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 Psychology
Human Sexuality: Diversity in Contemporary America
7th Edition

Yarber−Sayad−Strong

McGraw-Hill
=>?
McGraw−Hill Primis
ISBN−10: 0−39−067310−2
ISBN−13: 978−0−39−067310−7

Text:

Human Sexuality: Diversity in Contemporary

America, Seventh Edition
Yarber−Sayad−Strong
 This book was printed on recycled paper.

Psychology

http://www.primisonline.com
Copyright ©2009 by The McGraw−Hill Companies, Inc. All rights
reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Except as
permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part
of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form
or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system,
without prior written permission of the publisher.

This McGraw−Hill Primis text may include materials submitted to

McGraw−Hill for publication by the instructor of this course. The
instructor is solely responsible for the editorial content of such
materials.

111 PSYCGEN ISBN−10: 0−39−067310−2 ISBN−13: 978−0−39−067310−7

 Psychology

Contents

Yarber−Sayad−Strong • Human Sexuality: Diversity in Contemporary America, Seventh Edition

Front Matter 1
Preface to the Instructor 1
Preface to the Student 11

1. Perspectives on Human Sexuality 17

Text 17

2. Studying Human Sexuality 44

Text 44

3. Female Sexual Anatomy, Physiology, and Response 83

Text 83

4. Male Sexual Anatomy, Physiology, and Response 120

Text 120

5. Gender and Gender Roles 141

Text 141

6. Sexuality in Childhood and Adolescence 173

Text 173

7. Sexuality in Adulthood 200

Text 200

8. Love and Communication in Intimate Relationships 236

Text 236

9. Sexual Expression 275

Text 275

10. Variations in Sexual Behavior 312

Text 312

11. Contraception, Birth Control, and Abortion 339

Text 339

iii
12. Conception, Pregnancy, and Childbirth 377
Text 377

13. The Sexual Body in Health and Illness 413

Text 413

14. Sexual Function Difficulties, Dissatisfaction, Enhancement, and Therapy 456

Text 456

15. Sexually Transmitted Infections 505

Text 505

16. HIV and AIDS 542

Text 542

17. Sexual Coercion: Harassment, Aggression, and Abuse 580

Text 580

18. Sexually Explicit Materials, Prostitution, and Sex Laws 621

Text 621

Back Matter 653

Glossary 653
Bibliography 667
Credits 705
Subject Index 707
Name Index 727

iv
Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill 1
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Preface to the Instructor

H UMAN SEXUALITY: DIVERSITY IN CONTEMPORARY America continues to be a

pioneering text in many ways. It is the first text to achieve a full integration of
cutting-edge research with a contemporary “sex-positive” approach that encour-
ages students to become proactive in and about their own sexual well-being. By
stressing critical thinking about human sexuality, this text prompts students to
examine their own values and the ways they express their sexuality. It also strives
to represent the contemporary, diverse world that students encounter outside the
classroom.
Both within the text itself and throughout the exemplary art and photo
program, the focus is on inclusion. Written by leading sexuality researchers who
are also experienced teachers of courses in human sexuality, this book has been
lauded by students and instructors alike for providing the most integrated and
nonjudgmental view of sexual variation available. This modern theme, along
The Sexual Body in
Health and Illness

13
3 cchapter
hapter

MAIN TOPICS

with the thorough and empirical coverage of sexuality and culture, an engaging Living in Our Bodies: The Quest
for Physical Perfection
Alcohol, Drugs, and Sexuality

writing style, and a biopsychosocial orientation, defines the book’s approach. Sexuality and Disability
Sexuality and Cancer

The new seventh edition builds on these strengths and adds updated informa- Additional Sexual Health Issues

tion, a revised design, and a highly crafted resource program to make the book
more useful than ever.

Sex-Positive Approach: Health and Well-Being

We strongly believe that studying human sexuality is one way of increasing the
healthy lifestyle of students. With that in mind, we have significantly revised four
chapters that have the most direct impact on students and their well-being: think
Chapter 11: Contraception, Birth Control, and Abortion, Chapter 13: The Sexual about it
Surrendering to Sexual Pleasure

Body in Health and Illness, Chapter 15: Sexually Transmitted Infections, and S exual pleasure is considered an innate trait of human
sexuality that permeates the human experience. Given
the frequency of which sexual pleasure is the topic of song,
Dr. David Reed of the Medical College of Philadelphia
has developed a schematic model, called the erotic stimu-
lus Pathway (ESP), to represent the psychological nature of
art, literature, daily conversation and fantasies, it seems to sexual response, as shown on the next page (Reed, cited in

Chapter 16: HIV and AIDS. be a universal human trait, one that we humans are driven to
seek. Evolutionary theory contends that sexual pleasure is a
by-product of motivation to propagate one’s genes as
reflected in sexual strategies theory (Buss, 2003; Buss &
Stayton, 1996). It helps us to understand the importance of
sexual pleasure. Reed uses the terms seduction, sensations,
surrender, and reflection as alternative descriptions to the
traditional sexual response components of desire, excite-
Schmitt, 1993), which is discussed in Chapter 9. But, for ment, plateau, orgasm, and so on, of the Masters and John-
the vast majority of us, sexual pleasure, not procreation, is son (1966) and Kaplan (1979) models that are discussed in
the guidin g beacon for how our sexual ity is defined and Chapter 3. According to the ESP model, one must “surren-
experienced. der” for orgasm to occur as a pleasurable experience.
Given historical stances that the primary role of human All persons are capable of sexual desire and experiencing
sexuality is reproduction, sexual pleasure has been pro- sexual pleasure. However, roadblocks keep many people
jected as inappropriate and unworthy, particularly by social from claiming their right to sexual pleasure. Mantak Chia and
regulation, religious groups and cultural expression. Hence, Rachel Abrams, in their book The Multi-Orgasmic Woman
its expression and experience has been regulated, altered, (2007), state that the situation may be perfect for very plea-

Sex-Positive Approach: Thinking Critically about Sexuality

and even criminalized by social regulation and cultural surable sex, but it may not happen if the person likes to “be
expression. The capacity for sexual pleasure is physiologically in control” and cannot surrender to orgasm. They note that
determined, but for both men and women, particularly knowing how to help one’s body surrender to the ecstatic
women, guilt, shame, fear, and embarrassment, for example, rush of pleasures that is orgasm is a necessary part of gaining
hinder the “surrender to sexual pleasure” (Garza-Mercer, mastery and fulfillment in one’s sexual repertoire.

through Print
2006). Sex therapist Esther Perel (2006) contends that we Human sexuality authors and instructors Vera Bodansky
are socialized to control ourselves, to restrain and edit and Steve Bodansky (2006) believe that if one is going to
ourselves and mask our ravenous appetites. She states that pursue sexual pleasure, it is best to pursue it with all of
“Because loss of control is almost exclusively seen in a one’s capability. They contend that many women surrender
negative light, we don’t even entertain the idea that only partially to sexual pleasure. But, if the woman feels safe
surrender can be emotionally or spiritually enlightening.” with a trusted person and is relaxed, surrender most likely

Think about It features prompt students to think critically about high-interest their sexual relationship. Sex therapist David Schnarch (2002) writes that “sex-
ual problems are common among healthy couples who are normal in every

topics in sexuality such as “Surrendering to Sexual Pleasure,” “The Kiss: A Deal other way—so common, in fact, that they are arguably a sign of normality.”
Most frequently, married couples go into therapy because they have a greater
investment in the relationship than couples who are dating or cohabiting.
Sexual function difficulties in a dating or cohabiting relationship often do not

Breaker?” “Is Intercourse Enough? The Big ‘O’ and Sexual Behaviors,” and “Are surface; it is sometimes easier for couples to break up than to change the
behaviors that contribute to their sexual function problems.
Sex therapist Esther Perel, in her book Mating in Captivity (2006), pres-

Gay and Lesbian Couples Any Different from Heterosexual Ones?” ents a provocative view of desire difficulties in marriage, one that is counter
to often-held perspectives among sex therapists. She contends that eroticism
thrives on the unpredictable and that increased intimacy often leads to a
decrease in sexual desire. Perel states that love is fed by knowing everything
about one’s partner while desire needs mystery, and that love wants to shrink
the distance between the two people while desire is energized by it. She
conti nues by declaring that “as an expression of longing, desire requires

464 • Chapter 14 Sexual Function Difficulties, Dissatisfaction, Enhancement, and Therapy

xxix
 2 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Sex-Positive Approach: Thinking Critically about Sexuality

through Videos
SexSource Online offers short video clips with further perspective about major course
topics. Each video is accompanied by pre- and post-viewing questions that prompt
critical thinking. You will find the video icon in the margins of your book direct-
ing you to the site.

• New in This Edition

In writing this seventh edition of Human Sexuality: Diversity in Contemporary
America, we continue to be struck by the ever-changing nuances and complex-
ity in the nature of human sexuality. Like a partnership that changes and
evolves with time, we have in this edition remained loyal to the foundation of
our book and deepened our exploration and presentation of topics. What we
provide the reader is what we feel are the most relevant and current data, pat-
terns, and variations available in the field. We hope that in reading this text,
you agree.
Continuous developments in the field of human sexuality demand a text
that reflects the dynamic changes of our society and the current state of sexu-
ality research. So, once again, we have gone line-by-line through the text to
ensure that concepts and facts are current and representative of the most recent
findings in the field. Because of the effectiveness reported by students and
instructors, we have chosen to continue using the same instructional approach
in this seventh edition. We have made several major changes and chapter
content updates that we believe will enhance learning. These include:
■ Significant revisions on the following chapters: Chapter 11: Contraception,
Birth Control, and Abortion; Chapter 13: The Sexual Body in Health and
Illness; Chapter 15: Sexually Transmitted Infections; and Chapter 16: HIV
and AIDS. See other chapter by chapter content changes to the dynamic
field of human sexuality on page xxvi under Chapter Content Changes.
■ Streamlined text and reduced the overall number of pages by 12 to retain
the book’s accessibility to students
■ Added provocative and engaging “Critical Thinking Questions” to each
Think About It box
■ Replaced a variety of Think About It boxes with ones that are more reflec-
tive of college students’ interest and behaviors, such as “Why College Stu-
dents Have Sex,” “Hooking Up Among College Students,” and “The First
Kiss: A Deal-Breaker?”
■ Updated and moved menopause content from “The Sexual Body in Health
and Illness” (Chapter 13) to “Sexuality in Adulthood” (Chapter 7)
■ Increased focus on inclusive, nonjudgmental language and nomenclature
■ Expanded global perspective in content coverage and in illustrations program
■ Increased focus on issues and policies concerning gay, lesbian, bisexual,
transgender, and intersex individuals
■ Revised graphic design to improve the functionality and visual appeal of
tables, figures, and features

xxx • Preface to the Instructor

Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill 3
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

■ Updated material related to STIs, HIV/AIDS, emergency contraception,

assisted reproductive technologies, menopausal hormone therapy, manag-
ing HPV, sexual function difficulties, and laws related to sexuality
■ Increased focus on social networking and Web-based resources

• Chapter Content Changes

Chapter 1: Perspectives on Human Sexuality
■ New material on online social networking
■ New research on sexuality in television and film
■ New research on parents’ response to sexual content in the media
■ Expanded discussion of sexuality and evolution

Chapter 2: Studying Human Sexuality

■ Updated discussion of the campus newspaper sex advice column
■ New material on the distortion of sex-related research by the media
■ New example of a sex questionnaire
■ Expanded presentation of the findings from the National Survey of
Family Growth study of sexual behavior of men and women, 15 to
44 years of age
■ The most recent findings of the American College Health Association
research on college student sexual behavior

Chapter 3: Female Sexual Anatomy, Physiology,

and Response
■ New coverage of cosmetic genital surgery
■ Expanded discussion of the ovarian cycle
■ New research on orgasm and health

Chapter 4: Male Sexual Anatomy, Physiology,

and Response
■ New coverage of male body modification
■ Expanded discussion of sexual practices in other countries
■ Updated discussion of testosterone replacement therapy

Chapter 5: Gender and Gender Roles

■ Updated nomenclature on disorders of sexual development
■ New research on intersex and disorders of sexual development
■ New proposed standards of care for those with disorders of sexual
development
■ New research into the etiology of gender identity disorder

Preface to the Instructor • xxxi

 4 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Chapter 6: Sexuality in Childhood and Adolescence

■ Expanded coverage of influences on the psychosexual development of
children and youth
■ New research about social effects on teen sexuality
■ Increased coverage of gender differences in rates of masturbation
■ New data on prevalence and motivations of sexual behavior
■ New research examining the origins of sexual orientation
■ Updated discussion and new research on sexuality education

Chapter 7: Sexuality in Adulthood

■ Updated discussion of bisexuality
■ New Think About It box featuring gender differences and motivations
for sex
■ New research on cohabitating couples
■ New findings on expectations in adult love relationships
■ New data on sexual frequency, behaviors, and challenges of older Americans
■ Formerly part of a chapter on sexuality and health, the topic of meno-
pause is updated and integrated into this chapter
■ New Think About It box on a global perspective on sexual well-being and
older adults

Chapter 8: Love and Communication in Intimate Relationships

■ New study on love and sexuality activity
■ New Think About It box exploring similarities and differences between
homosexual couples and heterosexual ones
■ Examination of the brain “in love”
■ Research questionnaire added: “Passionate Love Scale”
■ Deeper exploration into gender differences in communication
■ New research on why couples have conflict

Chapter 9: Sexual Expression

■ New research about college undergraduate women’s view of the sex appeal
of muscular men
■ New Think About It box on hooking up among college students
■ New discussion on college students’ desired number of sexual partners
■ Expanded discussion of Internet match-making services
■ Expanded discussion of gender differences in sexual fantasies
■ New research about masturbation among men and women
■ New Think About It box on the meanings of kissing
■ New research on opinions of what behaviors constitute having had sex
■ New research on college students and oral sex
■ Updated and expanded art depicting sexual behaviors

xxxii • Preface to the Instructor

Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill 5
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Chapter 10: Variations in Sexual Behavior

■ Expanded discussion of research on transvestic fetishism
■ New Think About It box on college students and voyeurism
■ New research on voyeurism and exhibitionism
■ New data discussion of how to deal with harassing or obscene phone calls

Chapter 11: Contraception, Birth Control, and Abortion

■ New data on unintended pregnancies
■ New discussion of family planning clinics and disadvantaged women
■ Latest research and updates on all birth control devices
■ Update on sterilization
■ New data on the prevalence and status of abortion

Chapter 12: Conception, Pregnancy, and Childbirth

■ New recommendations for diagnostic testing in pregnancy
■ New research on assisted reproductive technologies
■ Update on policies and procedures for pregnancy, delivery and new
mothers, and families

Chapter 13: The Sexual Body in Health and Illness

■ Updated discussion on breast and penis enhancement
■ New research on the prevalence and factors related to eating disorders
■ New research on anabolic steroid use by college students
■ New research on college students and alcohol drinking
■ New material on use of drugs as an aphrodisiac
■ Updated discussion on breast cancer
■ Updated discussion on the HPV vaccine Gardasil
■ Updated discussion on prostate cancer
■ New material on female genital cutting
■ New material on prostatitis

Chapter 14: Sexual Function Difficulties, Dissatisfaction,

Enhancement, and Therapy
■ Expanded discussion on the prevalence of female orgasm
■ New Think About It box on sexual behaviors that enhance female orgasm
■ New Think About It box on sexual pleasure
■ New material on the sexual response cycle, the Erotic Stimulus Pathway
■ Updated discussion on sexual enhancement products
■ New material on disparities in sexual desire in a couple
■ New material reported by women to facilitate orgasm
■ New and refined art depicting sexual behaviors

Preface to the Instructor • xxxiii

 6 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Chapter 15: Sexually Transmitted Infections

■ Updated information on the prevalence and incidence of major STIs
■ Updated medical information on the major STIs
■ New material on condoms and STI prevention
■ Updated discussion of circumcision and STI prevention and sexual pleasure
■ Added discussion of cervicitis
■ Updated research on condom use errors and problems among college students

Chapter 16: HIV and AIDS

■ Updated information on the prevalence and incidence of HIV/AIDS in
the United States and worldwide
■ Updated medical information on HIV/AIDS
■ Updated figure on the infection of a CD4 T cell by HIV
■ New research on estimated lifetime risk of HIV diagnosis by race/
ethnicity and sex
■ New material on sexual risk behaviors
■ New material on people’s judgment of the HIV risk of a potential sex partner
■ New material on the success of HIV prevention efforts

Chapter 17: Sexual Coercion: Harassment, Aggression,

and Abuse
■ Updated information on the prevalence and outcomes of sexual harass-
ment, aggression, rape, and child sexual abuse
■ New public opinion polls on gay and lesbian rights and issues
■ Updated coverage of state hate crimes laws
■ Updated discussion of date rape drugs
■ Expanded discussion of sexual harassing among college students

Chapter 18: Sexually Explicit Materials, Prostitution,

and Sex Laws
■ New material on Internet sex site use by college students
■ New Think About It box on research on college students’ viewing of
sexually explicit media
■ Updated research on the consumption of sexually explicit videos and
sexual assault
■ Updated discussion of the Child Obscenity and Pornography Act
■ Expanded discussion of various types of prostitutes
■ New material on court rulings on gay rights

xxxiv • Preface to the Instructor

Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill 7
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

• Resources
Human Sexuality Teaching and Learning
Program

Human Sexuality is the heart of a complete resource program for both students
and instructors. The following materials have been carefully developed by a
team of experienced human sexuality instructors to support a variety of teach-
ing and learning styles.
Online Learning Center for Instructors This password-protected Web site con-
tains the Test Bank, Instructor’s Manual, PowerPoint presentations, CPS ques-
tions, and Image Gallery, as well as access to the entire student side of the Web
site. To access these resources, please go to www.mhhe.com/yarber7e.
Instructor’s Manual prepared by Sandra Pacheco, California State University–
Monterey Bay. This guide begins with general concepts and strategies for teach-
ing human sexuality. Each chapter includes a chapter outline, learning objec-
tives, discussion questions, activities, a list of DVDs and videos, a bibliography,
worksheets, handouts, and Internet activities. The Instructor’s Manual can be
accessed on the text’s Online Learning Center for instructors.
Test Bank prepared by Tori Bovard, American River. The Test Bank has been
thoroughly revised and updated to support the new edition. Each chapter offers
over 100 questions, including multiple choice, true/false, and short answer
questions. These test items are available on instructor’s Online Learning Center
as Word files and in EZ Test, an easy-to-use electronic test bank that allows
instructors to easily edit and add their own questions.
PowerPoint Presentations, prepared by Betty Dorr, Fort Lewis College. Available
on the Online Learning Center, these slides cover the key points of the chap-
ter and can be used as is or modified to support individual instructors’ lectures.
Digital versions of many images and figures from the textbook are also available
in the Image Gallery.
Classroom Performance System (CPS) The Classroom Performance System (CPS)
from eInstruction allows instructors to gauge immediately what students are learn-
ing during lectures. With CPS, instructors can take attendance, ask questions, take
polls, or host classroom demonstrations and get instant feedback.
SexSource Online illuminates key concepts in human sexuality with a collection
of scientifically based educational videos. Icons appear throughout the text to
indicate clips that correspond to specific topics. Each video is accompanied by
pre- and post-viewing questions. SexSource Online content and assessment
items are also included in the course cartridge. The site can be accessed from
the Online Learning Center or at www.mhhe.com/sexsource.
The Online Learning Center for Students includes multiple choice, true/false,
and fill-in-the-blank practice quizzes to help the students prepare for exams.
To access these resources please go to www.mhhe.com/yarber7e.
McGraw-Hill publishes Annual Editions: Human Sexuality, a collection of
articles on topics related to the latest research and thinking in human sexuality
from over 300 public press sources. These editions are updated annually and
contain helpful features, including a topic guide, an annotated table of contents,

Preface to the Instructor • xxxv

 8 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

unit overviews, and a topical index. An instructor’s guide containing testing

materials is also available. ISBN: 0073516341
For information on any component of the teaching and learning package,
instructors should contact their McGraw-Hill representative.

