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Economies of Destruction How The Systematic Destruction of Valuablescreated Value in The Bronze Age Europe C 2300500 BC David R Fontjin Download

The document discusses the book 'Economies of Destruction' by David R. Fontijn, which explores how the systematic destruction of valuables in Bronze Age Europe (c. 2300-500 BC) created economic value. It includes links to download the book and other related titles. Additionally, it contains a narrative about early European encounters with Native Americans, detailing their interactions and the challenges faced by the French settlers left behind at Charlesfort.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
6 views26 pages

Economies of Destruction How The Systematic Destruction of Valuablescreated Value in The Bronze Age Europe C 2300500 BC David R Fontjin Download

The document discusses the book 'Economies of Destruction' by David R. Fontijn, which explores how the systematic destruction of valuables in Bronze Age Europe (c. 2300-500 BC) created economic value. It includes links to download the book and other related titles. Additionally, it contains a narrative about early European encounters with Native Americans, detailing their interactions and the challenges faced by the French settlers left behind at Charlesfort.

Uploaded by

romdrpvks4142
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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I made a sign unto their king, lifting up mine arm, and stretching
forth one finger, only to make them look up to heavenward, he
likewise, lifting up his arm toward heaven, put forth two fingers,
whereby it seemed that he made us to understand that they
worshipped the sun and moon for gods; as afterwards we
understood it so. In the mean time their numbers increased; and
thither came the king’s brother that was first with us, their mother,
wives, sisters, and children; and, being thus assembled, they caused
a great number of bay-boughs to be cut, and therewith a place to be
dressed for us, distant from theirs two fathom. For it is their manner
to talk and bargain, sitting, and the chief of them to be apart from
the meaner sort, with a show of great obedience to their kings,
superiors, and elders. They be all naked, and of a goodly stature,
mighty, and as well shapen and proportioned of body, as any people
in the world, very gentle, courteous, and of a good nature.…

After we had tarried in this north side of the river the most part
of the day,—which river we have called May, for that we discovered
the same the first day of the month,—we congratulated, made
alliance, and entered into amity with them, and presented the king
and his brethren with gowns of blue cloth garnished with yellow
fleur-de-luces. And it seemed that they were sorry for our departure;
so that the most part of them entered into the water up to the neck,
to set our boats afloat.…

Soon after this came thither the king with his brethren, and
others with bows and arrows in their hands, using therewithal a
goodly and a grave fashion, with their behavior right soldierlike, and
[of] as warlike boldness as may be. They were naked and painted,
as the other, their hair likewise long, and trussed up—with a lace
made of herbs—to the top of their heads; but they had neither their
wives nor children in their company. After we had a good while
lovingly entertained and presented them with like gifts of
habersher153 wares, cutting-hooks, and hatchets, and clothed the
king and his brethren with like robes as we had given to them on the
other side, we entered and viewed the country thereabouts, which is
the fairest, fruit-fullest, and pleasantest of all the world, abounding
in honey, venison, wild fowl, forests, woods of all sorts, palm-trees,
cypress, and cedars, bays the highest and greatest, with also the
fairest vines in all the world, with grapes according, which without
natural art, and without man’s help or trimming, will grow to tops of
oaks and other trees that be of a wonderful greatness and height.
And the sight of the fair meadows is a pleasure not able to be
expressed with tongue; full of herns, curlews, bitterns, mallards,
egrets, woodcocks, and all other kind of small birds, with harts,
hinds, bucks, wild swine, and all other kinds of wild beasts, as we
perceived well, both by their footing there, and also afterwards, in
other places, by their cry and roaring in the night.…

The next day, in the morning, we returned to land again,


accompanied with the captains, gentlemen, and soldiers, and others
of our small troop, carrying with us a pillar or column of hard stone,
our king’s arms granted therein, to plant and set the same in the
entrance of the port in some high place, where it might be easily
seen. And, being come thither before the Indians were assembled,
we espied, on the south side of the river, a place very fit for that
purpose upon a little hill, compassed with cypress, bays, palms, and
other trees, with sweet-smelling and pleasant shrubs, in the middle
whereof we planted the first bound154 or limit of his Majesty.…

