It would be a fine philanthropy to establish
and conduct such a line of communication for a period of time, even
at a loss; in the long run, the line would lose its philanthropic feature
and become a fairly paying business proposition. It is most
important that the contact between the two nations be increased;
Liberians have occasionally come to us under various circumstances;
more Americans in course of time visit Liberia than the public
generally knows; every opportunity of inviting Liberians to this
country as students, delegates, visitors, business representatives,
should be encouraged; and it should become a simple, natural, and
frequent thing for Americans to visit the black Republic. Lastly, our
government should adopt a clear and definite policy of sympathy; if
we make it well understood that we look upon Liberia as related to
us, and that we will permit no further injustice, we need have no
fears of being involved in international difficulties on her account;
the cry “hands off” will be sufficient. Let us quit internationalizing
her problems. They are justly questions between us and her; they
concern no other nation. But do not let us ever think of absorbing
the Republic; let us guarantee her independence; we do not wish a
protectorate; we have too many different kinds of national relations
now; Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico, Cuba, Santo Domingo, Nicaragua,
and the Philippines make our governmental policy to-day sufficiently
complex. We want no more new and strange relations. Liberia is our
sister nation—daughter, if you please—and very definitely such. She
is brunette, but her virtues are our virtues, her vices are our vices.
Let us admit and emphasize the kinship.
 REPRINTED ARTICLES.

THE LIBERIAN CRISIS.

(Unity. March 25, 1909.)

In closing my The Truth about the Congo, I said: “If it is necessary

for us as a nation to look for African adventure; if to give a
strenuous President the feeling that he is ‘doing something’ we must
meddle in the affairs of the Dark Continent, there is a district where
we might intervene with more of reason and consistency and grace
than we are doing by going to the Congo. We once established on
African soil, whether wisely or not I do not intend to discuss, a free
republic for the blacks. In Liberia we have an American enterprise,
pure and simple. It has not been a great success. It is just possible
—though I doubt it—that Liberia would at several times have
profited and been advantaged by our instruction and interest. But it
seems to possess little interest for us. Just now, like the Congo, it is
attracting British attention. Whether it has large or little value,
whether it possesses great opportunities or not, it is now a center of
interest to Great Britain. She does not need our help in pulling
chestnuts from the fire there, and there has been strange silence
and ignorance in this country regarding it as a new sphere for
English influence. If we assist England in expanding her African
possessions at the expense of the Congo Free State, Liberia will be
the next fraction of Africa to succumb to English rule. England’s
methods of procedure are various. It might be a useful lesson for
our statesmen and politicians to study Liberia’s prospects with care.
We are still young in the business of grabbing other people’s lands.
England could teach us many lessons. The latest one may well be
worthy of our attention, since, in a certain sense, it deals with a
district where we naturally possess an interest.”
At the time, these suggestions caused some surprise. Americans
were (and are) totally ignorant regarding Liberia and felt that my
remarks were due to prejudice. I have no prejudice against England,
from which my ancestry chiefly came. A few months have proved the
truth of my predictions. In May last a Commission appointed by the
Liberian government called upon President Roosevelt and begged
the intervention of the United States for the purpose of guaranteeing
independence and “integrity against the encroachments of powerful
European governments.” Among the reasonable ideas urged by this
Commission was that disputes between Liberia and France, Germany
and England should be settled by arbitration and not by a resort to
force. We wisely refused to establish a protectorate over Liberia, but
our government agreed to use its good offices with England, France
and Germany. Considerable correspondence seems to have taken
place and some interest relative to Liberia has been aroused. But on
the whole no serious progress has been made and a few days since
the newspapers contained the following item:
“Washington, D. C., Feb. 12.—Cable advices received at the state
department today indicate that a climax has been reached in the
Liberian situation. Conditions are grave, and great alarm is felt by
foreign officials in Liberian employ.
“A British gunboat has arrived to afford protection to foreign
interests and a company of soldiers has been sent from Sierra Leone
to the capitol at Monrovia for the same purpose. Apparently great
despondency is entertained as to the ability of the government to
maintain itself and as to the future of Liberia as a nation.”
The notice closed with these words:
“The cable today called attention to the effort of the state
department, inaugurated by Secretary Root, to secure an
appropriation of $20,000 to enable the president to send to Liberia a
commission with a view to reporting recommendations as to the
specific action this government should take which would constitute
the most effective measures of relief. Secretary Root anticipated the
development of conditions which would menace seriously the future
of Liberia, which was established as a direct result of the action,
first, of American citizens, and, secondly, of the government of the
United States.”
What can we do? What should we do? First; we should notify
Great Britain, France and Germany that encroachment upon Liberian
sovereignty will be considered an unfriendly act by us; that coercion
ought not to be used in the collection of debts, even though Liberia
did not take part in the Hague Conference of 1907. Second; we
should use our good offices to bring about definite arrangements
between Liberia and the European nations for arbitration of all points
at issue between them. Third; we should under no circumstances
attempt to make a model government for her, nor should we insist
upon reforms along our lines, but we should appoint an advisory
commission of thoughtful and well-balanced men, who shall
thoroughly investigate conditions and stand ready to give asked
advice when needful upon points of importance. This commission
should be retained for several years and should be non-partisan. So
much we can and should do.