•Many
Acknowledgments
people contributed to the creation and development of this book. First
and foremost, we wish to thank the many students whose voices appear in the
introduction of each chapter. The majority of these excerpts come from Bobbi
Mitzenmacher’s, Barbara Sayad’s, and William L. Yarber’s undergraduate
human sexuality students (California State University, Long Beach and Monterey
Bay, and Indiana University), who have courageously agreed to share their
experiences. All of these students have given permission to use their experiences
and quotations so that others might share and learn from their reflections.
A number of reviewers and adopters were instrumental in directing the
authors to needed changes, updates, and resources, and we are most grateful
for their insights and contributions. Whenever possible, we have taken their
suggestions and integrated them into the text. Special thanks are owed to the
following reviewers of the sixth edition:
Michael W. Agopian, Los Angeles Harbor College
Glenn Carter, Austin Peay State University
Ellen Cole, Alaska Pacific University
Sara L. Crawley, University of South Florida
Linda De Villers, Pepperdine University
Betty Dorr, Fort Lewis College
Amanda Emo, University of Cincinnati
Jean Hoth, Rochester Community and Technical College
Mary Meiners, Miramar College
William O’Donohue, University of Nevada
Carlos Sandoval, Cypress College
Mary Ann Watson, Metro State College at Denver
Laurie M. Wagner, Kent State University
Thanks also to the reviewers of the seventh edition:
Stephanie Coday, Sierra College
Jodi Martin deCamilo, St Louis Community College-Meramec-Kirkwood
Dale Doty, Monroe Community College
Duane Dowd, Central Washington University, Ellensburg
Edward Fliss, St. Louis Community College, Florissant Valley
Richard Hardy, Indiana University at Bloomington
Lynne M. Kemen, Hunter College
Nancy King, Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo
Kris Koehne, University of Tennessee–Knoxville
Jennifer Musick, Long Beach City College
Diane Pisacreta, St Louis Community College-Meramec-Kirkwood
Grace Pokorny, Long Beach City College
Michael Rahilly, University of California at Davis
Sally Raskoff, Los Angeles Valley College

xxxvi • Preface to the Instructor

Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Instructor © The McGraw−Hill 9
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Daniel Rubin, Valencia Community College, West Campus

Regine Rucker, University of Illinois, Champaign
Catherine Sherwood-Puzzello, Indiana University at Bloomington
Peggy Skinner, South Plains College
Publishing a textbook is similar to producing a stage show in that even with a clear
concept and great writing, there are individuals without whom the production (in
this case, of the textbook) would not be possible. Our thanks go to our sponsoring
editor, Mike Sugarman, whose vision and energy helped guide the publication of
this book. Additional kudos and gratitude go to Dawn Groundwater, director of
development, and to Cheri Dellelo, developmental editor, both of whom were
intimately involved with all aspects of this publication. Project manager Catherine
Morris was a constant in assisting us in finding answers to questions and guiding
us through the production process. A special thanks to Margaret Moore, manu-
script editor, Ashley Bedell, design manager, Linda Beaupré, text and cover designer,
Brian Pecko, photo researcher, Robin Mouat, art editor, Tandra Jorgensen, production
supervisor, and Sarah Colwell, supplements editor. Our combined efforts have
contributed to a book about which we can all be proud.

Preface to the Instructor • xxxvii

This page intentionally left blank
Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Student © The McGraw−Hill 11
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Preface to the Student

B eing sexual is an essential part of being human. Through our sexual-

ity, we are able to connect with others on the most intimate levels, revealing
ourselves and creating strong bonds. Sexuality can be a source of great pleasure
and profound satisfaction. Certainly, it is the means by which we reproduce—
bringing new life into the world and transforming ourselves into mothers and
fathers. Paradoxically, sexuality can also be a source of guilt and confusion,
anger and disappointment, a pathway to infection, and a means of exploitation
and aggression. Examining the multiple aspects of human sexuality will help
you understand, accept, and appreciate your own sexuality and that of others.
It will provide the basis for enriching your relationships.
Throughout our lives, we make sexual choices based on our experiences,
attitudes, values, and knowledge. The decisions we face include whether to
become or remain sexually active; whether to establish, continue, or end a
sexual relationship; whether to practice safer sex consistently; and how to
resolve conflicts, if they exist, between society’s and our own values and our
sexual desires, feelings, and behaviors. The choices we make may vary at dif-
ferent times in our lives. Our sexuality evolves as we ourselves change.

• Studying Human Sexuality

Students begin studying sexuality for many reasons: to gain insight into their
sexuality and relationships, to become more comfortable with their sexuality,
to explore personal sexual issues, to dispel anxieties and doubts, to validate their
sexual identity, to resolve traumatic sexual experiences, to learn how to avoid
STIs and unintended pregnancy, to increase their knowledge about sexuality,
or to prepare for the helping professions. Many students find the study of
sexuality empowering; they develop the ability to make intelligent sexual choices
based on their own needs, desires, and values rather than on ignorance, pres-
sure, guilt, fear, or conformity.
The study of human sexuality differs from the study of accounting, plant
biology, and medieval history, for example, because human sexuality is sur-
rounded by a vast array of taboos, fears, prejudices, and hypocrisy. For many,
sexuality creates ambivalent feelings. It is linked not only with intimacy and
pleasure but also with shame, guilt, and discomfort. As a result, you may find
yourself confronted with society’s mixed feelings about sexuality as you study
it. You may find, for example, that others perceive you as somehow “unique”

xxxix
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Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

or “different” for taking a course in human sexuality. Some may feel threatened
in a vague, undefined way. Parents, partners, or spouses (or your own children,
if you are a parent) may wonder why you want to take a “sex class”; they may
want to know why you don’t take something more “serious”—as if sexuality
were not one of the most important issues we face as individuals and as a
society. Sometimes this uneasiness manifests itself in humor, one of the ways
in which we deal with ambivalent feelings: “You mean you have to take a class
on sex?” “Are there labs?” “Why don’t you let me show you?”
Ironically, despite societal ambivalence, you may quickly find that your
human sexuality textbook becomes the most popular book in your dormitory
or apartment. “I can never find my textbook when I need it,” one of our stu-
dents complained. “My roommates are always reading it. And they’re not even
taking the course!” Another student observed: “My friends used to kid me
about taking the class, but now the first thing they ask when they see me is
what we discussed in class.” “People borrow my book so often without asking,”
wrote one student, “that I hide it now.”
What these responses signify is simple: Despite their ambivalence, people
want to learn about human sexuality. On some level, they understand that what
they have learned may have been haphazard, unreliable, stereotypical, incom-
plete, unrealistic, irrelevant—or dishonest. As adults, they are ready to move
beyond “sperm meets egg” stories.
As you study human sexuality, you will find yourself exploring areas not
ordinarily discussed in other classes. Sometimes they are rarely talked about even
among friends. They may be prohibited by parental or religious teaching. The
more an area is judged to be in some way “bad,” “immoral,” or “off-limits” the
less likely it is to be discussed. Typical behaviors such as masturbation and
sexual fantasies are often the source of considerable guilt and shame. But in your
human sexuality course, they will be examined objectively. You may be surprised
to discover, in fact, that part of your learning involves unlearning myths, factual
errors, distortions, biases, and prejudices you learned previously.
You may feel uncomfortable and nervous in your first class meetings. These
feelings are not at all uncommon. Sexuality may be the most taboo subject you
study as an undergraduate. Your comfort level in class will probably increase as
you recognize that you and your fellow students have a common purpose in learn-
ing about sexuality. Your sense of ease may also increase as you and your classmates
get to know one another and discuss sexuality, both inside and outside of class.
You may find that, as you become accustomed to using the accepted sexual
vocabulary, you are more comfortable discussing various topics. For example,
your communication with a partner may improve, which will strengthen your
relationship and increase sexual satisfaction for both of you. You may never
before have used the words “masturbation,” “sexual intercourse,” “clitoris,” or
“penis” in a class setting (or any kind of setting, for that matter). But after a
while, they may become second nature to you. You may discover that discuss-
ing sexuality academically becomes as easy as discussing computer science,
astronomy, or literature. You may even find yourself, as many students do,
telling your friends what you learned in class while on a bus or in a restaurant,
as other passengers or diners gasp in shock or lean toward you to hear better!
Studying sexuality requires respect for your fellow students. You’ll discover
that the experiences and values of your classmates vary greatly. Some students
have little sexual experience, while others have substantial experience; some
students hold progressive sexual values, while others hold conservative ones.

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in Contemporary America,
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Some students are gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals, while the majority are
heterosexual people. Most students are young, others middle-aged, some old—
each in a different stage of life and with different developmental tasks before
them. Furthermore, the presence of students from any of the numerous ethnic
groups in the United States reminds us that there is no single behavioral, atti-
tudinal, value, or sexual norm system that encompasses sexuality in contempo-
rary America. Finally, you will find that you become more accepting of yourself
as a sexual being by studying human sexuality. Our culture conveys few positive
messages affirming the naturalness of sexuality. Those studying sexuality often
report that they become more appreciative of their sexuality and less apologetic,
defensive, or shameful about their sexual feelings, attractions, and desires.
Accepting one’s sexuality also means viewing sexuality as normal and as an
integral, beautiful, and joyful part of being human. Accepting one’s own sexu-
ality is an important component in owning one’s own sexuality.
Because of America’s diversity in terms of experience, values, orientation,
age, and ethnicity, for example, the study of sexuality calls for us to be open-
minded: to be receptive to new ideas and to various perspectives; to seek to
understand what we have not understood before; to reexamine old assumptions,
ideas, and beliefs; to encompass the humanness and uniqueness in each of us.
In our quest for knowledge and understanding, we need to be intellectually
curious. As writer Joan Nestle observes, “Curiosity builds bridges. . . . Curiosity
is not trivial; it is the respect one life pays to another.”

• The Authors’ Perspective

We developed this textbook along several themes, which we believe will help
you better understand your sexuality and that of others.

Sexuality as a Fundamental Component

of Health and Well-Being
As one component of the human condition, sexuality can impact personal
well-being. When balanced with other life needs, sexuality contributes posi-
tively to personal health and happiness. When expressed in destructive ways,
it can impair health and well-being. We believe that studying human sexuality
is one way of increasing the healthy lifestyle of our students. Integrated into
all chapters are discussions, research, questions, prompts, and Web sites that
interrelate students’ well-being and their sexuality.

Biopsychosocial Orientation
Although we are creatures rooted in biology, hormones and the desire to repro-
duce are not the only important factors shaping our sexuality. We believe that
the most significant factor is the interplay between biology, individual person-
alities, and social factors. Therefore, we take a biopsychosocial perspective in
explaining human sexuality. This perspective emphasizes the roles of biology
(maleness or femaleness, the influence of genetics, the role of hormones), of

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 14 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: Front Matter Preface to the Student © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

psychological factors (such as motivation, emotions, and attitudes), and of social

learning (the process of learning from others and from society). We look at how
sexuality is shaped in our culture; we examine how it varies in different historical
periods and between different ethnic groups in our culture. We also examine how
sexuality takes different forms in other cultures throughout the world.
In addition, because we want students to apply the concepts presented in
this book to their own lives, we present information and ideas in ways that
encourage students to become proactive in their own sexual well-being. We
highlight sexual health–related topics and prompt revelant questions in boxes
called “Think About It”; we ask students to examine their own values and the
ways they express their sexuality in boxes called “Practically Speaking”; and we
encourage students to probe the subject beyond what the book presents in a
feature called “Sex and the Internet” and in the “Discussion Questions.”

Sexuality as Intimacy
We believe that sexuality in our culture is basically an expressive and intimate
activity. It is a vehicle for expressing feelings, whether positive or negative. Sexuality
is also a means for establishing and maintaining intimacy. Sexual expression is
important as a means of reproduction as well, but because of the widespread use
of birth control, reproduction has increasingly become a matter of choice.

Gender Roles
Gender roles are societal expectations of how women and men should behave
in a particular culture. Among other things, gender roles tell us how we are
supposed to act sexually. Although women and men differ, we believe most
differences are rooted more in social learning than in biology.
Traditionally, our gender roles have viewed men and women as “opposite” sexes.
Men were active, women passive; men were sexually aggressive, women sexually
receptive; men sought sex, women, love. Research, however, suggests that we are
more alike than different as men and women. To reflect our commonalities rather
than our differences, we refer not to the “opposite” sex, but to the “other” sex.

Sexuality and Popular Culture

Much of what we learn about sexuality from popular culture and the media—
from so-called sex experts, magazine articles, how-to books, the Internet, TV,
and the movies—is wrong, half-true, or stereotypical. Prejudice may masquer-
ade as fact. Scholarly research may also be limited or flawed for various reasons.
Throughout the textbook, we look at how we can evaluate what we read and
see, both in popular culture and in scholarly research. We compare scholarly
findings to sexual myths and beliefs, including research about gay men, lesbian
women, bisexual individuals, transgender people, and ethnic groups.

The Commonality of Sexual Variation

One of Alfred Kinsey’s most important discoveries is that there is wide variation
in the sexuality and sexual expression of individuals. As discussed in Chapter 2,

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

practically
speaking What Students Want to Learn
in a Human Sexuality Course:
The Personal Dimension
Students begin the study of human sexuality for a since I lost my virginity when I was sixteen). Any sugges-
multitude of reasons. When we asked our students to tell tions on how to raise parents?
us what they wanted to learn in our class, their answers —a 19-year-old woman
emphasized the personal dimension of learning. The ■ Is it wrong to masturbate if you have a regular partner?
student responses below are representative. —a 22-year-old man
■ Why do women get called “sluts” if they have more than
■ My biggest issue is setting my own sexual guidelines, one partner, and it doesn’t matter for guys? In fact, the
rather than accepting those of others, such as my friends, more women men “have,” the more points they get.
society, etc. —an 18-year-old woman
—a 20-year-old woman
■ How do I know if I’m normal? What is normal? And why
■ I want to know the difference between sex and love. do I care?
When I have sex with a woman, I think I’m in love with —a 21-year-old man
her, or at least want to be. Am I kidding myself?
—a 21-year-old man ■ I’m a sexy seventy-year-old. How come young people
think sex stops when you’re over forty? We don’t spend
■ I have a hard time telling my boyfriend what I want him all day just knitting, you know.
to do. I get embarrassed and end up not getting what I —a 70-year-old woman
need.
—a 19-year-old woman Some of these questions relate to facts, some concern
attitudes or relationships, and still others concern values.
■ I lost my virginity last week. What do you do when you
sleep with someone for the first time? But all of them are within the domain of human sexuality.
—an 18-year-old man As you study human sexuality, you may find answers to
many of these questions, as well as those of your own. You
■ I recently separated from my husband and am beginning
will also find that your class will raise questions the text-
to date again. I’d like to know what the proper sexual eti-
book or instructor cannot answer. Part of the reason we
quette is today. Such as, do you kiss or have sex on the
first date . . . or what? cannot answer all your questions is that there is insufficient
—a 37-year-old woman research available to give an adequate response. But part
of the reason also may be that it is not the domain of social
■ I’m gay, but my family would disown me if they found
science to answer questions of value. As social scientists, it
out. What can I do to make my parents understand that
is our role to provide you with knowledge, analytical skills,
it’s OK to be gay?
—a 20-year-old man and insights for making your own sexual decisions. It is you
who are ultimately responsible for determining your sexual
■ My parents continue to hassle me about sex. They want value system and sexual code of behavior.
me to be a virgin when I marry (which is next to impossible,

Kinsey also rejected the normal/abnormal dichotomy often used to describe

certain sexual behaviors. Throughout the text we examine variation, highlight-
ing its commonality without labeling such behaviors as normal or abnormal.
For example, we recognize that gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals are as
capable of achieving happiness and rewarding relationships as heterosexual per-
sons. However, as we know, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender individuals
have been subjected to discrimination, prejudice, and injustice for centuries.
As society has become more enlightened, it has discovered that these individu-
als do not differ from heterosexual people in any significant aspect other than
their sexual attractions. In 1972 the American Psychiatric Association removed
homosexuality from its list of mental disorders, and in 2003 the U.S. Supreme

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Court struck down laws against sodomy. Today, the major professional psycho-
logical, sociological, and health associations in the United States no longer
consider homosexuality an abnormality. In fact, APA repudiates gay-to-straight
or so-called “reparative” therapy. We have integrated discussions of lesbian
women, gay men, and bisexual people, and other sexual variations throughout
the book.

The Significance of Ethnicity

Until recently, Americans have ignored race and ethnicity as a factor in studying
human sexuality. We have acted as if being White, African American, Latino,
Asian American, or Native American made no difference in terms of sexual
attitudes, behaviors, and values. But there are important differences, and we
discuss these throughout the book. It is important to examine these differences
within their cultural context. Ethnic differences, therefore, should not be inter-
preted as “good” or “bad,” “healthy” or “deficient,” but as reflections of the
diversity in our culture. Our understanding of the role of race and ethnicity in
sexuality, however, is limited because research in this area is still evolving.
• • •
Over the years, we have asked our students to briefly state what they learned
or gained in our human sexuality classes. Here are some of their answers:
I learned to value the exploration of my sexuality much more. I learned that
sexuality comes in many forms, and I’m one of them. The class gave me a
forum or safe place to explore sexuality, especially since I have not yet had a
fully sexual relationship.
I found the psychological, historical, and anthropological elements of sexuality
we discussed to be valuable. I see homosexuality in a totally new light.
I learned that being sexual is OK, that basically we are all sexual beings and
that it is normal to want to have sex. I am no longer afraid to talk about sex
with my boyfriend.
The information about AIDS cleared up many misconceptions and fears I
had. I will always practice safer sex from now on.
The class has helped me come to terms with things that have happened over
the last few months that are disturbing to me.
I have paid more attention to the erotic nature of things, not just the physical
aspects of sex.
We believe that the knowledge about sexuality, insights about the role of
sexuality in life, and an understanding of the components of a healthy sexuality
you gain from studying human sexuality will be something you will carry with
you the rest of your life. We hope that studying human sexuality will help you
understand and appreciate not only yourself but those who differ from you,
and that it will enrich, expand, and enliven your experiences and your relation-
ships, thus contributing to enhanced personal happiness and health.