The 20th of May, we planted another column or pillar, graven


with the king’s arms, on the south side, in a high place at the
entrance of a great river, which we called Libourne,155 where there is
a lake of fresh water very good.… There we saw the fairest and the
greatest vines with grapes according, and young trees and small
woods, very well smelling, that ever were seen; whereby it
appeareth to be the pleasantest and most commodious dwelling of
all the world. Wherefore, my lord, trusting you will not think it amiss,
considering the commodities that may be brought thence, if we
leave a number of men there, which may fortify and provide
themselves of things necessary; for, in all new discoveries, it is the
chiefest thing that may be done, at the beginning to fortify and
people the country. I had not so soon156 set this forth to our
company, but many of them offered to tarry there, yet with such a
good-will and jolly courage, that such a number did thus offer
themselves, that we had much ado to stay their importunity. And
namely of our shipmates and principal pilots, and such as we could
not spare. Howbeit, we left there but to the number of thirty in all,
gentlemen, soldiers, and mariners, and that at their own suit and
prayer, and of their own free wills, and by the advice and
deliberation of the gentlemen sent on the behalf of the prince and
yours.

And have left unto the fore-head157 and rulers, following therein
your good-will, Capt. Albert de la Pierria, a soldier of long
experience, and the first that from the beginning did offer to tarry.
And further, by their advice, choice, and will, installed them in an
island158 on the north side, a place of strong situation and
commodious, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, and the
habitation and fortress Charlesfort. The next day we determined to
depart from this place, being as well contented as was possible that
we had so happily ended our business, with good hope, if occasion
would permit, to discover perfectly the River of Jordan. For this
cause, we hoisted our sails about ten of the clock in the morning.
After we were ready to depart, Capt. Ribaut commanded to shoot off
our ordnance to give a farewell to our Frenchmen, which failed not
to do the like on their part. This being done, we sailed toward the
north; and then we named this river Port Royal because of the
largeness and excellent fairness of the same.

[The remains of this fortress of Charlesfort are undoubtedly those still to be


seen on “Old Fort Plantation,” near Beaufort, S.C., at the junction of Beaufort River
with Battery Creek. The compiler of this book was encamped on this plantation for
several months during the civil war, and visited the fortifications very frequently.
They are built of a kind of concrete made with oyster-shells, and called coquina,
this being the material also employed in Spanish buildings of the same period at
St. Augustine. There is another similar fortification a little farther up Beaufort
River.]
II.—Alone in the New World.

[The thirty Frenchmen left behind at Port Royal by Ribaut were


probably the first Europeans who deliberately undertook to remain without
ships upon the Atlantic shore of North America. Parkman says of them,
“Albert and his companions might watch the receding ships.… They were
alone in those fearful solitudes. From the north pole to Mexico there was
no Christian denizen but they.”—Pioneers of France, p. 35.

The following is from the narrative of their adventures written by


Laudonnière, who afterwards came to search for them, but did not arrive
till they had gone.]

Our men, after our departure, never rested, but night and day
did fortify themselves, being in good hope, that, after their fort was
finished, they would begin to discover farther up within the river. It
happened one day, as certain of them were in cutting of roots in the
groves, that they espied, on the sudden, an Indian that hunted the
deer, which, finding himself so near upon them, was much
dismayed; but our men began to draw near unto him, and to use
him so courteously, that he became assured, and followed them to
Charlesfort, where every man sought to do him pleasure.
Capt. Albert was very joyful of his coming, which after he had given
him a shirt, and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwelling. The
Indian answered him, that it was farther up within the river, and that
he was vassal of King Audusta: he also showed him with his hand
the limits of his habitation. After much other talk, the Indian desired
leave to depart, because it drew toward night, which Capt. Albert
granted him very willingly.…

[They afterward went to a feast among these Indians.]