THE NEEDS OF LIBERIA.

(The Open Court. March, 1913.)

The situation of Liberia is critical. Her long-troubling boundary

questions with Great Britain and France are not permanently settled;
they have been re-opened and both countries are pressing.
We did well to come to her financial aid; but we did badly in
needlessly inflicting upon her an expensive and complicated
international receivership instead of an economical, simple and
national one.
Liberia’s crying needs are:
a. Training of her native frontier force to protect her boundaries
and maintain order there;
 b. Development of existing trails, with their ultimate
transformation into roads and railroad beds;
c. Restoration and development of agriculture—now neglected;
d. Education, especially along lines of manual and technical
training.
Liberia’s greatest asset is her native population; only by imbuing it
with the feeling of common interest and by securing its hearty co-
operation can the government of Africa’s only republic hope to
maintain itself and prosper.

A SOJOURNER IN LIBERIA.
(The Spirit of Missions. April, 1913.)

Anxious to see all possible of Liberia, we gladly accepted Bishop

Ferguson’s invitation to visit Bromley and to inspect the work done
at the Julia C. Emery Hall. On reaching the landing at Monrovia at 8
a. m. we found the mission steamer, the John Payne, ready. Our
party consisted of ex-President Barclay, ex-Postmaster-General
Blount, Justice T. McCants Stewart of the Supreme Court, Major
Young, U. S. A., military attaché of the American Legation, Mayor
Johnson, the Rev. Mr. Cassell and Bishop Ferguson—all residents of
Liberia—my photographer and myself. He and I were the only white
men. Of the colored men some were born in Liberia, others in the
United States—North and South—one at least in the British West
Indies. Ex-President Arthur Barclay is by many considered to be the
ablest man of Liberia; he has had a wide experience and has gained
exceptional knowledge of Liberian needs and problems. Mayor
Johnson is one of the sons of the late President Johnson, who was
the first “son of the soil” to occupy the presidential chair of the
negro republic. Bishop Ferguson, born in South Carolina, has lived so
many years in Cape Palmas and Monrovia that no one ever thinks of
him as aught but a Liberian. He is a man of energy and ideas and
his work speaks for his efficiency. We were soon off, and for three
hours steamed up the river, a typical, tropical African stream. A
dense tangle of mangroves extends far out from the shore on both
sides, over the water, completely concealing the actual land; the
trunks rise from pyramids of exposed roots; from the branches,
slender shoots, round-tipped, strike vertically down, penetrate the
water, force their way into the soft, oozy mud of the river bottom,
take root and aid in spreading the tangled growth still further out
over the water. Here and there straight gashes are cut into this mass
of crowded trees to serve as landing-channels for native canoes. The
first part of our journey was up a branch stream, the St. Paul’s River
branching near its mouth and entering the sea by more than the
single outlet. As we approached the main river, the mangrove thicket
thinned, and the most striking feature in the vegetation was the
dragon-palm. It, too, rises from a pyramidal mass of exposed roots,
but in form and foliage it is totally unlike the mangrove; its long
narrow leaves lead to its being often called the sword-palm. Here we
could often look back over the land, and saw oil-palms with their
delicate, graceful crowns outlined against the blue sky—truly blue
sky, for by October 15 the period of rains is practically over. We had
passed settlements, here and there, upon the way; single houses of
“Liberians,” or little clusters of “native” huts; New Georgia, on our
right, is quite a village but seems to bear an indifferent reputation—
due perhaps to its history; it was settled with slaves rescued from
slaving-vessels and such slaves were rarely considered as equals, in
the old days, by the colonists.
When we reached the main river, the whole character of the
scenery changed. The river itself was wider; the banks were cleaner
and the flat land stood higher; the mangrove swamps disappeared;
plantations showing considerable attention were to be seen here and
there. While we had chatted and viewed the scene the Bishop had
not been idle, and the smiling black boy now passed an abundant
supply of sandwiches and sliced cake, daintily wrapped in paper and
tied with narrow ribbons, all prepared beforehand by Mrs. Ferguson.
Served with lemon and strawberry soda-water they were a welcome
refreshment.
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