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Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 1. Perspectives on Human Text © The McGraw−Hill 17
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in Contemporary America,
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1
pter
Perspectives on
Human Sexuality
chap

MAIN TOPICS

Sexuality, Popular Culture,

and the Media
Sexuality Across Cultures and Times
Societal Norms and Sexuality
 18 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 1. Perspectives on Human Text © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

“The media, espe- “Though I firmly believe that we are our own harshest crit-
cially magazines ics, I also believe that the media has a large role in influ-
and television, has encing how we think of ourselves. I felt like ripping my
had an influence hair out every time I saw a skinny model whose stomach
on shaping my sex- was as hard and flat as a board, with their flawless skin
ual identity. Ever and perfectly coifed hair. I cringed when I realized that my
since I was a little legs seemed to have an extra ‘wiggle-jiggle’ when I
Student girl, I have watched walked. All I could do was watch the television and feel
Voices the women on TV abashed at the differences in their bodies compared to
and hoped I would mine. When magazines and movies tell me that for my
grow up to look age I should weigh no more than a hundred pounds, I feel
sexy and beautiful like them. I feel that because of the con- like saying, ‘Well, gee, it’s no wonder I fi nally turned to lax-
stant barrage of images of beautiful women on TV and in atives with all these pressures to be thin surrounding me.’ I
magazines young girls like me grow up with unrealistic ex- ached to be model-thin and pretty. This fixation to be as
pectations of what beauty is and are doomed to feel they beautiful and coveted as these models so preoccupied me
have not met this exaggerated standard.” that I had no time to even think about anyone or anything
—21-year-old female else.”
—18-year-old female
“The phone, television, and radio became my best friends. I
never missed an episode of any of the latest shows, and I “I am aware that I may be lacking in certain areas of my
knew all the words to every new song. And when they sexual self-esteem, but I am cognizant of my shortcom-
invented three-way calling, you would have thought the ings and am willing to work on them. A person’s sexual
phone was glued to my ear. At school, we would talk about self-esteem isn’t something that is detached from his or
the shows: whom we thought was cute and how we wanted her daily life. It is intertwined in every aspect of life and
houses, cars, and husbands. All of the things we saw on TV how one views his or her self: emotionally, physically, and
were all of the things we fantasized about. Watching music mentally. For my own sake, as well as my daughter’s, I feel
videos and the sexual gestures were always [stereotyped as] it is important for me to develop and model a healthy
male and female. These are the things we would talk about.” sexual self-esteem.”
—23-year-old female —28-year-old male

S exuality was once hidden from view in our culture: Fig leaves covered the
“private parts” of nudes; poultry breasts were renamed “white meat”; censors pro-
hibited the publication of the works of D. H. Lawrence, James Joyce, and Henry
Miller; and homosexuality was called “the love that dares not speak its name.” But
over the past few generations, sexuality has become more open. In recent years,
popular culture and the media have transformed what we “know” about sexuality.
Not only is sexuality not hidden from view; it often seems to surround us.
In this chapter, we examine popular culture and the media to see how they
shape our ideas about sexuality. Then we look at how sexuality has been treated
in different cultures and at different times in history. Finally, we examine how
society defines various aspects of our sexuality as natural or normal.

• Sexuality, Popular Culture, and the Media

“ Nature is to be reverenced, not
blushed at. Much of sexuality is influenced and shaped by popular culture, especially the mass
—Tertullian, media. Popular culture presents us with myriad images of what it means to be
(c. A.D. 155–c. 220) sexual. But what kinds of sexuality do the media portray for our consumption?

2 • Chapter 1 Perspectives on Human Sexuality

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
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Images of sexuality permeate

our society, sexualizing our
environment. Think about the
sexual images you see or hear
in a 24-hour period. What
messages do they communicate
about sexuality?

What messages do the media send about sex to children, adolescents, adults, and
older people? To men and women and to those of varied races, ethnicities, and
“ One picture is worth more than a
thousand words.

sexual orientations? Perhaps as important as what the media portray sexually is —Chinese proverb

what is not portrayed—masturbation, condom use, and older adults’ sexuality,

for example.

Media Portrayals of Sexuality

The media, and television in particular, is one of the sexual socialization agents
that has assumed a prominent role in the lives of American youth (Roberts,
Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). While television provides sources of information
about sex, drugs, AIDS, and violence, as well as about how to behave in rela-
tionships (Gruber & Grube, 2000), researchers know almost nothing about the
social and physical contexts in which people of any age accept, adopt, or apply
television to their lives (Roberts, 2000; Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). Given
that half the time teens are awake is spent with some form of media (Roberts,
Foehr, & Rideout, 2005), American youth devote more time to media than to
any other waking activity (see Figure 1.1).
The music industry is awash with sexual images. Contemporary pop music,
from rock ‘n’ roll to rap, is filled with lyrics about sexuality mixed with messages
about love, rejection, violence, and loneliness. Popular music is transmitted
through CDs and MP3s and through the Internet, television, and radio. MTV,
VH1, BET, and music video programs broadcast videos filled with sexually sug-
gestive lyrics, images, and dances. Because of censorship issues, the most overtly
sexual music is not played on the radio, except for some college stations.
Magazines, tabloids, and books contribute to the sexualization of our society.
Popular novels, romances, and self-help books disseminate ideas and values about
sexuality. Supermarket tabloid headlines exploit the unusual (“Woman with Two
Vaginas Has Multiple Lovers”) or sensational (“Televangelist’s Love Tryst Exposed”).

Sexuality, Popular Culture, and the Media • 3

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

• FIGURE 1.1
Time U.S. Youth, Ages 8–18, All screen media
4 hr 15 min
Spend Using Media per Day by (TV, video, movies)
Type of Media. (Source: Roberts,
Foehr, & Rideout, 2005.) Audio
(radio, tapes, CD, 1 hr 44 min
MP3)

Computer
(games, e-mail, 1 hr 2 min
chat rooms)

Print media
(books, newspapers, 32 min
magazines)

0 1 2 3 4 5
Hours per day

Men’s magazines have been singled out for their sexual emphasis. Playboy,
Penthouse, and Maxim, with their Playmates of the Month, Pets of the Month,
and other nude pictorials, are among the most popular magazines in the world.
Sports Illustrated ’s annual swimsuit edition sells more than 5 million copies,
twice as many as its other issues. But it would be a mistake to think that only
male-oriented magazines focus on sex.
Women’s magazines such as Cosmopolitan and Redbook have their own sexual
content. These magazines feature romantic photographs of lovers to illustrate sto-
ries with such titles as “Sizzling Sex Secrets of the World’s Sexiest Women,” “Mak-
ing Love Last: If Your Partner Is a Premature Ejaculator,” and “Turn on Your Man
with Your Breasts (Even If They Are Small).” Preadolescents and young teens are
not exempt from sexual images and articles in magazines such as Seventeen and
YM. Some of the men’s health magazines have followed the lead of women’s
magazines, featuring sexuality-related issues as a way to sell more copies.
For many, a click on the World Wide Web allows sex on demand. The Internet’s
contributions to the availability and commercialization of sex include live clips
and chats, personalized pages and ads, and links to potential or virtual sex part-
ners. The spread of the Web has made it easy to obtain information, social ties,
and sexual gratification.
Telephone sex has become an increasingly popular means of attaining sexual
arousal and pleasure. Because the Federal Communications Commission (FCC)
has banned obscene communication for commercial purposes in the United
States, most calls made for this purpose are to overseas businesses.
Advertising in all media uses the sexual sell, promising sex, romance, popularity,
and fulfillment if the consumer will only purchase the right soap, perfume, cigarettes,
alcohol, toothpaste, jeans, or automobile. In reality, not only does one not become
“sexy” or popular by consuming a certain product, but the product may actually be
detrimental to one’s sexual well-being, as in the case of cigarettes or alcohol.
Women’s magazines such as
Media images of sexuality permeate a variety of areas in people’s lives (see Figure
Cosmopolitan, Vogue, and
Glamour use sex to sell their
1.2). They can produce sexual arousal and emotional reactions, increase sexual
publications. How do these behaviors, and be a source of sex information. Summarizing a handful of studies
magazines differ from men’s on the relationship between exposure to sexual media and our sexual behavior,
magazines such as Men’s professor and writer Jane D. Brown (2002) reports that the media (1) keep sexual
Health, Playboy, and Maxim in behavior visible, (2) reinforce a consistent set of sexual and relationship norms,
their treatment of sexuality? and (3) rarely include sexually responsible models. No doubt, this form of persuasive

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Sexual images are used to

sell products. What ideas are
conveyed by this advertisement?
How does its appeal differ
according to whether one is
male or female?

communication is altering patterns of social communication and interpersonal

relationships.
Mass-media depictions of sexuality are meant to entertain and exploit, not to
inform. As a result, the media do not present us with “real” depictions of sexuality.
Sexual activities, for example, are usually not explicitly acted out or described in
mainstream media, nor is interracial dating often portrayed. The social and cul-
tural taboos that are still part of mainstream U.S. culture remain embedded in the
media. Thus, the various media present the social context of sexuality; that is, the • FIGURE 1.2
(a) Percentage of Sexual Talk and
programs, plots, movies, stories, articles, newscasts, and vignettes tell us what behav- Displays in the Media. (Source:
iors are appropriate (e.g., kissing, sexual intercourse), with whom they are appro- Brown, 2002.) (b) Sexual Content
priate (e.g., girlfriend/boyfriend, partner, heterosexual), and why they are on TV. (Source: Kunkel, Eyal,
appropriate (e.g., attraction, love, to avoid loneliness). Finnerty, Biely, & Donnerstein,
2005.)

Percentage of different types sexual displays in the TV

Percentage of the total talk in the media that is sex-related programs that show sexual content
100 100

80 80

60 60

40 40

20 20

0 0
TV Music Hollywood Teen and Internet Programs Talk about Sexual References
programs videos movies women’s on TV that sex behaviors to risk or
(varies by magazines mention portrayed responsibility
genre) (varies by consequences
title) of sex
(a) (b)

Sexuality, Popular Culture, and the Media • 5

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Television
Among all types of media, television has been the most prevalent, pervasive, and
vexing icon, saturating every corner of public and private space, shaping conscious-
ness, defining reality, and entertaining the masses (American Academy of Pediatrics,
2001; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002). Between ages 8
and 18, the average youth spends 3 hours 50 minutes a day watching TV and
videos. Though this figure varies across age, gender, race/ethnicity, and socioeco-
nomic status, there is no subgroup of U.S. youth for which average exposure to
all media (e.g., Internet, music) drops below 7 hours per day (Roberts, Foehr, &
Rideout, 2005). By the time an American teenager finishes high school, he or she
will have spent more time in front of a television screen than in the classroom.
“ The vast wasteland of TV is not
interested in producing a better
At the same time, most of the consumption of media leaves the majority of young
mousetrap but in producing a worse people outside the purview of adult comment (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005)
mouse. and with few messages or images that demonstrate the risks and responsibilities
—Laurence Coughlin that accompany sexuality (Kunkel, Eyal, Finnerty, Biely, & Donnerstein, 2005).
While the frequency of TV viewing has been increasing, so has been the
number of sexual references in programs. In their study, Kunkel and colleagues
(2005) report that television is indeed a major source of information about sex
for teenagers. Exposure to sexual content on television is a significant contribu-
tor to many aspects of young people’s sexual knowledge, beliefs, and behavior.
Kunkel et al. conclude by stating:
Given television’s devotion to the topic of sex, there is no more salient context in
which to convey sexual risk or responsibility messages. The lack of attention afforded
such issues at best reduces the relevance of these concerns for viewers, and misses an
opportunity to provide a potentially beneficial perspective on television’s treatment of
sexual themes and topics.
This study, along with a new wave of empirical evidence (e.g., American Psy-
chological Association [APA], 2007; Pardun, L’Engle, & Brown, 2005; Taylor,
2005) is demonstrating consistent negative impacts of exposure to sexual media
content among teens and young adults.
“ Would you like to come back to my
place and do what I’m going to tell my
In the accumulated volume of media research, media content does not reflect
the realities of the social world; rather, the media images of women and men reflect
friends we did anyway?
and reproduce a set of stereotypical and unequal but changing gender roles (Kim,
—Spanky
Sorsoli, Collins, et al., 2007). For example, women wearing skimpy clothing and
expressing their sexuality to attract attention underscores the objectification of
women seen in many genres of media. And men’s messages are equally unilateral,
which is that they should accumulate sexual experience with women by any means
possible. Sexist advertising and stereotypical roles in comedy series and dramas may
take subtle (or not so subtle) forms that, over time, may have an effect on the way
some women and men view themselves. For example, studies examining the
effects of television have shown a positive correlation between television viewing
self-image, and healthy development, particularly among girls and young women
(APA, 2007). While it is apparent that exposure to television does not affect all
people in the same way, it is clear that the sexual double standard that does exist
taps into our national ambivalence about sex, equality, morality, and violence.
Unlike the film industry, which uses a single ratings board to regulate all
American releases, television has been governed by an informal consensus. In
1997, networks began to rely on watchdog standards and practices departments
to rate their shows; however, these divisions have few, if any, hard-and-fast rules
(Robson, 2004). While the FCC does not offer clear guidelines about what is and
is not permissible on the airwaves, the agency does permit looser interpretations

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Only a Not at all • FIGURE 1.3

little Parents’ response to how much,
A lot
if at all, they felt exposure to
3% sexual content in the media
11% contributed to children becoming
55% involved in sexual situations
before they were ready. (Source:
Victoria Rideout, Parents, Children
Somewhat 30% & Media: A Kaiser Family
Foundation Survey, (#7638) The
Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation,
June 2007. This information was
reprinted with permission from the
Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.
of its decency standards for broadcasts between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. Additionally, The Kaiser Family Foundation is a
non-profit private operating
in 2006, the television industry launched a large campaign to educate parents foundation based in Menlo Park,
about TV ratings and the V-chip, technology that allows the blocking of pro- California, dedicated to producing
grams based on their rating category. Because of the vulnerability that parents and communicating the best
still feel about their children becoming involved in sexual situations before they possible information, research,
are ready (see Figure 1.3), the majority (65%) say they “closely” monitor their and analysis on health issues.)
children’s media use (Rideout, 2007).

Reality Shows Among the shows listed at the top of the Nielsen ratings and
most popular among young people are reality shows (Christenson & Ivancin,
2006). On any given day, scores of unscripted and seemingly spontaneous
adventures, transformations, and tribulations take place from which viewers may
seek and absorb guidance regarding what is normal and natural. Driving this
genre are thin, young, and sexually attractive men and women who garner the
attention of all ages and sizes. Popular shows like The Real World, American Idol,
Temptation Island, and America’s Next Top Model can provide education and ways
to escape, but they can also foster unrealistic expectations, inaccurate or unhealthy
information, and model behaviors with no consequences. At particular risk are
8- to 15-year-olds who fail to see the contrived nature of this form of entertain-
ment and incorporate these ideals into their sense of personal identity as well
as their ideas of familial, fraternal, and sexual relationships. The subtle or not-
so-subtle sexualized images of girls and young women depicted in shows such
as these are now known to negatively influence the girls’ self-image and healthy
development (APA, 2007). With these shows filling the airwaves and blurring
the boundaries between reality and entertainment, it is crucial that individuals
learn as much as they can about humans as sexual beings so that they can both
separate truths from lies and distortions and come to accept themselves.

Comedy Series Sex in comedy series? When asked, most people think there is
none. After all, comedy series usually deal with families or familylike relationships,
and children are often the main characters. Because they are family oriented, comedy
series do not explicitly depict sex. Instead, they deal with sexuality in the form of
taboos centering around marital or family issues. The taboos are mild, such as the
taboo against a married person flirting with another man or woman. If a comedy
Reality shows such as Flavor of
series were to deal with a major taboo, such as incest, the program would go beyond Love frequently have sexual
the genre’s normal boundaries, and most viewers would not be amused. themes. What are some of the
sexual themes or ideas of the
Soap Operas Soap operas are one of the most popular TV genres. Although most popular reality shows?
sexual transgressions are soon forgotten in comedy series, they are never forgotten Do they differ according to
in soap operas. Rather, they are the lifeblood of soaps: jealousy and revenge are ethnicity?

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Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Soap operas offer distinct

visions of sexuality. Sexuality
is portrayed as intense and
as a cause of jealousy.
Women are the primary
audience. What do you
think the relationship is
between these factors?

ever present. Most characters are now, or once were, involved with one another.
The ghosts of past loves haunt the mansions and townhouses; each relationship
carries a heavy history with it. Whether they are in English or Spanish-language
soaps (telenovelas), extrarelational sex, pregnancy alarms, betrayals, and jealousy
punctuate every episode. Depictions of sexual behavior are frequent.

Crime/Action-Adventure Programs In crime and action-adventure pro-

grams, there are few intimate relationships. Instead, relationships are fundamen-
tally sexual, based on attraction. They are the backdrop to crime and adventure,
which form the basis of the plot. The basic theme of a crime program is disor-
der (a crime) that must be resolved so that order can be restored. Often, the
disorder is caused by a sexual episode or a sexually related issue, such as prostitu-
tion, sexually explicit materials, rape, cross-dressing, sexual blackmail, or seduction
for criminal purposes. As such, we see the underside of sex.

Drama Series Dramas focus on situational themes that often revolve around
a particular setting or issue, such as a singles household or mob family. Topics
such as pregnancy, extramarital liaisons, rape, sexual harassment, prostitution,
and AIDS are addressed. Because television often seeks to entertain and exploit
Click on “Beautiful” rather than inform, most of the sexuality that appears in these programs lends
to see an award- itself to sensationalism, humor, or shock.
winning Nike
commercial that
challenges conventional Commercials Commercials are a unique genre in TV programming.
notions of who is Although they are not part of the TV program per se, because they are inserted
beautiful. before, after, and during it, they become a free-floating part of it. In these

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Seventh Edition

commercials, advertisers may manipulate sexual images to sell products. The

most sexually explicit commercials generally advertise jeans, beer, and perfume.
Others talk frankly about “erectile dysfunction” while revealing seemingly
happy couples in states of sexual bliss.
These commercials tell a story visually through a series of brief scenes or
images. They do not pretend to explain the practical benefits of their product,
such as cost or effectiveness. Instead, they offer viewers an image or attitude.
Directed especially toward adolescents and young adults, these commercials
play upon fantasies of attractiveness, sexual success, sexual performance, and
fun. They also work to shape our eating styles, appearance, body image, and
sense of what is attractive and desirable in ourselves and others. We are led to
believe that we can acquire these attributes by using a particular product.