When the feast, therefore, was finished, our men returned unto
Charlesfort, where having remained but a while, their victuals began
to wax short, which forced them to have recourse unto their
neighbors, and to pray them to succor them in their necessity, which
gave them part of all the victuals which they had, and kept no more
unto themselves than would serve to sow their fields. They told
them further, that, for this cause, it was needful for them to retire
themselves into the woods, to live of mast159 and roots until the
time of harvest, being as sorry as might be that they were not able
further to aid them. They gave them, also, counsel to go towards
the country of King Couexis, a man of might and renown in this
province, which maketh his abode toward the South, abounding at
all seasons, and replenished with such quantity of mill,160 corn, and
beans, that by his only succor they might be able to live a very long
time. But, before they should come into his territories, they were
able to repair unto a king, called Ouade, the brother of Couexis,
which in mill, beans, and corn, was no less wealthy, and withal very
liberal, and would be very joyful if he might but once see them. Our
men, perceiving the good relation which the Indians made them of
those two kings, resolved to go thither; for they felt already the
necessity which oppressed them. Therefore they made request unto
King Maccou, that it would please him to give them one of his
subjects to guide them the right way thither: whereupon he
condescended very willingly, knowing, that, without his favor, they
should have much ado to bring their enterprise to pass.…

Behold, therefore, how our men behaved themselves very well


hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. But
misfortune, or, rather, the just judgment of God, would have it, that
those which could not be overcome by fire nor water should be
undone by their own selves.…

They entered, therefore, into partialities and dissensions, which


began about a soldier named Guernache, which was a drummer of
the French bands, which, as it was told me, was very cruelly hanged
by his own captain,161 and for a small fault; which captain also using
to threaten the rest of his soldiers which staid behind under his
obedience, and peradventure, as it is to be presumed, were not so
obedient to him as they should have been, was the cause that they
fell into a mutiny, because that many times he put his threatenings
in execution, whereupon they so chased him, that at the last they
put him to death. And the principal occasion that moved them
thereunto was because he degraded another soldier named La
Chère, which he had banished, and because he had not performed
his promise; for he had promised to send him victuals from eight
days to eight days,162 which thing he did not, but said, on the
contrary, that he would be glad to hear of his death. He said,
moreover, that he would chastise others also, and used so evil
sounding speeches, that honesty163 forbiddeth me to repeat them.

The soldiers, seeing his madness to increase from day to day,


and fearing to fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him.
Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the soldier that
was banished, which was in a small island distant from Charlesfort
about three leagues, where they found him almost half dead for
hunger. When they were come home again, they assembled
themselves together to choose one to be governor over them,
whose name was Nicolas Barré, a man worthy of commendation,
and one which knew so well to quit himself of his charge, that all
rancor and dissension ceased among them, and they lived peaceably
one with another.

During this time they began to build a small pinnace, with hope
to return into France, if no succor came unto them, as they expected
from day to day. And though there were no man among them that
had any skill, notwithstanding, necessity, which is the mistress of all
sciences, taught them the way to build it. After that it was finished,
they thought of nothing else, save how to furnish it with all things
necessary to undertake the voyage. But they wanted those things
that of all other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without
which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having no means to
recover these things, they were in worse case than at the first, and
almost ready to fall into despair; but that good God, which never
forsaketh the afflicted, did succor them in their necessity.

As they were in these perplexities, King Audusta and Maccou


came to them, accompanied with two hundred Indians, at the least,
whom our Frenchmen went forth to meet withal, and showed the
king in what need of cordage they stood; who promised them to
return within two days, and to bring so much as should suffice to
furnish the pinnace with tackling. Our men, being pleased with these
good news and promises, bestowed upon them certain cutting-hooks
and shirts. After their departure, our men sought all means to
recover resin in the woods, wherein they cut the pine-trees round
about, out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantity to
bray164 the vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss which groweth
on the trees of this country, to serve to calk the same withal.

There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their
own shirts and of their sheets. Within few days after, the Indian
kings returned to Charlesfort with so good store of cordage, that
there was found sufficient for tackling of the small pinnace. Our
men, as glad as might be, used great liberality towards them, and,
at their leaving of the country, left them all the merchandise that
remained, leaving them thereby so fully satisfied, that they departed
from them with all the contentation165 of the world. They went
forward, therefore, to finish the brigantine, and used so speedy
diligence, that, within a short time afterward, they made it ready
furnished with all things. In the mean season the wind came so fit
for their purpose, that it seemed to invite them to put to the sea;
which they did without delay, after they had set all their things in
order.