Music and Game Videos MTV, MTV2, VH1, BET, and music video pro-
grams such as Pussy Cat Dolls, are very popular among adolescents and young
adults. Approximately 8% of young viewers report watching music videos each
day (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005).
Unlike audio-recorded music, music videos play to the ear and the eye. Young
female artists such as Alicia Keys and Beyoncé have brought energy, sexuality, and
individualism to the young music audience. They have also objectified and degraded
women by stripping them of any sense of power and individualism and focusing
strictly on their sexuality. Male artists such as Souja Boy, 50 Cent, and Kanye West
provide young audiences with a steady dose of sexuality, power, and rhythm. Confident female icons such as
Video games that promote sexist and violent attitudes toward women have Queen Latifa reflect mainstream
filled the aisles of stores across the country. Pushing the line between obscenity culture’s acceptance of assertive
and amusement, games often provide images of unrealistically shaped and sub- women.
missive women mouthing sexy dialogues in degrading scenes. Men, in contrast,
are often revealed as unrealistic, violent figures whose primary purpose is to
destroy and conquer. Though many of these video games are rated “M” (mature)
by the Entertainment Software Ratings Board, they are both popular with and
accessible to young people.

Feature-Length Films
From their very inception, motion pictures have dealt with sexuality. In 1896,
a film titled The Kiss outraged moral guardians when it showed a couple steal-
ing a quick kiss. “Absolutely disgusting,” complained one critic. “The performance
comes near being indecent in its emphasized indecency. Such things call for police
action” (quoted in Webb, 1983). Today, in contrast, film critics use “sexy,” a word
independent of artistic value, to praise a film. “Sexy” films are movies in which “ Of the delights of this world man
cares most for is sexual intercourse, yet
the requisite “sex scenes” are sufficiently titillating to overcome their lack of aes- he has left it out of his heaven.
thetic merit. —Mark Twain
In Hollywood films of the 1990s through today, there has been considerable (1835–1910)

female nudity, especially above the waist. But men are almost never filmed nude
in the same manner as women. Men are generally clothed or partially covered; if
they are fully nude, the scene takes place at night, the scene is blurred, or we see
only their backsides. Only on rare occasions is the penis shown; if it is visible, it
is flaccid (unaroused), not erect.
What is clear is that movies are not that dissimilar from television in their
portrayal of the consequences of unprotected sex, such as unplanned pregnan-
cies or sexually transmitted infections (STIs), including HIV/AIDS. In an

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

In recent years, mainstream

movies such as Milk have
presented their homosexual
characters as fully realized
human beings.

analysis of 87 movies, 53 of which had sex episodes, there was only one sug-
gestion of condom use, which was the only reference to any form of birth
control (Gunasekera, Chapman, & Campbell, 2005). While one might argue
that it is bad art to confuse education with entertainment, it is apparent that
the Hollywood film industry may be bad for one’s sexual health.

Gay Men, Lesbian Women, Bisexual and Transgendered

People in Film and Television
Gay men, lesbian women, and bisexual and transgendered individuals are only
minimally represented in mainstream films and television. When gay men and
lesbian women do appear, they are frequently defined in terms of their sexual
orientation, as if there is nothing more to their lives than sexuality. Gay men
are generally stereotyped as effeminate, flighty, or “arty,” or they may be clos-
eted. Lesbian women are often stereotyped as super-feminine and stilettoed. In
fact, some film critics are now asking, “Where has the butch gone in film?”
In recent years, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered portrayals in film
and television have increasingly integrated their characters’ orientation into the
plot. Before such television programs as The L Word and Queer as Folk, interested
viewers had to observe either stereotypical characters or search and second-guess
a character’s sexuality (Glock, 2005). Now there is an entire cable network,
LOGO, that has helped pave the way for more gay and lesbian programming.
Once cable television produced The L Word, the first television program devoted
exclusively to the social lives of lesbian women, raw and unbridled sex shifted from
the shadows to front and center viewing. While Queer as Folk accustomed viewers
to gayness, it is unclear whether the networks that promoted kisses between women
did so to titillate audiences or to offer positive portrayals of lesbian women living
fully engaged lives.

Online Sexual Networks

For millions, surfing the Web has become a major recreational activity and
has altered the ways in which they communicate and carry on interpersonal

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relationships. Though social theorists have long been concerned with the alien-
ating effects of technology, the Internet appears quite different from other
communication technologies. Its efficacy, power, and influence, along with the
anonymity and depersonalization that accompanies its use, have made it pos-
sible for consumers to more easily obtain and distribute sexual materials and
information, as well as to interact sexually in different ways.
In place of dance clubs and bars, the Internet and mobile technology are replac-
ing the ways in which people meet and interact with others. With an estimated
420 million adult web pages online (Downs, 2007), which are visited by approx-
imately one-third of U.S. Internet users, viewing online sexual activity (OSA) is
a significant part of the sexual practices of the population (Irvine, 2007).
The upside of such a powerful tool is its availability and capacity to educate,
particularly youth, who are early adopters of media. While OSA will continue
to occupy the bedrooms and gathering places of young people, their counterparts,
educational video games, mass texts and instant messages, and online cards, are
among the ways in which technology can be used to increase awareness about
sexuality-related issues. Given that more than 9 in 10 people ages 12 to 17 are
using the Internet, and more than 60% of them use it daily, technology can
provide youth with an easily accessible and legitimate way to learn more about
themselves and the sexual health of others (Lee, 2008). While some OSAs are
visual (e.g., adult movies and photos), others are more interactive (e.g., discussion
forums, chatting, blogs, and online dating). Though there are educational and
community forums available, the vast majority of OSAs are for recreational sex.
In spite of the large numbers of people tapping into OSAs, little is known about
their users or their full impact on sexual attitudes and behaviors.
Relative newcomers to the online social networks are such sites as MySpace,
Facebook, LinkedIn, and Craigslist, where individuals and members may com-
plete profiles, use message boards, write blogs, and post photos in order to
interact with others. Serving millions around the world, these sites often provide
social interaction, act as a procrastination tool, or in some cases, provide a
graphic and targeted venue for immediate, free, and intimate contact. Since 65%
of Americans spend more time with their computers than with their significant
others and the average visit to a social network site lasts more than 20 minutes,
hanging out with “friends” has never been easier or more available (Kim, 2008).
Thus, it’s not surprising that such sites are also used to invite “friends” or post
invitations for specific sexual behaviors on such boards as “my friends,” “men
seeking men,” “casual encounters,” and “erotic services.” In 2008, MySpace reached
an agreement with legal authorities in 49 states to help prevent sexual predators
and others from misusing it. Other sites have initiated similar caveats. In the
meantime, the popularity of these sites is causing some to report online network-
ing fatigue as they navigate the plethora of new social sites dedicated to everything
from divorce to paganism to firefighting to anime (Kim, 2008).

Cybersex A subcategory of online sexual activities is cybersex. Cybersex is

a real-time event involving two persons who are engaging in sexual talk for the
purpose of sexual pleasure. In some cases a couple may find or create a chat
room in cyberspace or may use a chat client. Typically, persons find each other
on the Internet, may exchange pictures or short movies of themselves or use erotic
pictures and movies found on the Web to accompany their text-based commu- For anyone with a computer,
nication, and/or play different roles that they otherwise couldn’t or wouldn’t in social networking and
real life. The popularity of cybersex is rooted in what has been termed the pornography are readily
“Triple-A-Engine” (access, affordability, and anonymity). For example, a person accessible.

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 28 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 1. Perspectives on Human Text © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

practically
speaking
The Web of Cybersex
The lure of a twenty-first-century computerized sex Are You Addicted to Cybersex?
toy is more than some individuals can resist. Just a few
Answer “yes” or “no” to the following statements:
years ago, cybersex meant glancing at nude images on the
computer screen. It now beckons users to join fantasy-filled 1. Do you routinely spend time in sex chat rooms and instant
chat rooms, observe images of another person, and watch messaging with the sole purpose of finding cybersex?
live sex shows. One no longer has to travel across town to 2. Do you feel preoccupied with using the Internet for
a sleazy bar or movie theater and risk being “caught” by a cybersex?
co-worker or fellow student to access explicit, interactive 3. Do you frequently use anonymous communication to en-
sex or to share a fantasy with another person. Much of this gage in sexual fantasies not typically carried out in real life?
interactive media is different from other sexually explicit 4. Do you anticipate your next online session with the ex-
material in that the user can manipulate the images and pectation that you will find sexual arousal or gratification?
stimulation that he or she receives.
5. Do you move from cybersex to phone sex or even real-
“Compulsive use” of the Internet covers a wide variety
life meetings?
of behaviors and impulsive control problems. Though the
term “sexual addiction” has been used by a number of 6. Do you hide your online interactions from your signifi-
researchers, many psychologists question whether the cant other?
concept of addiction can be applied to nonchemical 7. Do you feel guilt or shame from your online use?
behaviors (Downs, 2007). Rather, they describe excessive 8. Did you accidentally become aroused by cybersex at
or compulsive Internet sex in terms of behaviors or activi- first, and now find that you actively seek it out when
ties that take precedence over other parts of life and that you log online?
dominate one's thinking and feelings. Until more empiri- 9. Do you masturbate when having cybersex or looking at
cal research occurs, the question of whether compulsive online pornography?
Internet sex is different from more traditional forms of 10. Do you feel less interest with your real-life sex partner
sexual compulsion cannot be answered. There needs to only to prefer cybersex as a primary form of sexual
be more research identifying both the risk factors and gratification?
protective factors for those who might be susceptible to
Internet sexual compulsion. If you answered “yes” to any of the above questions, you
Psychologist Kimberly Young (1998) has created the may be “addicted” to cybersex, to use the label of this ques-
Cybersexual Addiction Index to help people recognize tionnaire. With the availability of adult sites and sex chat
potentially unhealthy uses of the Internet. Even though rooms, more and more people have come to realize their
the term “addiction” in the questionnaire title might initial curiosity may have become expensive or problematic.
not be appropriate, completing this questionnaire may
SOURCE: Reprinted with permission of Kimberly Young, Center for Internet
help you identify potentially excessive or compulsive Addiction Recovery. Available: http://www.netaddiction.com/resources/
cybersex use. cybersex_addiction_test.htm.

called “Hot Dog” can enter a “place” called “Hot Tub” and soak for a couple
of hours with “Bubbles,” “Sexy Lady” (a transvestite), and others who pop in
and out. “Hot Dog” flirts with everyone; he describes himself, tells his fantasies,
and has kinky sex with “Sexy Lady” and a dozen others. “Hot Dog” is actually
a woman, but she doesn’t tell anyone. Every now and then, “Hot Dog” goes
private and exchanges fantasies. But none of this happens in the physical world.
“Hot Tub” is a chat room on a computer network. People at different locations,
linked by the network, type their fantasies on their keyboards, and those fan-
tasies almost immediately appear on the other people’s computer screens. With
the Internet increasingly being used to meet and communicate with others,
many people who believe sexuality to be an important part of a good relationship

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are increasingly utilizing it to see if their sexual proclivities are compatible with
those of a potential partner.
The Internet has brought a new dimension to sexuality by making it a highly
desirable commodity online, at school, and at work. By removing many of the
emotional and physical attributes of the individual and allowing emotional and
physical fulfillment to occur with an electronic partner, one is removed from
the social contexts in which sexual expression has previously occurred. Like
other forms of media, the Internet does not simply provide sexual culture; it
also shapes sexual culture. For the isolated, underrepresented, and disenfran-
chised whose sexual identities up until now have been hidden, Internet com-
munication may be a lifeline. For others, whether they be cybersex fans or blog
users in the dating game, the Internet is a means of sexual discourse, auto-
stimulation, and coupling. For still others, particularly young women, the
Internet takes the form of unapologetic exhibitionism.
For most cybersex users, the Internet provides a fascinating venue for experienc-
ing sex. For some users, however, porn consumption gets them in trouble: maxed
out credit cards, neglected responsibility, and overlooked loved ones. There are
both online and community resources for those who desire counseling. While
searching for such sources, however, consumers and professionals must be aware
of the differences between therapy, consultation, and entertainment. Additionally,
because entrepreneurs can make more money from hype and misinformation than
from high-quality therapy and education, consumers must remain vigilant in
assessing the background of the therapist and the source of the information.
Because of the high volume of sexual discussions and material available on
the Internet, there is an increasing demand for government regulation. In 1996,
Congress passed the Communications Decency Act, which made it illegal to
use computer networks to transmit “obscene” materials or place “indecent”
words or images where children might see or read them. However, courts have
declared this legislation as a violation of freedom of speech. (For further discus-
sion of this issue, see Chapter 18.)

• Sexuality Across Cultures and Times

What we see as “natural” in our culture may be viewed as unnatural in other
cultures. Few Americans would disagree about the erotic potential of kissing. But
“ Birds do it, bees do it. Even
educated fleas do it.
other cultures perceive kissing as merely the exchange of saliva. To the Mehinaku —Cole Porter
(1891–1964)
of the Amazonian rain forest, for example, kissing is a disgusting sexual abnormal-
ity; no Mehinaku engages in it (Gregor, 1985). The fact that others press their
lips against each other, salivate, and become sexually excited merely confirms their
“strangeness” to the Mehinaku.
Culture takes our sexual interests—our incitements or inclinations to act
sexually—and molds and shapes them, sometimes celebrating sexuality and other
times condemning it. Sexuality can be viewed as a means of spiritual enlighten-
ment, as in the Hindu tradition, in which the gods themselves engage in sexual
activities; it can also be at war with the divine, as in the Judeo-Christian tradi-
tion, in which the flesh is the snare of the devil (Parrinder, 1980).
Among the variety of factors that shape how we feel and behave sexually, cul-
ture is possibly the most powerful. A brief exploration of sexual themes across
cultures and times will give you a sense of the diverse shapes and meanings humans
have given to sexuality.

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

Sexual Interests
All cultures assume that adults have the potential
for becoming sexually aroused and for engaging
in sexual intercourse for the purpose of reproduc-
tion. But cultures differ considerably in terms of
how strong they believe sexual interests are. These
beliefs, in turn, affect the level of desire expressed
in each culture.

The Mangaia Among the Mangaia of Polyne-

sia, both sexes, beginning in early adolescence,
experience high levels of sexual desire (Marshall,
1971). Around age 13 or 14, following a circum-
cision ritual, boys are given instruction in the
The sensual movements of Latin ways of pleasing a girl: erotic kissing, cunnilingus, breast fondling and sucking,
American dancing have become and techniques for bringing her to multiple orgasms. After 2 weeks, an
mainstream in American culture, older, sexually experienced woman has sexual intercourse with the boy to
as can be seen in the popularity
instruct him further on how to sexually satisfy a woman. Girls the same age
of Dancing with the Stars.
are instructed by older women on how to be orgasmic: how to thrust their
hips and rhythmically move their vulvas in order to have multiple orgasms.
A girl finally learns to be orgasmic through the efforts of a “good man.” If
the woman’s partner fails to satisfy her, she is likely to leave him; she may
also ruin his reputation with other women by denouncing his lack of skill.
Young men and women are expected to have many sexual experiences prior
to marriage.
This adolescent paradise, however, does not last forever. The Mangaia believe
that sexuality is strongest during adolescence. As a result, when the Mangaia
leave young adulthood, they experience a rapid decline in sexual desire and
activity, and they cease to be aroused as passionately as they once were. They
attribute this swift decline to the workings of nature and settle into a sexually
contented adulthood.

The Dani In contrast to the Mangaia, the New Guinean Dani show little
interest in sexuality (Schwimmer, 1997). To them, sex is a relatively unimpor-
tant aspect of life. The Dani express no concern about improving sexual tech-
niques or enhancing erotic pleasure. Extrarelational sex and jealousy are rare.
As their only sexual concern is reproduction, sexual intercourse is performed
quickly, ending with male ejaculation. Female orgasm appears to be unknown
to them. Following childbirth, both mothers and fathers go through 5 years of
sexual abstinence. The Dani are an extreme example of a case in which culture,
rather than biology, shapes sexual attractions.

Victorian Americans In the nineteenth century, White middle-class

Americans believed that women had little sexual desire. If they experienced
desire at all, it was “reproductive desire,” the wish to have children. Repro-
duction entailed the unfortunate “necessity” of engaging in sexual intercourse.
A leading reformer wrote that in her “natural state” a woman never makes
“ Sex is hardly ever—Shirley
just about sex.
MacLaine advances based on sexual desires, for the “very plain reason that she does not
(1934–) feel them” (Alcott, 1868). Those women who did feel desire were “a few

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exceptions amounting in all probability to diseased cases.” Such women were

classified by a prominent physician as suffering from “Nymphomania, or
Furor Uterinus” (Bostwick, 1860).
Whereas women were viewed as asexual, men were believed to have raging
sexual appetites. Men, driven by lust, sought to satisfy their desires by ravaging
innocent women. Both men and women believed that male sexuality was dan-
gerous, uncontrolled, and animal-like. It was part of a woman’s duty to tame
unruly male sexual impulses.
The polar beliefs about the nature of male and female sexuality created
destructive antagonisms between “angelic” women and “demonic” men. These
beliefs provided the rationale for a “war between the sexes.” They also led to
the separation of sex from love. Intimacy and love had nothing to do with male
sexuality. In fact, male lust always lingered in the background of married life,
threatening to destroy love by its overbearing demands.
Although a century has passed since the end of the Victorian era, many
Victorian sexual beliefs and attitudes continue to influence us. These include
the belief that men are “naturally” sexually aggressive and women sexually pas-
sive, the sexual double standard, and the value placed on women being sexually
“inexperienced.”
Like beliefs about sexuality,
ideals about body image (and
Sexual Orientation what women are willing to do
to achieve it) change over time.
Sexual orientation is the pattern of sexual and emotional attraction based
on the gender of one’s partner. Heterosexuality refers to emotional and
sexual attraction between men and women; homosexuality refers to emo-
tional and sexual attraction between persons of the same sex; bisexuality is
an emotional and sexual attraction to both males and females. In contem-
porary American culture, heterosexuality is still the only sexual orientation
receiving full social and legal legitimacy. Although same-sex relationships are
common, they do not receive general social acceptance. Some other cultures,
however, view same-sex relationships as normal, acceptable, and even prefer-
able. A small number of countries worldwide and a few states in the United
States have legalized same-sex marriage. (See Chapter 18 for a list of these
countries and states.)

Ancient Greece In ancient Greece, the birthplace of European culture, the

Greeks accepted same-sex relationships as naturally as Americans today accept
heterosexuality. For the Greeks, same-sex relationships between men represented
the highest form of love.
The male-male relationship was based on love and reciprocity; sexuality
was only one component of it. In this relationship, the code of conduct called
for the older man to initiate the relationship. The youth initially resisted;
only after the older man courted the young man with gifts and words of love
would he reciprocate. The two men formed a close, emotional bond. The
older man was the youth’s mentor as well as his lover. He introduced the youth
to men who would be useful for his advancement later; he assisted him in
learning his duties as a citizen. As the youth entered adulthood, the erotic bond
between the two evolved into a deep friendship. After the youth became an
adult, he married a woman and later initiated a relationship with an ado-
lescent boy.

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

In ancient Greece, the highest

form of love was that expressed
between males.

Greek male-male relationships, however, were not substitutes for male-

female marriage. The Greeks discouraged exclusive male-male relationships
because marriage and children were required to continue the family and
society. Men regarded their wives primarily as domestics and as bearers of
children (Keuls, 1985). (The Greek word for woman, gyne, translates liter-
ally as “childbearer.”) Husbands turned for sexual pleasure not to their wives
but to hetaerae (hi-TIR-ee), highly regarded courtesans who were usually
educated slaves.

The Sambians Among Sambian males of New Guinea, sexual orientation is

very malleable (Herdt, 1987). Young boys begin with sexual activities with older
boys, move to sexual activities with both sexes during adolescence, and engage
in exclusively male-female activities in adulthood. Sambians believe that a boy
can grow into a man only by the ingestion of semen, which is, they say, like
mother’s milk. At age 7 or 8, boys begin their sexual activities with older boys;
as they get older, they seek multiple partners to accelerate their growth into
manhood. At adolescence, their role changes, and they must provide semen to
boys to enable them to develop. At first, they worry about their own loss of
semen, but they are taught to drink tree sap, which they believe magically
replenishes their supply. During adolescence, boys are betrothed to preadoles-
cent girls, with whom they engage in sexual activities. When the girls mature,
the boys give up their sexual involvement with other males. They become fully
involved with adult women, losing their desire for men.

Gender
Although sexual interests and orientation may be influenced by culture, it
may be difficult for some people to imagine that culture has anything to do
with gender, the characteristics associated with being male or female. Our
sex appears solidly rooted in our biological nature. But is being male or
female really biological? The answer is yes and no. Having male or female
genitals is anatomical. But the possession of a penis does not always make

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in Contemporary America,
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a person a man, nor does the possession of a

clitoris and vagina always make a person a
woman. Men who consider themselves women,
“women with penises,” are accepted or honored
in many cultures throughout the world (Bullough,
1991). Thus, culture and a host of other factors
help to shape masculinity and femininity, while
biology defines men and women.

Transsexual and Transgendered People It

is difficult to estimate the number of transsexual
and transgendered people in the United States
whose genitals and/or identities as men or women
are discordant. In transsexuality, a person with a
penis, for example, identifies as a woman, or a
person with a vulva and vagina identifies as a man.
Transgendered individuals have an appearance
and behaviors that do not conform to the gender
role ascribed for people of a particular sex. These
differences often involve cross-dressing; however,
unlike transvestites who report achieving sexual
Transsexuality appears in many
arousal when cross-dressing, transgendered people who cross-dress typically do cultures, crossing age, religion,
so to obtain psychosocial gratification. and status.
To make their genitals congruent with their gender identity, many trans-
sexuals have their genitals surgically altered. If being male or female depends
on genitals, then postsurgical transsexuals have changed their sex—men have
become women, and women have become men. But defining sex in terms of
genitals presents problems, as has been shown in the world of sports. In the
1970s, Renee Richards, whose genitals had been surgically transformed from
male to female, began competing on the women’s professional tennis circuit.
Protests began immediately. Although Richards’s genitals were female, her
body and musculature were male. Despite the surgery, she remained genetically
male because her sex chromosomes were male. Her critics insisted that genet-
ics, not genitals, defines a person’s sex; anatomy can be changed, but chromo-
somes cannot. Richards, however, maintained that she was a woman by any
common definition of the word. (Issues of sex, gender, and biology are dis-
cussed in Chapter 5.)

Two-Spirits Most Americans consider transsexuality problematic at best.

But this is not the case in all regions of the world. In some communities,
an anatomical man identifying as a woman might be considered a “man-
woman” and be accorded high status and special privileges. He would be
identified as a two-spirit, a man who assumes female dress, gender role, and
status. Two-spirit emphasizes the spiritual aspect of one’s life and downplays
the homosexual persona ( Jacobs, Thomas, & Lang, 1997). It is inclusive of
transsexuality, transvestism (wearing the clothes of or passing as a member
of the other sex), and a form of same-sex relationship (Roscoe, 1991). Two-
spirits are found in numerous communities throughout the world, including
American Indian, Filipino, Lapp, and Indian communities. In South Asian
society, the third gender is known as the hijra. Regarded as sacred, they

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

perform as dancers or musicians at weddings and religious ceremonies, as

well as providing blessings for health, prosperity, and fertility (Nanda, 1990).
It is almost always men who become two-spirits, although there are a few
cases of women assuming male roles in a similar fashion (Blackwood, 1984).
Two-spirits are often considered shamans, individuals who possess great
spiritual power.
Among the Zuni of New Mexico, two-spirits are considered a third gender
(Roscoe, 1991). Despite the existence of transsexual people and those born with
disorders of sexual development (e.g., two testes or two ovaries but an ambigu-
ous genital appearance), Westerners tend to view gender as biological, an incor-
rect assumption. The Zuni, in contrast, believe that gender is socially
acquired.
American Indian two-spirits were suppressed by missionaries and the U.S.
government as “unnatural” or “perverted.” Their ruthless repression led anthro-
pologists to believe that two-spirits had been driven out of existence in Amer-
ican Indian communities, but there is evidence that two-spirits continue to fill
ceremonial and social roles in tribes such as the Lakota Sioux. Understandably,
two-spirit activities are kept secret from outsiders for fear of reprisals. Among
gay and lesbian American Indians, the two-spirit role provides historical con-
tinuity with their traditions (Roscoe, 1991).

• Societal Norms and Sexuality

The immense diversity of sexual behaviors across cultures and times immedi-
ately calls into question the appropriateness of labeling these behaviors as inher-
ently natural or unnatural, normal or abnormal. Too often, we give such labels
to sexual behaviors without thinking about the basis on which we make those
In some cultures, men who judgments. Such categories discourage knowledge and understanding because
dress or identify as women are they are value judgments, evaluations of right and wrong. As such, they are
considered shamans. We'wha
not objective descriptions about behaviors but statements of how we feel about
was a Zuni man-woman who
lived in the nineteenth century.
those behaviors.

Natural Sexual Behavior

How do we decide if a sexual behavior is natural or unnatural? To make this
decision, we must have some standard of nature against which to compare the
behavior. But what is “nature”? On the abstract level, nature is the essence of
all things in the universe. Or, personified as nature, it is the force regulating
the universe. These definitions, however, do not help us much in trying to
establish what is natural or unnatural.
“ If it makes you happy, it can't be
that bad.
When we asked our students to identify their criteria for determining which
sexual behaviors they considered “natural” or “unnatural,” we received a variety
—Sheryl Crow of responses, including the following:
(1962–)
■ “If a person feels something instinctive, I believe it is a natural feeling.”
■ “Natural and unnatural have to do with the laws of nature. What these
parts were intended for.”
■ “I decide by my gut instincts.”

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think
about it
Am I Normal?
The question “Am I normal?” seems to haunt many be perceived as dangerous and frightening in a culture
that rejects it.
people. For some, it causes a great deal of unnecessary
fear, guilt, and anxiety. For others, it provides the motivation ■ Clinically “normal” behavior. The clinical standard uses
to study the literature, consult with a trusted friend or thera- scientific data about health and illness to make judg-
pist, or take a course in sexuality. ments. For example, the presence of the syphilis bacte-
What is normal? We commonly use several criteria in rium in body tissues or blood is considered abnormal
deciding whether to label different sexual behaviors “nor- because it indicates that a person has a sexually trans-
mal” or “abnormal.” According to professor and psycholo- mitted infection. Regardless of time or place, clinical
gist Leonore Tiefer (2004), these criteria are subjective, definitions should stand the test of time. The four crite-
statistical, idealistic, cultural, and clinical. Regardless of ria mentioned above are all somewhat arbitrary—that is,
what criteria we use, they ultimately reflect societal norms. they depend on individual or group opinion—but the
clinical criterion has more objectivity.
■ Subjectively “normal” behavior. According to this defini-
tion, normalcy is any behavior that is similar to one's These five criteria form the basis of what we usually con-
own. Though most of us use this definition, few of us will sider normal behavior. Often, the different definitions and
acknowledge it. interpretations of “normal” conflict with one another. How
■ Statistically “normal” behavior. According to this defini-
does a person determine whether he or she is normal if
tion, whatever behaviors are more common are normal; subjectively “normal” behavior—what that person actually
less common ones are abnormal. However, the fact that does—is inconsistent with his or her ideals? Such dilemmas
a behavior is not widely practiced does not make it are commonplace and lead many people to question their
abnormal except in a statistical sense. Fellatio (fel-AY- normalcy. However, they should not question their normalcy
she-o) (oral stimulation of the penis) and cunnilingus so much as their conceptp of normalcy.y
(cun-i-LIN-gus) (oral stimulation of the female genitals), for
example, are widely practiced today because they have
become “acceptable” behaviors. But a generation ago, Think Critically
oral sex was tabooed as something “dirty” or “shameful.” ■ How do you define normal sexual behavior? What
■ Idealistically “normal” behavior. Taking an ideal for a criteria did you use to create this definition?
norm, individuals who use this approach measure all ■ How do your sexual attitudes, values, and behav-
deviations against perfection. They may try to model iors compare to what you believe are “normal”
their behavior after Christ or Gandhi, for example. Using sexual behaviors? If they are different, how do you
idealized behavior as a norm can easily lead to feelings reconcile these? If they are similar, how do you feel
of guilt, shame, and anxiety. about others who may not share them?
■ Culturally “normal” behavior. This is probably the stan- ■ In Nepal, young women are isolated for 1 week dur-
dard most of us use most of the time: We accept as nor-
ing their first menses, whereas in Brazil, it is common
mal what our culture defines as normal. This measure
to see men embrace or kiss in public. What are your
explains why our notions of normalcy do not always
agree with those of people from other countries, reli- thoughts about how other cultures define normality?
gions, communities, and historical periods. Men who kiss
in public may be considered normal in one place but ab- SOURCE:Tiefer, L. (2004). Sex is not a natural act and other essays
normal in another. It is common for deviant behavior to (2nd ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

■ “I think all sexual activity is natural as long as it doesn’t hurt you or any-
one else.”
■ “Everything possible is natural. Everything natural is normal. If it is natu-
ral and normal, it is moral.”
When we label sexual behavior as “natural” or “unnatural,” we are typically
indicating whether the behavior conforms to our culture’s sexual norms. Our

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

sexual norms appear natural because we have internalized them since infancy. These
norms are part of the cultural air we breathe, and, like the air, they are invisible.
We have learned our culture’s rules so well that they have become a “natural” part
of our personality, a “second nature” to us. They seem “instinctive.”

Normal Sexual Behavior

Closely related to the idea that sexual behavior is natural or unnatural is the
belief that sexuality is either normal or abnormal. More often than not,
describing behavior as “normal” or “abnormal” is merely another way of mak-
ing value judgments. Psychologist Sandra Pertot (2007) quips, “Normal today
means that a person should have a regular and persistent physical sex drive,
easy arousal, strong erections and good control over ejaculation for males,
powerful orgasms, and a desire for a variety and experimentation [for women]”
“ The greatest pleasure in life is
doing what people say you cannot do.
(p. 13). Although “normal” has often been used to imply “healthy” or “moral”
behavior, social scientists use the word strictly as a statistical term. For them,
—Walter Bagehot normal sexual behavior is behavior that conforms to a group’s average or
(1826–1877)
median patterns of behavior. Normality has nothing to do with moral or
psychological deviance.
Ironically, although we may feel pressure to behave like the average person
(the statistical norm), most of us don’t actually know how others behave sexually.
People don’t ordinarily reveal much about their sexual activities. If they do, they
generally reveal only their most conformist sexual behaviors, such as sexual inter-
course. They rarely disclose their masturbatory activities, sexual fantasies, or
anxieties or feelings of guilt. All that most people present of themselves—unless
we know them well—is the conventional self that masks their actual sexual feel-
ings, attitudes, and behaviors.
The guidelines most of us have for determining our normality are given to
us by our friends, partners, and parents (who usually present conventional
sexual images of themselves) through stereotypes, media images, religious teach-
ings, customs, and cultural norms. None of these, however, tells us much about
how people actually behave. Because we don’t know how people really behave,
it is easy for us to imagine that we are abnormal if we differ from our cultural
norms and stereotypes. We wonder if our desires, fantasies, and activities are
normal: Is it normal to fantasize? To masturbate? To enjoy erotica? To be
attracted to someone of the same sex? Some of us believe that everyone else is
“normal” and that only we are “sick” or “abnormal.” The challenge, of course,
is to put aside our cultural indoctrination and try to understand sexual behav-
iors objectively (Pertot, 2007).
Because culture determines what is normal, there is a vast range of normal
behaviors across different cultures. What is considered the normal sexual urge
for the Dani would send most of us into therapy for treatment of low sexual
desire. And the idea of teaching sexual skills to early adolescents, as the Mangaia
do, would horrify most American parents.
Are there behaviors, however, that are considered essential to sexual functioning
and consequently, universally labeled as normal? Not surprisingly, reproduction,
or the biological process by which individuals are produced, is probably one shared
view of normal sexual behavior that most cultures would agree upon (Pertot,
2007). That is, “men should feel desire, achieve an erection, and ejaculate within
the vagina, and women would participate in sex” (p. 15). All other beliefs about
sexual expression and behavior develop from social context.

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Seventh Edition

Kissing is “natural” and

“normal” in our culture. It is
Sexual Behavior and Variations an expression of intimacy,
love, and passion for young
Sex researchers have generally rejected the traditional sexual dichotomies of and old, heterosexual persons,
natural/unnatural, normal/abnormal, moral/immoral, and good/bad. Regarding gay men, and lesbian women.
the word “abnormal,” sociologist Ira Reiss (1989) writes:
We need to be aware that people will use those labels to put distance between
themselves and others they dislike. In doing so, these people are not making
a scientific diagnosis but are simply affirming their support of certain shared
concepts of proper sexuality.
Instead of classifying behavior into what are essentially moralistic normal/
abnormal and natural/unnatural categories, researchers view human sexuality

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

think
about it
Declaration of Sexual Rights
Sexuality is an integral part of the personality of 6. The right to emotional sexual expression. Sexual ex-
every human being. Its full development depends upon pression is more than erotic pleasure or sexual acts. In-
the satisfaction of basic human needs such as the desire for dividuals have a right to express their sexuality through
contact, intimacy, emotional expression, pleasure, tender- communication, touch, emotional expression, and love.
ness, and love. Sexuality is constructed through the inter- 7. The right to sexually associate freely. This means the
action between the individual and social structures. Full possibility to marry or not, to divorce, and to establish
development of sexuality is essential for individual, inter- other types of responsible sexual associations.
personal, and social well-being. Sexual rights are universal 8. The right to make free and responsible reproductive
human rights based on the inherent freedom, dignity, and choices. This encompasses the right to decide whether
equality of all human beings. Since health is a fundamen- or not to have children, the number and spacing of
tal human right, so must sexual health be a basic human children, and the right to full access to the means of
right. In order to ensure that human beings and societies fertility regulation.
develop healthy sexuality, the following sexual rights must 9. The right to sexual information based upon scientific
be recognized, promoted, respected, and defended by all inquiry. This right implies that sexual information should
societies through all means. Sexual health is the result of be generated through the process of unencumbered
an environment that recognizes, respects, and exercises and yet scientifically ethical inquiry, and disseminated
these rights. in appropriate ways at all societal levels.
1. The right to sexual freedom. Sexual freedom encom- 10. The right to comprehensive sexuality education. This is
passes the possibility for individuals to express their full a lifelong process from birth throughout the life cycle
sexual potential. However, this excludes all forms of and should involve all social institutions.
sexual coercion, exploitation, and abuse at any time 11. The right to sexual health care. Sexual health care
and situations in life. should be available for prevention and treatment of all
2. The right to sexual autonomy, sexual integrity, and safety sexual concerns, problems, and disorders.
of the sexual body. This right involves the ability to make
autonomous decisions about one’s sexual life within a Think Critically
context of one’s own personal and social ethics. It also
encompasses control and enjoyment of our own bodies
■ What are your immediate reactions to the “Decla-
free from torture, mutilation, and violence of any sort. ration of Sexual Rights”? For whom should these
rights be promoted? Would you delete, edit, or
3. The right to sexual privacy. This involves the right for in-
add rights to the list?
dividual decisions and behaviors about intimacy as long
as they do not intrude on the sexual rights of others. ■ Why do you suppose such a declaration is necessary
and important?
4. The right to sexual equity. This refers to freedom from all
forms of discrimination regardless of sex, gender, sexual ■ What (if any) consequences should there be for
orientation, age, race, social class, religion, or physical governments, cultures, or individuals who do not
and emotional disability. follow these rights?
5. The right to sexual pleasure. Sexual pleasure, including
autoeroticism, is a source of physical, psychological, SOURCE: “Declaration of Sexual Rights” from World Association for Sexual
intellectual, and spiritual well-being. Health, 1999. http://www.worldsexology.org/about_sexualrights.asp.

as characterized by sexual variation—that is, sexual variety and diversity. As

humans, we vary enormously in terms of our sexual orientation, our desires,
our fantasies, our attitudes, and our behaviors. Alfred Kinsey and his colleagues
(1948) succinctly stated the matter: “The world is not to be divided into sheep
and goats.”
Researchers believe that the best way to understand our sexual diversity is
to view our activities as existing on a continuum. On this continuum, the
frequency with which individuals engage in different sexual activities (e.g.,

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sexual intercourse, masturbation, and oral sex) ranges from never to always.
Significantly, there is no point on the continuum that marks normal or abnor-
mal behavior. In fact, the difference between one individual and the next on
the continuum is minimal (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy,
Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). The most that can be said of a person is that his
or her behaviors are more or less typical or atypical of the group average. Fur-
thermore, nothing can be inferred about an individual whose behavior differs
significantly from the group average except that his or her behavior is atypical.
Except for engaging in sexually atypical behavior, one person may be indistin-
guishable from any other.
Many activities that are usually thought of as “deviant” or “dysfunctional”
sexual behavior—activities diverging from the norm, such as exhibitionism, voy-
eurism, and fetishism—are engaged in by most of us to some degree. We may
delight in displaying our bodies on the beach or in “dirty dancing” in crowded
clubs (exhibitionism). We may like watching ourselves make love, viewing erotic
videos, or seeing our partner undress (voyeurism). Or we may enjoy kissing our
lover’s photograph, keeping a lock of his or her hair, or sleeping with an article
of his or her clothing (fetishism). Most of the time, these feelings or activities
are only one aspect of our sexual selves; they are not especially significant in our
overall sexuality. Such atypical behaviors represent nothing more than sexual non-
conformity when they occur between mutually consenting adults and do not
cause distress.
The rejection of natural/unnatural, normal/abnormal, and moral/immoral
categories by sex researchers does not mean that standards for evaluating sexual
“ Judge not, that ye be—Matthew
not judged.
7:1
behavior do not exist. There are many sexual behaviors that are harmful to The Bible
oneself (e.g., masturbatory asphyxia—suffocating or hanging oneself during
masturbation to increase sexual arousal) and to others (e.g., rape, child moles-
tation, and obscene phone calls). Current psychological standards for determin-
ing the harmfulness of sexual behaviors center around the issues of coercion,
potential harm to oneself or others, and personal distress. (These issues are
discussed in greater detail in Chapter 10.)
We, the authors, believe that the basic standard for judging various sexual activ-
ities is whether they are between consenting adults and whether they cause harm.
“Normality” and “naturalness” are not useful terms for evaluating sexual
behavior, especially variations, because they are usually nothing more than
moral judgments. What people consider “normal” is often statistically common
sexual behavior, which is then defined as good or healthy. But for many forms
of sexual behavior, a large percentage of people will not conform to the average.
There is a great deal of variation, for example, in the extent to which people
eroticize boxer shorts and lacy underwear. Who determines at what point on
the continuum that interest in undergarments is no longer acceptable? The
individual? Her or his peer group? Religious groups? Society? As sociologists
Suzanna Rose and Victoria Sork (1984a) note: “Because everyone’s sexuality does
not completely overlap with the norm, the only liberating approach to sexuality
is to envision it from the perspective of variation.”
As social scientists, sex researchers have a mandate to describe sexual behavior,
not evaluate it as good or bad, moral or immoral. It is up to the individual to
evaluate the ethical or moral aspects of sexual behavior in accordance with his or
her ethical or religious values. At the same time, however, understanding diverse
sexual attitudes, motives, behaviors, and values will help deepen the individual’s
own value system.