But, before they departed, they embarked their artillery, their


forge, and other munitions of war which Capt. Ribaut had left them,
and then as much mill as they could gather together. But being
drunken with the too excessive joy which they had conceived for
their returning into France, or, rather, deprived of all foresight and
consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the winds, which
change in a moment, they put themselves to sea, and with so
slender victuals, that the end of their enterprise became unlucky and
unfortunate.

For, after they had sailed the third part of their way, they were
surprised with calms, which did so much hinder them, that in three
weeks they sailed not above five and twenty leagues. During this
time, their victuals consumed, and became so short, that every man
was constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by the day,
which may be in value as much as twelve peas. Yea, and this felicity
lasted not long; for their victuals failed them altogether at once, and
they had nothing for their more assured refuge, but their shoes and
leather jerkins, which they did eat.…

Beside this extreme famine, which did so grievously oppress


them, they fell every minute of an hour out of all hope ever to see
France again, insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water
continually out, that on all sides entered into their bark. And every
day they fared worse and worse; for, after they had eaten up their
shoes and leather jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind, and so
contrary to their course, that, in the turning of a hand, the waves
filled their vessel half full of water, and bruised it upon the one side.
Being now more out of hope than ever to escape out of this extreme
peril, they cared not for casting out of the water, which now was
almost ready to drown them. And, as men resolved to die, every one
fell down backward, and gave themselves over altogether unto the
will of the waves. When as one of them, a little having taken heart
unto him, declared unto them how little way they had to sail,
assuring them, that, if the wind held, they should see land within
three days, this man did so encourage them, that, after they had
thrown the water out of the pinnace, they remained three days
without eating or drinking, except it were of the seawater. When the
time of his promise was expired, they were more troubled than they
were before, seeing they could not descry any land.…
After so long and tedious travels, God, of his goodness, using his
accustomed favor, changed their sorrow into joy, and showed unto
them the sight of land. Whereof they were so exceeding glad, that
the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without
sense; whereby they let the pinnace float this and that way, without
holding any right way or course. But a small English bark boarded
the vessel, in the which there was a Frenchman which had been in
the first voyage into Florida, who easily knew them, and spake unto
them, and afterward gave them meat and drink. Incontinently they
recovered their natural courages, and declared unto him at large all
their navigation. The Englishmen consulted a long time what were
best to be done; and in fine they resolved to put on land those that
were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the Queen of England,
which purposed at that time to send into Florida.

[They finally reached England, having doubtless made the first voyage across
the Atlantic ever accomplished in an American-built vessel.]

III.—Laudonnière’s Search for


the Colonists.

[Laudonnière sailed with three ships, April 22, 1564, on an expedition in


search of the men whom Ribaut had left at Port Royal nearly two years before. He
reached the St. John’s River a little more than two months later.]

The second voyage into Florida, made and written by


Capt. Laudonnière, which fortified and inhabited there two summers
and one whole winter.…
The next day, the 23d of this month,166—because that toward the
south I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit, and
to build a fort,—I gave commandment to weigh anchor, and to hoist
our sails to sail toward the River of May,167 where we arrived two
days after, and cast anchor. Afterward going on land with some
number of gentlemen and soldiers, to know for a certainty the
singularities of this place, we espied the paracoussey168 of the
country, which came towards us,—this was the very same that we
saw in the voyage of Capt. John Ribaut. Which, having espied us,
cried very far off, “Antipola, antipola!” And, being so joyful that he
could not contain himself, he came to meet us, accompanied with
two of his sons, as fair and mighty persons as might be found in all
the world, which had nothing in their mouths but this word, “Ami,
ami;” that is to say, “Friend, friend!” Yea; and, knowing those which
were there in the first voyage, they went principally to them to use
this speech unto them. There was in their train a great number of
men and women, which still made very much of us, and by evident
signs made us understand how glad they were of our arrival. This
good entertainment passed, the paracoussey prayed me to go see
the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of John Ribaut—as we
have declared heretofore—as a thing which they made great account
of.
RIBAUT’S PILLAR DECORATED BY INDIANS.

(From a design by Lemoyne, one of Laudonnière’s companions.)

Having yielded unto him, and being come to the place where it
was set up, we found the same crowned with crowns of bay, and at
the foot thereof many little baskets full of mill,169 which they call in
their language tapaga tapola. Then, when they came thither, they
kissed the same with great reverence, and besought us to do the
like, which we would not deny them, to the end we might draw them
to be more in friendship with us. This done, the paracoussey took
me by the hand, as if he had desire to make me understand some
great secret, and by signs showed me very well up within the river
the limits of his dominion, and said that he was called Paracoussey
Satouriona, which is as much as King Satouriona. His children have
the selfsame title of paracoussey. The eldest is named Athore,—a
man, I dare say, perfect in wisdom, beauty, and honest sobriety;
showing by his modest gravity that he deserveth the name which he
beareth, besides that he is gentle and tractable. After we had
sojourned a certain space with them, the paracoussey prayed one of
his sons to present unto me a wedge of silver, which he did, and that
with a good will; in recompense whereof I gave him a cutting-hook
and some other better present, wherewith he seemed to be very
well pleased. Afterward we took our leave of them, because the
night approached, and then returned to lodge in our ships.

Being allured with this good entertainment, I failed not the next
day to embark myself again with my lieutenant, Ottigny, and a
number of soldiers, to return toward the paracoussey of the River of
May, which of purpose waited for us in the same place where, the
day before, we conferred with him. We found him under the shadow
of an arbor, accompanied with fourscore Indians at the least, and
apparelled at that time after the Indian fashion; to wit, with a great
hart’s skin dressed like chamois, and painted with devices of strange
and divers colors, but of so lively a portraiture, and representing
antiquity with rules so justly compassed, that there is no painter so
exquisite that could find fault therewith. The natural disposition of
this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that, without any
aid and favor of arts, they are able, by the help of Nature only, to
content the artisans,170 yea, even of those which by their industry
are able to aspire unto things most absolute.

Then I advertised Paracoussey Satouriona that my desire was to


discover farther up into the river, but that it should be with such
diligence that I would come again unto him very speedily; wherewith
he was content, promising to stay for me in the place where he was;
and, for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his goodly skin,
which I refused then, and promised to receive it of him at my return.
For my part, I gave him certain small trifles, to the intent to retain
him in our friendship.
IV.—The Capture of Fort
Caroline by the Spaniards.
[Laudonnière built a fort on the St. John’s River, just above St. John’s Bluff,
and named it Fort Caroline, but partly destroyed it, meaning to build vessels with
the materials. Don Pedro Menendez came to the Florida coast with a Spanish fleet,
and founded the town of St. Augustine. Ribaut took most of Laudonnière’s
soldiers, with his ships, and went to attack the ships of Menendez. Meanwhile the
Spaniards marched by land, five hundred in number, through swamps and across
streams, guided by a French deserter, to attack the fort. Laudonnière thus
describes what took place after Ribaut’s departure.]

The very day that he departed, which was the 10th of


September,171 there rose so great a tempest, accompanied with such
storms, that the Indians themselves assured me that it was the
worst weather that ever was seen on the coast. Whereupon, two or
three days after, fearing lest our ships might be in some distress,
I sent for Monsieur Du Lys unto me, to take order to assemble the
rest of our people to declare unto them what need we had to fortify
ourselves; which was done accordingly. And then I gave them to
understand the necessity and inconvenience whereinto we were like
to fall, as well by the absence of our ships, as by the nearness of the
Spaniards, at whose hands we could look for no less than an open
and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing they had taken land, and
fortified themselves so near unto us. And, if any misfortune were
fallen unto our men which were at sea, we ought to make full
account with ourselves that we were to endure many great miseries,
being in so small number, and so many ways afflicted as we were.
FORT CAROLINE.