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in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

think
about it My Genes Made Me Do It:
Sociobiology, Evolutionary Psychology,
and the Mysteries of Love
Do you ever wonder why you do what you do or feel jealousy, fear, and grief. We may wonder why Mother
as you feel—especially when it comes to matters like at- Nature made us so emotional when emotion so often
traction, relationships, and sex? Do you wonder why the leads to disaster. But there are good reasons (evolution-
object of your affection behaves in such inexplicable ways— arily speaking) for having emotions. Even though in the
why he or she flies into a jealous rage for no reason? Or why short term emotions can get us into trouble—if we act
your friend always seems to fall for the “wrong” person? impulsively rather than rationally—over the long term our
Sometimes, the answers may be obvious, but other times, emotions have helped our genes survive and replicate
they are obscure. Our motivations come from a variety of (Kluger, 2008). Emotions exist to motivate us to do things
sources, including personality traits, past experiences, peer that serve (or once served) the best interests of our ge-
pressure, and familial and cultural influences. Many of our netic material—things like fleeing, fighting, or forming
feelings probably result from a complex yet subtle blending close relationships to protect our “genetic investment”
of these influences—combined with innate responses pro- (offspring).
grammed into our genes and manifested in our brains. Critics of sociobiology argue that inferences from ani-
Our growing understanding of the biological bases of mal behavior may not be applicable to human beings;
behavior comes from a variety of disciplines: history, psy- they feel that sociobiologists base their assumptions
chology, sociology, neurophysiology, and endocrinology. about human behavior (such as men wanting sex versus
Many scholars base their study of sexuality on Charles women wanting love) more on cultural stereotypes than
Darwin’s theory of evolution. According to Darwin’s theory, on actual behavior. Sociobiologists reply that they report
evolution favors certain physical traits that enable a species what they observe in nature and suggest connections to
to survive. To more fully understand the mechanisms human behavior (humans are part of nature, after all) but
through which the brain and body perpetuate mating and do not make judgments about the meaning or morality of
survival, MRI brain scans of people in love are helping scien- their observations.
tists understand more about the science of love: why it is so As you study human sexuality, we hope that the informa-
powerful and why being rejected is so painful. tion you gain from this text will help you integrate your own
From a sociobiological perspective, males, who are con- feelings and experiences with the information and advice
sistently fertile from early adolescence on, seek to impreg- you get from family, friends, lovers, and society. In the text,
nate as many females as possible to ensure genetic success. we take what might be called a “biopsychosocial” approach
Differences in men’s and women’s brains reveal men’s to have to our subject, recognizing that the sexual self is produced
more activity in the region that integrates visual stimuli. This by the interconnections of body, mind, spirit, and culture.
is not surprising, considering that from an evolutionary per- As you continue your study, remember that, although our
spective, men have to be able to size up a woman visually to culture, beliefs, and cognitive processes (what we might call
see if she can bear babies (Fisher, 2004). Females, however, the “software” of the mind) have been created by humans,
ovulate only once a month. For them, a single episode of our bodies and brains (the “hardware” of the mind) are the
intercourse can result in pregnancy, childbirth, and years of products of evolution. They’ve been developing over a
child rearing. Women’s brain activities, though more puz- long, long time.
zling, than men’s, reveal that their brain has more activity in
the areas that govern memories. Dr. Helen Fisher, an anthro-
pologist and author, theorizes that this may be a female Think Critically
mechanism for mate choice—that if a woman really studies a ■ To what extent do you agree or disagree with the
man and remembers things about his behavior, she can try to biopsychosocial approach that the authors of this
determine whether he’d make a reliable mate and father. In text take toward sexuality? On what do you base
this way, women can help ensure that the carriers of their this?
genes (their children) will reach adulthood and pass along
their parents’ genetic legacy. The bonds of love are what
■ To what do you attribute sexual attraction? On what
keep the male around, or, in other words, females trade sex observations and experiences do you base this?
for love, and males trade love for sex. ■ How do you feel about the statement “Females
Evolutionary psychologists seek to explain the biologi- trade sex for love, and males trade love for sex”?
cal bases of love and other emotions such as hope, anger,

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Final Thoughts
Popular culture both encourages and discourages sexuality. It promotes ste-
reotypical sexual interactions but fails to touch on the deeper significance
sexuality holds for us or the risks and responsibilities that accompany it. Love
and sexuality in a committed relationship are infrequently depicted, in con-
trast to casual sex. (By ignoring sex between committed partners, popular
culture implies that partnership is a “sexual wasteland.” Yet it is within cou-
ples that the overwhelming majority of sexual interactions take place.) The
media ignore or disparage the wide array of sexual behaviors and choices—
from masturbation to gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender relationships—
that are significant in many people’s lives. They discourage the linking of sex
and intimacy, contraceptive responsibility and the acknowledgment of the
risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections.
What is clear from examining other cultures is that sexual behaviors and
norms vary from culture to culture and, within our own society, from one time
to another. The variety of sexual behaviors even within our own culture testifies
to diversity not only between cultures but within cultures as well. Understanding
diversity allows us to acknowledge that there is no such thing as inherently
“normal” or “natural” sexual behavior. Rather, sexual behavior is strongly influ-
enced by culture—including our own.

Summary

Sexuality, Popular Culture, and the Media ■ Computer networks and personalized pages have
created cybersex, providing new ways of establishing
■ Popular culture, especially the media, is one of the relationships and conveying sexual fantasies. The
sexual socialization agents that have gained promi- debate concerning the effects and transmittal of
nence among American youth. these materials continues.
■ Each television genre depicts sexuality according
to its formula. Both the frequency of watching Sexuality Across Cultures and Times
television and the number of sexual references
displayed across all genres of TV have significantly ■ One of the most powerful forces shaping human
increased. At the same time, the risks and respon- sexuality is culture. Culture molds and shapes our
sibilities that accompany TV programs remain sexual interests.
sadly disproportionate to the sexual images that ■ The Mangaia of Polynesia and the Dani of New
are portrayed. Guinea represent cultures at the opposite ends of a
■ Although Hollywood films depict sexual behavior continuum, with the Mangaia having an elaborate
more graphically than television does, sex scenes are social and cultural framework for instructing adoles-
often gratuitous. Sexuality tends to be stereotypical. cents in sexual technique and the Dani downplaying
Gay men, lesbian women, and bisexual and transgen- the importance of sex.
dered individuals have been increasingly integrated ■ Middle-class Americans in the nineteenth century
into the plots of both television and movies. believed that men had strong sexual drives but that

Summary • 25
 42 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 1. Perspectives on Human Text © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

women had little sexual desire. Because sexuality was Zuni, a two-spirit is considered a third gender and is
considered animalistic, the Victorians separated sex believed to possess great spiritual power.
and love.
■ Sexual orientation is the pattern of sexual and emo- Societal Norms and Sexuality
tional attraction based on the sex of one’s partner. ■ Sexuality tends to be evaluated according to catego-
In contemporary America, heterosexuality, or attrac- ries of natural/unnatural, normal/abnormal, and
tion between men and women, is the only sexual moral/immoral. These terms are value judgments,
orientation that receives full societal and legal reflecting social norms rather than any quality inher-
legitimacy. Homosexuality refers to same-sex attrac- ent in the behavior itself.
tions, and bisexuality involves attraction to both ■ There is no commonly accepted definition of natu-
males and females.
ral sexual behavior. Normal sexual behavior is what a
■ In ancient Greece, same-sex relationships between culture defines as normal. We commonly use five
men represented the highest form of love. Among criteria to categorize sexual behavior as normal or
the Sambians of New Guinea, boys have sexual abnormal: subjectively normal, statistically normal,
contact with older boys, believing that the inges- idealistically normal, culturally normal, and clini-
tion of semen is required for growth. When the cally normal.
girls to whom they are betrothed reach puberty, ■ Human sexuality is characterized by sexual variation.
adolescent boys cease these same-sex sexual
Researchers believe that the best way to examine sex-
relations.
ual behavior is on a continuum. Many activities that
■ The characteristics associated with being male or are considered deviant sexual behavior exist in most
female are otherwise called gender. While culture of us to some degree. These include exhibitionism,
helps to shape masculinity or feminity, biology voyeurism, and fetishism.
defines men and women. ■ Behaviors are not abnormal or unnatural; rather, they
■ A transsexual person has the genitals of one sex but are more or less typical or atypical of the group aver-
identifies as a member of the other sex. age. Many of those whose behaviors are atypical may
■ A two-spirit is a person of one sex who identifies with be regarded as sexual nonconformists rather than as
the other sex; in some communities, such as the abnormal or perverse.

?
Sex and the Internet
Questions for
Discussion Sex and the Media
With hundreds of millions of sex-related Web sites
■ Should television producers be forced to ad- available, you might wonder about the issues and
dress in their programming the consequences laws associated with access to cyberspace. Though
the following sites each deal primarily with intellectual
and/or responsibilities related to sex if they also
freedom, they also contain information and links to
portray sexual images or messages? If so, how? other sites that address issues of sex and the media.
If not, why not? Select one of the following:
■ To what extent do you think your peers are influ- ■ Electronic Frontier Foundation:
enced by the media? To what extent are you? http://www.eff.org
■ While growing up, what sexual behaviors did you ■ National Coalition for Sexual Freedom:
consider to be normal? Abnormal? How have http://www.ncsfreedom.org
these views changed now that you are older?

26 • Chapter 1 Perspectives on Human Sexuality

Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 1. Perspectives on Human Text © The McGraw−Hill 43
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

■ Kaiser Family Foundation: Suggested Reading

http://kff.org/entmedia/index.cfm
Brown, J. D., Steele, J. R., & Walsh-Childers, K. (Eds.). (2002).
■ Sexual Literacy:
Sexual teens, sexual media: Investigating media’s influence on
http://sexliteracy.org
adolescent sexuality. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Explores the
Go to the site and answer the following questions: sexual content of mass media and its impact on adolescents.
■ What is the mission of the site—if any? Castaneda, L., & Campbell, S. B. (Eds.). (2005). News and
■ Who are its supporters and advocates? sexuality: Media portrayals of diversity. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage. Provides an understanding of issues and perspectives
■ Who is its target audience? on gender, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation as ad-
■ What is its predominant message? dressed in the media.
■ What current issue is it highlighting? Fisher, H. (2004). Why we love. New York: Henry Holt. Uses
Given what you have learned about this site, how do neurophysiological research to explore the chemistry of
your feelings about sex and the Internet compare attachment.
with those of the creators of this Web site? Francoeur, R. T., & Noonan, R. (Eds.). (2004). The continuum
complete international encyclopedia of sexuality. New York:
Continuum. The foremost reference work on sexual behavior
throughout the world.
Suggested Web Sites Gauntlett, D. (2007). Media, gender & identity: An Introduction.
New York: Routledge. An introduction to the main themes of
It’s Your (Sex) Life
popular culture and the ways in which it influences lifestyles
http://thinkmtv.com/campaigns/iysl
and concepts of gender and identity.
MTV-sponsored Web site on information about sexual health.
Middleton, D. R. (2001). Exotics and erotics: Human culture and
The Media Project sexual diversity. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Explores
http://www.themediaproject.com universal human sexuality in conjunction with its local mani-
Offers the latest facts, research assistance, script consultation, and festations in specific cultural contexts; topics include the body,
story ideas on today’s sexual and reproductive health issues, including patterns of sexuality, sexual behavior, romantic passion, mar-
condoms, pregnancy, HIV/AIDS, abstinence, and abortion. riage, and kinship.
Tiefer, L. (2004). Sex is not a natural act and other essays (2nd ed.).
National Gay and Lesbian Task Force
Boulder, CO: Westview Press. A revised collection of provoca-
http://thetaskforce.org
tive essays on sex and its many meanings in our culture.
Provides information and referrals on gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
transsexual issues and rights.

Noah For links, articles, and study material, go to the

http://www.noah-health.org/en/healthy/sexuality McGraw-Hill Web site, located at
Run by the New York Online Access to Health; contains information www.mhhe.com/yarber7e.
on various sexual health topics and links.

Suggested Reading • 27
 44 Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 2. Studying Human Text © The McGraw−Hill
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

2
pter
Studying Human
Sexuality
chap

MAIN TOPICS

Sex, Advice Columnists, and Pop

Psychology
Thinking Critically About Sexuality Contemporary Research Studies
Sex Research Methods Emerging Research Perspectives
The Sex Researchers Ethnicity and Sexuality
Yarber−Sayad−Strong: 2. Studying Human Text © The McGraw−Hill 45
Human Sexuality: Diversity Sexuality Companies, 2010
in Contemporary America,
Seventh Edition

“I've heard about those sex surveys, and I wonder how “I think sex
truthful they are. I mean, don’t you think that people who research is
volunteer for those studies only admit to behaviors which great because
they deem socially acceptable? I just don’t think people it helps remove
who lose their virginity, for instance at age 12 or age 30, the taboo from
would actually report it. Besides, no sex study is going to the topic. Sex,
tell me what I should do or whether I am normal.” in this country,
—21-year-old male is on TV all the Student
time, but peo- Voices
“I feel that sexual research is a benefit to our society. The ple do not
human sexuality class I took my sophomore year in col- want to seri-
lege taught me a lot. Without research, many of the top- ously discuss it, especially adults with children. Sex re-
ics we learned about would not have been so thoroughly search, when made public, can help ease the tension of
discussed due to lack of information. Sexual research and discussing sex—especially when it reveals that something
human sexuality classes help keep the topic of sex from considered abnormal actually is normal and that many
being seen as such a faux pas by society.” people practice the specific behavior.”
—20-year-old female —24-year-old male

“I took a sex survey once, during my undergraduate years.

I found that the survey was easy to take, and the process of
answering the questions actually led me to ask myself more
questions about my sexual self. The survey was detailed,
and I was encouraged to answer truthfully. Ultimately, every
answer I gave was accurate because I knew that the research
would benefit science (and it was completely anonymous).”
—22-year-old female

“partner
A new university study finds that many college students lie to a new sex
about their sexual past . . . but first, a message from . . .” So begins a
“ Ignorance is like a delicate exotic
fruit; touch it and the bloom is gone.

commercial lead-in on the evening news, reminding us that sex research is often —Oscar Wilde
(1854–1900)
part of both news and entertainment. In fact, most of us learn about the results
of sex research from television, newspapers, the Internet, and magazines rather
than from scholarly journals and books. After all, the mass media are more
entertaining than most scholarly works. And unless we are studying human
sexuality, few of us have the time or interest to read the scholarly journals in
which scientific research is regularly published.
But how accurate is what the mass media tell us about sex and sex research?
In this chapter, we discuss the dissemination of sexuality-related information
by the various media. Then we look at the critical-thinking skills that help us
evaluate how we discuss and think about sexuality. When are we making objec-
tive statements? When are we reflecting biases or opinions? Next, we examine
sex research methods because they are critical to the scientific study of human
sexuality. Then we look at some of the leading sex researchers to see how they
have influenced our understanding of sexuality. Next, we discuss four national
studies as examples of important research being done. Finally, we examine
feminist, gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and ethnic sex research to see how
they enrich our knowledge of sexuality.

Chapter 2 Studying Human Sexuality • 29

Other documents randomly have
different content
 Full sharp ar thise showers 350
That renys aboute.

40. Therfor, wife, haue done, com into ship fast.

Vxor. Yei, Noe, go cloute thi shone, the better will
thai last.
Prima mulier. Good moder, com in sone, for all is
ouercast
Both the son and the mone.
Secunda mulier. And many wynd blast 355
Full sharp.
Thise floodis so thay ryn,
Therfor, moder, come in.
Vxor. In fayth, yit will I spyn;
All in vayn ye carp. 360

41. Tercia mulier. If ye like ye may spyn, moder, in the

ship.
Noe. Now is this twyys com in, dame, on my
frenship.
Vxor. Wheder I lose or I wyn, in fayth, thi felowship
Set I not at a pyn. This spyndill will I slip
Apon this hill, 365
Or I styr oone fote.
Noe. Peter! I traw we dote.
Without any more note
Come in if ye will.

42. Vxor. Yei, water nyghys so nere that I sit not dry,370
Into ship with a byr therfor will I hy
For drede that I drone here.
 Noe. Dame, securly,
It bees boght full dere ye abode so long by
Out of ship.
Vxor. I will not, for thi bydyng, 375
Go from doore to mydyng.
Noe. In fayth, and for youre long taryyng
Ye shal lik on the whyp.

43. Vxor. Spare me not, I pray the, bot euen as thou

thynk,
Thise grete wordis shall not flay me.
Noe. Abide, dame, and drynk, 380
For betyn shall thou be with this staf to thou stynk;
Ar strokis good? say me.
Vxor. What say ye, Wat Wynk?
Noe. Speke!
Cry me mercy, I say!
Vxor. Therto say I nay. 385
Noe. Bot thou do, bi this day!
Thi hede shall I breke.

44. Vxor. Lord, I were at ese, and hertely full hoylle,

Might I onys haue a measse of wedows coyll;
For thi saull, without lese, shuld I dele penny doyll, 390
So wold mo, no frese, that I se on this sole
Of wifis that ar here,
For the life that thay leyd,
Wold thare husbandis were dede,
For, as euer ete I brede, 395
So wold I oure syre were.
45. Noe. Yee men that has wifis, whyls they ar yong,
If ye luf youre lifis, chastice thare tong:
Me thynk my hert ryfis, both levyr and long,
To se sich stryfis wedmen emong. 400
Bot I,
As haue I blys,
Shall chastyse this.
Vxor. Yit may ye mys,
Nicholl Nedy! 405

46. Noe. I shall make þe still as stone, begynnar of

blunder!
I shall bete the bak and bone, and breke all in sonder.
[They fight.]
Vxor. Out, alas, I am gone! Oute apon the, mans
wonder!
Noe. Se how she can grone, and I lig vnder;
Bot, wife, 410
In this hast let vs ho,
For my bak is nere in two.
Vxor. And I am bet so blo
That I may not thryfe.
[They enter the Ark.]

47. Primus filius. A! whi fare ye thus, fader and moder

both? 415
Secundus filius. Ye shuld not be so spitus, standyng
in sich a woth.
Tercius filius. Thise <floodis> ar so hidus, with
many a cold coth.
 Noe. We will do as ye bid vs, we will no more be
wroth,
Dere barnes!
Now to the helme will I hent, 420
And to my ship tent.
Vxor. I se on the firmament,
Me thynk, the seven starnes.