Thus every one promised me to take pains; and therefore,


considering that their proportion of victuals was small, and that, so
continuing, they would not be able to do any great work,
I augmented their allowance; although that after the arrival of
Captain Ribaut my portion of victuals was allotted unto me as unto a
common soldier, neither was I able to give so much as a part of a
bottle of wine to any man which deserved it. For I was so far from
having means to do so, that the captain himself took two of my
boats wherein the rest of the meal was, which was left me of the
biscuits which I caused to be made to return into France. So that, if
I should say that I received more favor at the hands of the
Englishmen172 being strangers unto me, I should say but a truth. We
began, therefore, to fortify ourselves, and to repair that which was
broken down, principally toward the waterside, where I caused
threescore foot of trees to be planted, to repair the palisade with the
planks which I caused to be taken of the ship which I had builded.
Nevertheless, notwithstanding all our diligence and travail, we were
never able fully to repair it, by reason of the storms, which
commonly did us so great annoy, that we could not finish our
enclosure.
Perceiving myself in such extremity, I took a muster of the men
which Captain Ribaut had left me, to see if there were any that
wanted weapon. I found nine or ten of them, whereof not past two
or three had ever drawn sword out of a scabbard, as I think. Let
them which have been bold to say that I had men enough left me,
so that I had means to defend myself, give ear a little now unto me,
and, if they have eyes in their heads, let them see what men I had.
Of the nine, there were four but young striplings, which served
Captain Ribaut, and kept his dogs: the fifth was a cook. Among
those that were without the fort, and which were of the foresaid
company of Captain Ribaut, there was a carpenter of threescore
years old, one a beer-brewer, one old crossbow-maker, two shoe-
makers, and four or five men that had their wives, a player on the
virginals,173 two servants of Monsieur Du Lys, one of Monsieur De
Beauhaire, one of Monsieur De la Grange; and about fourscore and
five or six in all, counting as well lackeys as women and children.

Behold the goodly troop so sufficient to defend themselves, and


so courageous as they have esteemed them to be! And, for my part,
I leave it to others’ consideration to imagine whether Captain Ribaut
would have left them with me to have borrowed my men, if they had
been such. Those that were left me of mine own company were
about sixteen or seventeen that could bear arms, and all of them
poor and lean: the rest were sick and maimed in the conflict which
my lieutenant had against Utina.

This view being thus taken, we set our watches, whereof we


made two sentinels, that the soldiers might have one night free.
Then we bethought ourselves of those which might be most
sufficient, among whom we chose two, one of whom was named
Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other Monsieur De la Vigne, to whom
we delivered candles and lanterns to go round about the fort to view
the watch, because of the foul and foggy weather. I delivered them
also a sand-glass or clock,174 that the sentinels might not be
troubled more one than another. In the mean while, I ceased not,
for all the foul weather, nor my sickness which I had, to oversee the
corps de garde.175

The night between the 19th and 20th of September, La Vigne


kept watch with his company, wherein he used all endeavor,
although it rained without ceasing. When the day was therefore
come, and that he saw that it rained still worse than it did before, he
pitied the sentinels, so too [much] moyled176 and wet. And, thinking
the Spaniards would not have come in such a strange time, he let
them depart, and, to say the truth, he himself went unto his lodging.

In the mean while, one which had something to do without the


fort, and my trumpet,177 which went up unto the rampart, perceived
a troop of Spaniards which came down from a little knappe,178
where incontinently they began to cry alarm, and the trumpeter
also; which as soon as ever I understood, forthwith I issued out,
with my target and sword in my hand, and gat me in the midst of
the court, where I began to cry upon my soldiers.