48. Noe. This is a grete flood, wife, take hede.

Vxor. So me thoght, as I stode; we ar in grete
drede; 425
Thise wawghes ar so wode.
Noe. Help, God, in this nede!
As Thou art stereman good, and best, as I rede,
Of all;
Thou rewle vs in this rase,
As Thou me behete hase. 430
Vxor. This is a perlous case.
Help, God, when we call!

49. Noe. Wife, tent the stere-tre, and I shall asay

The depnes of the see that we bere, if I may.
Vxor. That shall I do ful wysely. Now go thi way,435
For apon this flood haue we flett many day
With pyne.
Noe. Now the water will I sownd:
A! it is far to the grownd;
This trauell I expownd 440
Had I to tyne.

50. Aboue all hillys bedeyn the water is rysen late

 Cubettis fyfteyn, bot in a higher state
It may not be, I weyn, for this well I wate:
This forty dayes has rayn beyn; it will therfor abate 445
Full lele.
This water in hast
Eft will I tast.
Now am I agast,
It is wanyd a grete dele. 450

51. Now are the weders cest, and cateractes knyt,

Both the most and the leest.
Vxor. Me thynk, bi my wit,
The son shynes in the eest. Lo, is not yond it?
We shuld haue a good feest, were thise floodis flyt
So spytus. 455
Noe. We haue been here, all we,
Thre hundreth dayes and fyfty.
Vxor. Yei, now wanys the see;
Lord, well is vs!

52. Noe. The thryd tyme will I prufe what depnes we

bere. 460
Vxor. How long shall thou hufe? Lay in thy lyne
there.
Noe. I may towch with my lufe the grownd evyn
here.
Vxor. Then begynnys to grufe to vs mery chere;
Bot, husband,
What grownd may this be? 465
Noe. The hyllys of Armonye.
Vxor. Now blissid be He
 That thus for vs can ordand!

53. Noe. I see toppys of hyllys he, many at a syght,

No thyng to let me, the wedir is so bright. 470
Vxor. Thise ar of mercy tokyns full right.
Noe. Dame, thou counsell me, what fowll best
myght,
And cowth,
With flight of wyng
Bryng, without taryying, 475
Of mercy som tokynyng,
Ayther bi north or southe?

54. For this is the fyrst day of the tent moyne.

Vxor. The ravyn, durst I lay, will com agane sone;
As fast as thou may, cast hym furth, haue done; 480
He may happyn today com agane or none
With grath.
Noe. I will cast out also
Dowfys oone or two.
Go youre way, go, 485
God send you som wathe!

55. Now ar thise fowles flone into seyr countré;

Pray we fast ichon, kneland on our kne,
To Hym that is alone worthiest of degré,
That He wold send anone oure fowles som fee 490
To glad vs.
Vxor. Thai may not fayll of land,
The water is so wanand.
Noe. Thank we God Allweldand,
 That Lord that made vs! 495

56. It is a wonder thyng, me thynk, sothlé,

Thai ar so long taryyng, the fowles that we
Cast out in the mornyng.
Vxor. Syr, it may be
Thai tary to thay bryng.
Noe. The ravyn is a-hungrye
All way; 500
He is without any reson;
And he fynd any caryon,
As peraventure may be fon,
He will not away.

57. The dowfe is more gentill, her trust I vntew, 505

Like vnto the turtill, for she is ay trew.
Vxor. Hence bot a litill she commys, lew, lew!
She bryngys in her bill som novels new;
Behald!
It is of an olif tre 510
A branch, thynkys me.
Noe. It is soth, perdé,
Right so is it cald.

58. Doufe, byrd full blist, fayre myght the befall!

Thou art trew for to trist, as ston in the wall; 515
Full well I it wist thou wold com to thi hall.
Vxor. A trew tokyn ist we shall be sauyd all:
For whi?
The water, syn she com,
Of depnes plom 520
 Is fallen a fathom
And more, hardely.

59. Primus filius. Thise floodis ar gone, fader, behold.

Secundus filius. Ther is left right none, and that be
ye bold.
Tercius filius. As still as a stone oure ship is stold. 525
Noe. Apon land here anone that we were, fayn I
wold,
My childer dere,
Sem, Iaphet and Cam,
With gle and with gam,
Com go we all sam, 530
We will no longer abide here.

60. Vxor. Here haue we beyn, Noy, long enogh

With tray and with teyn, and dreed mekill wogh.
Noe. Behald on this greyn nowder cart ne plogh
Is left, as I weyn, nowder tre then bogh, 535
Ne other thyng;
Bot all is away;
Many castels, I say,
Grete townes of aray,
Flitt has this flowyng. 540

61. Vxor. Thise floodis not afright all this warld so wide
Has mevid with myght on se and bi side.
Noe. To dede ar thai dyght, prowdist of pryde,
Euerich a wyght that euer was spyde
With syn, 545
All ar thai slayn,
 And put vnto payn.
Vxor. From thens agayn
May thai neuer wyn?

62. Noe. Wyn? No, iwis, bot He that myght hase 550
Wold myn of thare mys, and admytte thaym to grace;
As He in bayll is blis, I pray Hym in this space,
In heven hye with His to purvaye vs a place,
That we,
With His santis in sight, 555
And His angels bright,
May com to His light:
Amen, for charité.
Explicit processus Noe.
129 chese] chefe MS.
 NOTES
I
Dialect: North-East Midland of Lincolnshire.
Inflexions:—

Verb: pres. ind. 2 sg. hast 131.

3 sg. stondeþ 8.
3 pl. calle 32, seye 254; beside dos 157
(see note).
imper. pl. comeþ 80, doþ 82.
pres. p. karoland (in rime) 117, 150, 222.
strong pp. wryte 37, fal 195, gone 161.

Pronoun 3 pers.: fem. nom. she 48; pl. nom. þey 32; poss.
here 37; obj. hem 39.

The inflexions are very much simplified as compared with those of

the Kentish Ayenbyte (III), but the verse shows that final
unaccented -e was better preserved in the original than in our late
MS., e.g.
And specyaly at hygh<ė> tymės 13.
For to see þys hard<ė> dome 173.
And at þe þre<ė> day<ė>s endė 198.
Þat nonė myȝt<ė> leye yn grauė 217.
Sounds: ǭ is regular for OE. ā: lothe 9, wroth 10, &c.; but the
only decisive rime is also (OE. alswā): to (OE. tō) 35-6, where ǭ
after (s)w has become close ọ̄ ; see Appendix § 8. ii, note.
 Syntax: the loose constructions, e.g. ll. 15 ff. (note), 134-5, 138-
9, 216-19, are characteristic of the period.
The history of this legend is traced by E. Schröder, Zeitschrift für
Kirchengeschichte, vol. xvii, 1896, pp. 94 ff., and, more summarily,
by Gaston Paris, Les Danseurs maudits, Paris 1900. The
circumstances from which it sprang appear to belong to the year
1021. Kölbigk, in Anhalt, Saxony, was the scene of the dance. In
1074 it is referred to as 'famous' by a German chronicler, who
records the healing of one of the dancers in 1038 through the
miraculous powers of St. Wigbert.
Mendicants who suffered from or could simulate nervous diseases
like St. Vitus's dance, were quick to realize their opportunity, and
two letters telling the story were circulated as credentials by
pretended survivors of the band. Both are influenced in form by a
sermon of St. Augustine of Hippo which embodies a similar story
(Migne, Patrologia, vol. xxxviii, col. 1443). The first (Letter of
Otbert), which claims to be issued by Peregrinus bishop of Cologne,
spread rapidly through Western Europe. This was the version that
Mannyng found in William of Wadington. The second (Letter of
Theodric) makes Bruno bishop of Toul, afterwards Pope Leo IX,
vouch for the facts. It was incorporated in the account of the
miraculous cure of Theodric at the shrine of St. Edith of Wilton, and
is known only from English sources. This was the text that Mannyng
used. A later English version, without merit, is found in the dreary
fifteenth-century Life of St. Editha (ed. Horstmann, ll. 4063 ff.).
1 ff. games: Dances and shows in the churchyard were constantly
condemned by the Church in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. In 1287 a synod at Exeter rules ne quisquam luctas,
choreas, vel alios ludos inhonestos in coemeteriis exercere
praesumat, praecipue in vigiliis et festis sanctorum. See Chambers,
The Mediaeval Stage, vol. i, pp. 90 ff.
6. or tabure bete: Note the use of bete infin. as a verbal noun =
betyng; cp. XI b 184-5.
 10-12. 'And he (sc. a good priest) will become angered sooner
than one who has no learning, and who does not understand Holy
Writ.'
15 ff. noght... none: An accumulation of negatives in ME. makes
the negation more emphatic. Here the writer wavers between two
forms of expression: (1) 'do not sing carols in holy places', and (2)
'to sing carols in holy places is sacrilege'.
25-8. yn þys londe, &c. The cure of Theodric, not the dance, took
place in England. Brightgiva is said to have been abbess of Wilton at
the time (1065), and 'King Edward' is Edward the Confessor (1042-
66).
34-5. The church of Kölbigk is dedicated to St. Magnus, of whom
nothing certain is known. The memory of St. Bukcestre, if ever there
was such a saint, appears to be preserved only in this story.
36. þat þey come to: Construe with hyt in l. 35.
37 ff. Here names of alle: The twelve followers of Gerlew are
named in the Latin text, but Mannyng gives only the principal actors.
The inconsistency is still more marked in the Bodleian MS., which
after l. 40 adds:—
Þe ouþer twelue here names alle
Þus were þey wrete, as y can kalle.
Otherwise the Bodleian MS. is very closely related to the Harleian,
sharing most of its errors and peculiarities.
44. þe prestes doghtyr of þe tounne, 'the priest of the town's
daughter'. In early ME. the genitive inflexion is not, as in Modern
English, added to the last of a group of words: cp. XIV d 10 Þe
Kynges sone of heuene 'the King of Heaven's son'. The same
construction occurs in VIII a 19 for þe Lordes loue of heuene = 'for
the love of the Lord of Heaven', and in VIII a 214; but in these
passages the genitive is objective, and Modern English does not use
the inflexion at all (note to I 83). The ME. and modern expressions
have their point of agreement in the position of the genitive
inflexion, which always precedes immediately the noun on which the
genitive depends. Cp. notes to II 518,VI 23, and XIV d 1.
 46. Aȝone: ȝ = z here. The name is Azo in the Latin.
55. Beu<u>ne: (derived from the accusative Beuonem) = Beuo of
l. 59 and Beuolyne of l. 62. The form is properly Bovo not Bevo.
Considerable liberties were taken with proper names to adapt them
to metre or rime: e.g. l. 52 Merswynde; l. 63 Merswyne; cp. note to
l. 246. This habit, and frequent miscopying, make it difficult to rely
on names in mediaeval stories.
65. Grysly: An error for Gerlew, Latin Gerleuus, from Low German
Gērlēf = OE. Gārlāf.
83. for Crystys awe: In Modern English a phrase like Christ's awe
could mean only 'the awe felt by Christ'. But in OE. Cristes ege, or
ege Cristes, meant also 'the awe of Christ (which men feel)', the
genitive being objective. In ME. the word order eie Cristes is
dropped, but Cristes eie (or awe, the Norse form) is still regular for
'(men's) fear of Christ'. Hence formal ambiguities like þe Lordes loue
of heuene VIII a 19, which actually means '(men's) love of the Lord
of Heaven', but grammatically might mean 'the Lord of Heaven's love
(for men)'—see note to l. 44 above.
96-7. The Latin Letter of Theodric in fact has ab isto officio ex Dei
nutu amodo non cessetis, but probably amodo is miswritten for
anno.
127. a saue: lit. 'have safe', i.e. 'rescue'. Saue is here adj.
128-9. ys: flessh: The rime requires the alternative forms es (as in
l. 7) and fles(s). Cp. note to VII 4.
132. Ȝow þar nat aske: 'There is no need for you to ask'; ȝow is
dative after the impersonal þar.
156-7. werynes: dos. The rime is false. Perhaps Mannyng wrote:
As many body for goyng es [sc. wery], and a copyist misplaced es,
writing: As many body es for goyng. If body es were read as bodyes,
a new verb would then be added.
169. Note the irony of the refrain. The Letter of Otbert adds the
picturesque detail that they gradually sank up to their waists in the
ground through dancing on the same spot.
 172. Þe Emperoure Henry: Probably Henry II of Germany,
Emperor from 1014 to 1024. A certain vagueness in points of time
and place would save the bearers of the letter from awkward
questions.
188-9. banned: woned. The rime (OE. bannan and wunian) is
false, and the use of woned 'remained' is suspicious. Mannyng
perhaps wrote bende 'put in bonds': wende (= ȝede l. 191) 'went';
or (if the form band for banned(e) could be evidenced so early)
band 'cursed': wand, pret. of winden, 'went'.
195. fal yn a swone: So MS., showing that by the second half of
the fourteenth century the pp. adj. aswon had been wrongly
analysed into the indef. article a and a noun swon. Mannyng may
have written fallen aswone. See Glossary, s.v. aswone.
234. Wyth sundyr lepys: 'with separate leaps'; but Wyth was
probably added by a scribe who found in his original sundyrlepys,
adv., meaning 'separately',—
Kar suvent par les mains
Des malvais escrivains
Sunt livre corrumput.
240. Seynt Edyght. St. Edith (d. 984) was daughter of King Edgar,
and abbess of Wilton. The rime is properly Edit: Teodric, for t and k
are sufficiently like in sound to rime together in the best ME. verse;
cp. note to XV g 27.
246. Brunyng... seynt Tolous: Latin Bruno Tullanus. Robert
probably did not hesitate to provide a rime by turning Toul into
Toulouse. Bruno afterwards became Pope Leo IX (1049-54).
254-5. trowed: God. Read trŏd, a shortened form, revealed by
rimes in North Midland texts. The identical rime occurs three times in
Mannyng's Chronicle (ed. Hearne, p. 339; ed. Furnivall, ll. 7357-8,
8111-12); and, again with substitution of troud for trod, in Havelok,
ll. 2338-9. Cp. note to XVII 56.

II
 Dialect: South-Western, with some admixture of Northern forms
due to a copyist.
Inflexions:—

Verb: pres. ind. 1 sg. ichaue, &c. (see note to l. 129).

2 sg. makest 169, worst 170.
3 sg. geþ (in rime) 238; contracted fint
239, last 335, sitt 443, stont 556.
2 pl. ȝe beþ 582.
3 pl. strikeþ 252 (proved by rime with 3
sg. likeþ).
imper. pl. make 216, chese 217; beside doþ 218.
pres. p. berking 286 (in rime with verbal sb.);
daunceing (in rime) 298. The forms
kneland 250, liggeand 388, are due to a
Northern copyist.
strong pp. (various forms): go (: wo) 196, ygo (:
mo) 349, ydone (: -none) 76, comen 29,
come 181, ycomen 203, yborn 174, bore
210.
infin. Note aski (OE. acsian) 467 (App. § 13 vii).

Pronoun 3 pers.: fem. nom. he 408, 446, hye 337, beside sche
75, 77, &c.
pl. nom. he (in rime) 185, hye 91, beside þai 32,
69, &c.;
poss. her 'their' 87, 413, 415; obj. hem 69, &c.

Noun: Note the plurals honden 79, berien 258.

The original text preserved final -e better than the extant MSS.,
e.g.
 Thise olde gentil Britons in hir dayes
Of diverse aventures maden layes
Rymeyed in hir firste Briton tonge,
Whiche layes with hir instrumentz they songe, &c.
20. The curious use of it after the plural layes is perhaps not
original. Lai le Freine has: And maked a lay and yaf it name.
26. In Inglond: an alteration of the original text to give local
colour. Cp. ll. 49-50 and l. 478.
29-30. Pluto: the King of Hades came to be regarded as the King
of Fairyland; cp. Chaucer, Merchant's Tale, l. 983 Pluto that is the
kyng of fairye. The blunder by which Juno is made a king is
apparently peculiar to the Auchinleck copy.
33-46. These lines are not in the Auchinleck MS., but are probably
authentic. Otherwise little prominence would be given to Orfeo's skill
as a harper.
41 ff. A confused construction: In þe world was neuer man born
should be followed by <þat> he <ne> schulde þinke; but the writer
goes on as if he had begun with 'every man in the world'. And = 'if'.
46. ioy and overload the verse, and are probably an unskilful
addition to the text.
49-50. These lines are peculiar to the Auchinleck MS., and are
clearly interpolated; cp. l. 26 and l. 478. Winchester was the old
capital of England, and therefore the conventional seat of an English
king.
57. comessing: The metre points to a disyllabic form comsing
here, and to comsi in l. 247.
80. it bled wete: In early English the clause which is logically
subordinate is sometimes made formally co-ordinate. More normal
would be þat (it) bled wete 'until (or so that) it bled wet'; i.e. until it
was wet with blood.
82. reuey<se>d or some such form of ravished is probably right.
reneyd 'apostate' is a possible reading of the MS., but does not fit
the sense. N. E. D. suggests remeued.
 102. what is te?: 'What ails you?; cp. l. 115. Te for þe after s of is.
Such modifications are due either to dissimilation of like sounds, as
þ: s which are difficult in juxtaposition; or to assimilation of unlike
sounds, as þatow 165, for þat þow.
115. 'What ails you, and how it came about?'; cp. l. 102.
129. ichil = ich wille; and so ichaue 209, icham 382, ichot XV b 23.
These forms, reduced to chill, cham, &c., were still characteristic of
the Southern dialect in Shakespeare's time: cp. King Lear, IV. vi. 239
Chill not let go, Zir.
131. þat nouȝt nis: 'That cannot be'; cp. l. 457 þat nouȝt nere.
157-8. palays: ways. The original rime was perhaps palys: wys
'wise'.
170. 'Wherever you may be, you shall be fetched.'
201-2. barouns: renouns. Forms like renouns in rime are usually
taken over from a French original.
215. The overloaded metre points to a shorter word like wite for
vnderstond.
216. Make ȝou þan a parlement: ȝou is not nom., but dat. 'for
yourselves'. Observe that Orfeo acts like a constitutional English
king.
241. þe fowe and griis: A half translation of OFr. vair et gris. Vair
(Lat. varius) was fur made of alternate pieces of the grey back and
white belly of the squirrel. Hence it is rendered by fowe, OE. fāg
'varicolor'. Griis is the grey back alone, and the French word is
retained for the rime with biis, which was probably in the OFr.
original.
258. berien: The MS. may be read berren, but as this form is
incorrect it is better to assume that the i has been carelessly shaped
by the scribe.
289. him se, 'see (for himself), and similarly slep þou þe XV g 13.
This reflexive use of the dative pronoun, which cannot be
reproduced in a modern rendering, is common in OE. and ME.,
especially with verbs of motion; cp. note to XV g 24. But distinguish
went him 475, 501, where him is accusative, not dative (OE. wente
hine), because the original sense of went is 'turned', which naturally
takes a reflexive object.
342. me no reche = I me no reche. The alternative would be the
impersonal me no recheþ.
343. also spac = also bliue 142 = also swiþe 574: 'straightway',
&c.
363. MS. auowed (or anowed) is meaningless here. Anow<rn>ed,
or the doubtful by-form anow<r>ed 'adorned', is probably the true
reading.
382. The line is too long—a fault not uncommon where direct
speech is introduced, e.g. l. 419 and 178. Usually a correct line can
be obtained by dropping words like quath he, which are not as
necessary in spoken verse as they are where writing alone conveys
the sense. But sometimes the flaw may lie in the forms of address: l.
382 would be normal without Parfay; l. 419 may once have been:
And seyd 'Lord, ȝif þi wille were'.
There is no task more slippery than the metrical reconstruction of
ME. poems, particularly those of which the extant text derives from
the original not simply through a line of copyists, but through a line
of minstrels who passed on the verses from memory and by word of
mouth.
388. The line seems to be corrupt, and, as usual, the Harleian and
Ashmole MSS. give little help. Ful can hardly be a sb. meaning
'multitude' from the adj. full. Some form of fele (OE. fela) 'a great
number' would give possible grammar and sense (cp. l. 401), but
bad metre. Perhaps ful should be deleted as a scribe's anticipation of
folk in the next line; for the construction seiȝe... of folk cp. XVI 388;
and Hous of Fame, Bk. iii, ll. 147 ff.
433. Þei we nouȝt welcom no be: Almost contemporary with Sir
Orfeo is the complaint of an English writer that the halls of the
nobles stood open to a lawyer, but not to a poet:
Exclusus ad ianuam poteris sedere
Ipse licet venias, Musis comitatus, Homere!
 'Though thou came thyself, Homer, with all the Muses, thou
mightst sit at the door, shut out!', T. Wright, Political Songs (1839),
p. 209.
446. hadde he, 'had she'. For he (OE. hēo) = 'she' cp. l. 408.
450. 'Now ask of me whatsoever it may be'. The plots of
mediaeval romances often depend on the unlimited promises of an
unwary king, whose honour compels him to keep his word. So in the
story of Tristram, an Irish noble disguised as a minstrel wins Ysolde
from King Mark by this same device, but is himself cheated of his
prize by Tristram's skill in music.
458. 'An ill-matched pair you two would be!'
479. The halting verse may be completed by adding sum tyme
before his, with the Harley and Ashmole MSS.
483. ybilt of the MS. and editors cannot well be a pp. meaning
'housed'. I prefer to take bilt as sb. = bild, build 'a building'; and to
suppose that y has been miswritten for ȳ, the contraction for yn.
495. gan hold, 'held'; a good example of the ME. use of gan +
infinitive with the sense of the simple preterite.
515. An unhappy suggestion home for the second come has
sometimes been accepted. But a careful Southern poet could not
rime home (OE. hām) and some (OE. sŭm). See note to VI 224.
518. For mi lordes loue Sir Orfeo, 'for my lord Sir Orfeo's love'.
Logically the genitive inflexion should be added to both of two
substantives in apposition, as in OE. on Herodes dagum cyninges 'in
the days of King Herod'. But in ME. the first substantive usually has
the inflexion, and the second is uninflected; cp. V 207 kyngeȝ hous
Arthor 'the house of King Arthur'; and notes to I 44, VI 23.
544. Allas! wreche: wreche refers to the speaker, as in l. 333.
551. hou it geþ—: The sense is hard to convey without some
cumbrous paraphrase like 'the inexorable law of this world—'.
552. It nis no bot of manes deþ: 'There is no remedy for man's
death', i.e. violent grief will do no good. Note it nis 'there is (not)'. In
ME. the anticipated subject is commonly it where we use there.
 565. in ynome: '<had> taken up my abode'; in 'dwelling' = NE.
'inn'.
599. herof overloads the line and is omitted in the Ashmole MS.

III
Dialect: Pure Kentish of Canterbury.
Inflexions are well preserved, and are similar to those found in
contemporary South-Western texts.

Verb: pres. ind. 3 sg. multiplieþ 1; contracted ret 3, 16.

1 pl. habbeþ 2.
strong pp. yyeue 25, yhote 29.

Pronoun 3 pers.: the new forms she, they, their, them are not
used.
3 sg. fem. nom. hi 32, hy 45;
poss. hare 33, beside hire 36;
pl. nom. hi 58.
Note the objective form his(e) = 'her' 32, 53
(twice); and = 'them' 7, 8, 28.

Noun: plurals in -en occur: uorbisnen 2, ken 56. In diaknen 5,

-en represents the dat. pl. inflexion.

Adjective: onen dat. sg. 4, oþren dat. pl. 53, þane acc. sg.
masc. 59, þet (word) nom. sg. neut. 57, show survivals
rare even in the South at this date.

Sounds: Characteristic of the South-East is ē̆ for OE. (West-

Saxon) ȳ̆ : kertel (OE. cyrtel) 39, ken (OE. cȳ) 56.
 Old diphthongs are preserved in greate (OE. grēat) 9, yeaf 22. In
hyerof 1, yhyerde 49, hier 2, þieues 18, ye, ie represent diphthongs
developed in Kentish rather than simple close ē.
Initial z = s in zome 'some' 2, zede 'said' 12, zuo 'so' 17; and initial
u = f in uele 2, uayre 2, uram 4, bevil 41, evidence dialectical
changes which occurred also in the South-West.
Syntax: The constructions are distorted by slavish following of
the French original; see note to ll. 48-60.
3. Saint Germain of Auxerre (MS. Aucerne) is famous for his
missions to Britain in the first half of the fifth century. This particular
story is found in the Acta Sanctorum for July 31, p. 229.
16. St. John the Almoner (d. 616) was bishop of Alexandria. For
the story see Acta Sanctorum for January 23, p. 115.
27-8. and huanne he hit wiste þe ilke zelue þet his hedde
onderuonge: an obscure sentence. Perhaps: 'and when he, the same
who had received them (i.e. John, who had received the five
hundred pounds), knew it' (sc. the truth).
38. This tale of Boniface, bishop of Ferentia in Etruria, is told in
the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, Bk. i, chap. 9. Its first
appearance in English is in the translation of the Dialogues made by
Bishop Wærferth for King Alfred (ed. Hans Hecht, Leipzig 1900, pp.
67 ff.).
48-60. The French original of the passage, taken from an elegant
fourteenth-century MS., Cotton Cleopatra A.V., fol. 144 a, will show
how slavishly Dan Michael followed his source:—
Apres il fu un poure home, sicom on dit, qui auoit une vache; e oi
dire a son prestre en sarmon que Dieu disoit en leuangile que Dieu
rendoit a cent doubles quanque on donast por lui. Le prodomme du
conseil sa femme dona sa uache a son prestre, qui estoit riches. Le
prestre la prist uolentiers, e lenuoia pestre auoec les autres quil
auoit. Kant uint au soir, la uache au poure home sen uint a son
hostel chies le poure homme, com ele auoit acoustume, e amena
auoeques soi toutes les uaches au prestre, iukes a cent. Quant le
bon home uit ce, si pensa que ce estoit le mot de leuangile que li
auoit rendu; e li furent aiugiees deuant son euesque contre le
prestre. Cest ensample moustre bien que misericorde est bone
marchande, car ele multiplie les biens temporels.
58-9. 'And they were adjudged to him before his bishop against
the priest', i.e. the bishop ruled that the poor man should have all
the cows.
The French fabliau 'Brunain' takes up the comic rather than the
moral aspect of the story. A peasant, hearing the priest say that gifts
to God are doubly repaid, thought it was a favourable opportunity to
give his cow Blérain—a poor milker—to the priest. The priest ties her
with his own cow Brunain. To the peasant's great joy, the
unprofitable Blérain returns home, leading with her the priest's good
cow.

IV
Dialect: Northern of Yorkshire.
Inflexions: are reduced almost as in Modern English.

Verb: pres. ind. 1 sg. settes a 30; beside uninflected sygh a

69, sob a 69.
3 sg. lastes a 1.
1 pl. flese b 86: beside we drede b 85.
3 pl. lyse a 61, lufes b 7, &c.; beside þay
take, þay halde b 12, &c., which agree
with the Midland forms.
pres. p. lastand a 25, byrnand a 26, riming with
hand.
strong pp. wryten a 2.
Note the Northern and North Midland short forms
mase 'makes' a 15, tane 'taken' a 53 (in
rime).
 Pronoun 3 pers.:sg. fem. scho b 1;
pl. nom. þai a 60;
poss. þar a 59 or þair a 65;
obj. thaym b 2.
The demonstrative thire 'these' at b 55, b 59 is
specifically Northern.
Sounds: OE. ā is regularly represented by ā, not by ǭ of the
South and most of the Midlands: wa a 2, euermare a 20, balde 'bold'
a 51; bane (in rime) a 54.
ọ̄ becomes ū (ǖ?) in gud(e) b 9, b 15; and its length is sometimes
indicated by adding y, as in ruysand 'vaunting' b 80.
a.This poem is largely a translation of sentences excerpted from
Rolle's Incendium Amoris, cc. xl-xli (Miss Allen in Mod. Lang. Review
for 1919, p. 320). Useful commentaries are his prose Form of Perfect
Living (ed. Horstmann, vol. i, pp. 3 ff.), and Commandment of Love
to God (ibid. pp. 61 ff.), which supply many parallels in thought and
phrasing; see, for example, the note to l. 48 below.
a 1. feste. Not the adj. 'fast', but pp. 'fastened', and so in l. 82.
a 5. louyng, 'beloved one', here and in l. 56. This exceptional use
of the verbal noun occurs again in my ȝhernyng 'what I yearn for', a
22; my couaytyng 'what I covet', a 23.
a 9-12. The meaning seems to be: 'The throne of love is raised
high, for it (i.e. love) ascended into heaven. It seems to me that on
earth love is hidden, which makes men pale and wan. It goes very
near to the bed of bliss (i.e. the bridal bed of Christ and the soul) I
assure you. Though the way may seem long to us, yet love unites
God and man.'
a 24. louyng, 'praise' here and in XVI 405, from OE. lof 'praise';
quite distinct from louyng, lufyng, in ll. 5 and 56.
a 36. fle þat na man it maye, 'which no man can escape'. See
Appendix § 12, Relative.
a 42. styll, 'always' rather than 'motionless'.
 a 43-4. Apparently 'the nature of love (þat kyend) turns from care
the man (þe lyfe) who succeeds in finding love, or who ever knew it
in his heart; and brings him to joy and delight.'
a 48. Cp. Form of Perfect Living, ed. Horstmann, vol. i, pp. 39-40:
For luf es stalworth als þe dede, þat slaes al lyuand thyng in erth;
and hard als hell, þat spares noght till þam þat er dede. In The
Commandment of Love Rolle explains: For als dede slas al lyuand
thyng in þis worlde, sa perfite lufe slas in a mans sawle all fleschly
desyres and erthly couaytise. And als hell spares noght til dede men,
bot tormentes al þat commes bartill, alswa a man þat es in þis [sc.
the third, called 'Singular'] degré of lufe noght anly he forsakes þe
wretched solace of þis lyf, bot alswa he couaytes to sofer pynes for
Goddes lufe. (Ibid. p. 63.)
b 4. scho takes erthe: From the Historia Animalium attributed to
Aristotle, Bk. ix, c. 21. This is the authority referred to at l. 18, and
at l. 33 (Bk. ix, c. 9); but the citations seem to be second hand, as
they do not agree closely with the text of the Historia Animalium.
b 21-2. 'For there are many who never can keep the rule of love
towards their friends, whether kinsmen or not.' MS. ynesche has
been variously interpreted; but it must be corrected to ynence.
b 47. strucyo or storke: the ostrich, not the stork, is meant. Latin
struthio has both meanings. On the whole, fourteenth-century
translators show a fair knowledge of Latin, but the average of
scholarship, even among the clergy, was never high in the Middle
Ages. In the magnificent Eadwine Psalter, written at Canterbury
Cathedral in the twelfth century, Ps. ci. 7 similis factus sum pellicano
is rendered by 'I am become like to the skin of a dog' (= pelli canis),
though an ecclesiastic would recite this psalm in Latin at least once
every week. The records of some thirteenth-century examinations of
English clergy may be found in G. G. Coulton, A Medieval Garner
(London 1910), pp. 270 ff. They include the classic answer of Simon,
the curate of Sonning, who, being examined on the Canon of the
Mass, and pressed to say what governed Te in Te igitur,
clementissime Pater,... supplices rogamus, replied 'Pater, for He
governeth all things'. As for French, Michael of Northgate, a shaky
translator, is fortunate in escaping gross blunders in the specimen
chosen (III); but the English rendering of Mandeville's Travels is full
of errors; see the notes to IX.
b 60. teches: better toches, according to the Footnote.

V
Alliterative Verse. The long lines in Gawayne, with The
Destruction of Troy, Piers Plowman, and The Blacksmiths (XV h), are
specimens of alliterative verse unmixed with rime, a form strictly
comparable with Old English verse, from which it must derive
through an unbroken oral tradition. While the detailed analysis of the
Middle English alliterative line is complex and controversial, its
general framework is describable in simple terms. It will be
convenient to take examples from Gawayne, which shows most of
the developments characteristic of Middle English.
1. The long line is divided by a caesura into two half lines, of
which the second is the more strictly built so that the rhythm may be
well marked. Each half line normally contains two principal stresses,
e.g.
And wént on his wáy || with his wýȝe óne 6.
Þat schulde téche hym to tóurne || to þat téne pláce 7.
But three stresses are not uncommonly found in the first half line:
Brókeȝ býled and bréke || bi bónkkeȝ abóute 14;
and, even for the simpler forms in Old and Middle English, the two-
stress analysis has its opponents.
2. The two half lines are bound together by alliteration. In
alliteration ch, st, s(c)h, sk, and usually sp, are treated as single
consonants (see lines 64, 31, 15, 99, 25); any vowel may alliterate
with any other vowel, e.g.
Þis óritore is v́gly || with érbeȝ ouergrówen 122;
and, contrary to the practice of correct OE. verse, h may alliterate
with vowels in Gawayne:
Hálde þe now þe hýȝe hóde || þat Árþur þe ráȝt 229.
The háþel héldet hym fró || and on his áx résted 263.
3. In correct OE. verse the alliteration falls on one or both of the
two principal stresses of the first half line, and invariably on the first
stress only of the second half line. This is the ordinary ME. type:
Þat schulde téche hym to tóurne || to þat téne pláce 7;
though verses with only one alliterating syllable in the first half line,
e.g.
Bot Í wyl to þe chápel || for cháunce þat may fálle 64,
are less common in ME. than in OE. But in ME. the fourth stress
sometimes takes the alliteration also:
Þay clómben bi clýffeȝ || þer cléngeȝ þe cólde 10.
And when there is a third stress in the first half line, five syllables
may alliterate:
Míst múged on þe mór || mált on þe móunteȝ 12.
In sum, Middle English verse is richer than Old English in alliteration.
4. In all these verses the alliteration of the first stress in the
second half line, which is essential in Old English, is maintained; but
it is sometimes neglected, especially when the alliteration is
otherwise well marked:
With héȝe hélme on his héde || his láunce in his hónde
(129; cp. 75),
where the natural stress cannot fall on his.
5. So far attention has been confined to the stressed syllables,
around which the unstressed syllables are grouped. Clearly the richer
the alliteration, the more freedom will be possible in the treatment
of the unstressed syllables without undue weakening of the verse
form. In the first two lines of Beowulf—
Hwæt we Gárdéna || in géardágum
Þéodcýninga || þrým gefrúnon—
three of the half lines have the minimum number of syllables—four—
and the other has only five. In Middle English, with more elaborate
alliteration, the number of unstressed syllables is increased, so that
the minimum half line of four syllables is rare, and often contains
some word which may have had an additional flexional syllable in
the poet's own manuscript, e.g.
|| þe sélf<e> chápel 79.
|| árȝeȝ in hért<e> 209.
The less regular first half line is found with as many as eleven
syllables; e.g.
And syþen he kéuereȝ bi a crágge || 153.
6. The grouping of stressed and unstressed syllables determines
the rhythm. In Old English the falling rhythm predominates, as in ||
Gáwayn þe nóble 81; and historically it is no doubt correct to trace
the development of the ME. line from a predominantly falling
rhythm. But in fact, owing to the frequent use of unstressed
syllables before the first stress (even in the second half line where
they are avoided in the OE. falling rhythm) the commonest type is:
|| and þe bróde ȝáteȝ 1,
(× × -́ × -́ ×)
which from a strictly Middle English standpoint may be analysed as a
falling rhythm with introductory syllables (× × | -́ × -́ ×), or as a
rising rhythm with a weak ending (× × -́ × -́ | ×). A careful reader,
accustomed to the usage of English verse, will have no difficulty in
following the movement, without entering into nice technicalities of
historical analysis.
7. The Destruction of Troy is more regular than Gawayne in its
versification, and better preserves the Old English tradition. Piers
Plowman is looser and nearer to prose, so that the alliteration
sometimes fails altogether, e.g. Extract a 95, 138. Such differences
in technique may depend on date, on locality, or on the taste,
training, or skill of the author.
 Dialect: West Midland of Lancashire or Cheshire. (There is
evidence of local knowledge in the account of Gawayne's ride in
search of the Green Chapel, ll. 691 ff. of the complete text.)
Vocabulary. Sir Gawayne shows the characteristic vocabulary of
alliterative verse.
It is rich in number and variety of words—Norse, French, and
native. Besides common words like race 8, wylle 16, kyrk 128, aȝ-
267 (which displace native English forms rēs, wylde, chyrche, eie),
Norse gives mug(g)ed 12, cayreȝ 52, scowtes 99, skayned 99, wro
154, broþe 165, fyked 206, snyrt 244, &c. French are baret 47,
oritore 122, fylor 157, giserne 197, kauelacion 207, frounses 238, &c.
Myst-hakel 13, orpedly 164 are native words; while the rare stryþe
237 and raþeled 226 are of doubtful origin.
Unless the alliteration is to be monotonous, there must be many
synonyms for common words like man, kniȝt: e.g. burne 3, wyȝe 6,
lede 27, gome 50, freke 57, tulk 65, knape 68, renk 138, most of
which survive only by reason of their usefulness in alliterative
formulae. Similarly, a number of verbs are used to express the
common idea 'to move (rapidly)': boȝen 9, schowued 15, wonnen
23, ferked 105, romeȝ 130, keuereȝ 153, whyrlande 154, &c. Here
the group of synonyms arises from weakening of the ordinary prose
meanings; and this tendency to use words in colourless or forced
senses is a general defect of alliterative verse. For instance, it is hard
to attach a precise meaning to note 24, gedereȝ 92, glodes 113,
wruxled 123, kest 308.
The Gawayne poet is usually artist enough to avoid the worst fault
of alliterative verse—the use of words for mere sound without regard
to sense, but there are signs of the danger in the empty, clattering
line:
Bremly broþe on a bent þat brode watȝ aboute 165.
Inflexions: The rime waþe: ta þe 287-9 shows that organic final
-e was sometimes pronounced in the poet's dialect.

Verb: pres. ind. 1 sg. haf 23; leue 60.

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