Some of them, which were of the forward sort, went toward the
breach, which was on the south side, and where the munitions of
the artillery lay, where they were repulsed and slain. By the selfsame
place two ensigns179 entered, which immediately were planted on
the walls. Two other ensigns also entered on the other side toward
the west, where there was another breach; and those which were
lodged in this quarter, and which showed themselves, were likewise
defeated. As I went to succor them which were defending the
breach on the south-west side, I encountered, by chance, a great
company of Spaniards, which had already repulsed our men, and
were now entered, which drove me back unto the court of the fort.
Being there, I espied with them one called Francis Jean, which was
one of the mariners which stole away my barks, and had guided and
conducted the Spaniards thither. As soon as he saw me, he began to
say, “This is the captain.”
This troop was led by a captain,
whose name, as I think, was Don
Pedro Menendez. These made
certain pushes at me with their
pikes, which lighted on my target.
But perceiving that I was not able
to withstand so great a company,
and that the court was already
won, and their ensigns planted on
the ramparts, and that I had never
a man about me, saving one only,
whose name was Bartholomew,
I entered into the yard of my
lodging, into which they followed
me; and, had it not been for a tent
MENENDEZ. that was set up, I had been taken.
But the Spaniards which followed
me were occupied in cutting off the cords of the tent; and, in the
mean while, I saved myself by the breach which was on the west
side, near unto my lieutenant’s lodging, and got away into the
woods, where I found certain of my men which had escaped, of
which number there were three or four which were sore hurt.

Then spake I thus unto them, “Sirs, since it hath pleased God
that this mischance is happened unto us, we must needs take the
pains to get over the marshes unto the ships, which are at the
mouth of the river.” Some would needs go to a little village which
was in the woods: the rest followed me through the reeds in the
water; where, being able to go no farther, by reason of my sickness
which I had, I sent two of my men which were with me, which could
swim well, unto the ships, to advertise them of that which had
happened, and to send them word to come and help me. They were
not able that day to get unto the ships to certify them thereof: so
I was constrained to stand in the water up to my shoulders all that
night long, with one of my men which would never forsake me.
The next day morning, being scarcely able to draw my breath
any more, I betook me to my prayers, with the soldier which was
with me, whose name was John du Chemin; for I felt myself so
feeble, that I was afraid I should die suddenly. And in truth, if he
had not embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, it had
not been possible to save me. After we had made an end of our
prayers, I heard a voice, which, in my judgment, was one of theirs
which I had sent, which were over against the ships, and called for
the ship-boat; which was so indeed. And because those of the ships
had understanding of the taking of the fort by one called John de
Hais, master carpenter, which fled unto them in a shallop, they had
set sail to run along the coast, to see if they might save any:
wherein, doubtless, they did very well their endeavor. They went
straight to the place where the two men were which I had sent, and
which called them.

As soon as they had received them in, and understood where


I was, they came and found me in a pitiful case. Five or six of them
took me, and carried me into the shallop; for I was not able by any
means to go on foot. After I was brought into the shallop, some of
the mariners took their clothes from their backs to lend them me,
and would have carried me presently to their ships to give me a little
aqua vitae.180 Howbeit I would not go thither until I had first gone
with the boat along the reeds to seek out the poor souls which were
scattered abroad, where we gathered up eighteen or twenty of
them. The last that I took in was the nephew of the treasurer, Le
Beau. After we were all come to the ships, I comforted them as well
as I could, and sent back the boat again with speed, to see if they
could find yet any more.

For mine own part, I will not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth
me to have followed the truth of the history, whereof many are able
to bear witness which were there present. I will plainly say one
thing, that the long delay that Captain John Ribaut used in his
embarking, and the fifteen days that he spent in roving along the
coast of Florida before he came to our Fort Caroline, were the cause
of the loss that we sustained. For he discerned the coast the 15th of
August, and spent the time in going from river to river, which had
been sufficient for him to have discharged his ships in, and for me to
have embarked myself, to return into France.…

He was no sooner departed from us than a tempest took him,


which, in fine, wrecked him upon the coast, where all his ships were
cast away, and he with much ado escaped drowning, to fall into their
hands, which cruelly massacred him and all his company.

[The fate of Ribaut at the hands of Menendez, and the terrible vengeance
taken on the Spaniards by another Frenchman, Dominic de Gourgues, may be
found described in Parkman’s interesting book, “Pioneers of France in the New
World.”]
BOOK VIII.
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
(A.D. 1583.)
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