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1 | June 2019
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The Buhid-Mangyan Teen-Age Mothers: On their Maternal and Reproductive
Health Beliefs and Practices
Jersey Ann Reign A. Gabin, Qleous Blumei Fadrigon & Algeline S. Herrera
Mindoro State University Bongabong Campus
Labasan, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro
[email protected],
[email protected],
[email protected] Abstract – Early pregnancy is a global health issue, and has raised large numbers of campaigns and
awareness to lessen its occurrence. Concerns on early pregnancy is observed in indigenous communities,
however few were documented. This study explored the beliefs and practices of Buhid-Mangyan teenage
mothers relative to their maternal and reproductive health through qualitative-ethnography research method.
Seven teen-age mothers who fit the inclusion criteria participated in the study. Ethical considerations were
strictly followed in data gathering. In-depth interview and digital recording were the primary source of
information, and, transcribed for ethnographic analysis. The study confirmed the beliefs and practices of the
Buhid-Mangyan teen-age mothers from conception to giving birth. Major themes were generated such as
Maternal beliefs and practices during pregnancy and after pregnancy reproductive health practices, and early
pregnancy effects to maternal health. Notably subthemes were highlighted based on the transcription data
such as poverty, doubt to medical experts, credence to ancestral beliefs and practices, trust issues, and sexual
innocence. This proved that the young, teen-age mothers were innocent and have no big picture of what it is to
be a wife and a mother at the time when they had their vows for marriage and motherhood- more so to speak
on sexual innocence, child bearing and rearing.
Keywords – Teenage Pregnancy, Maternal Health, and Reproductive Health
INTRODUCTION
The Buhid-Mangyan indigenous group, located in remote and mountainous areas of Oriental Mindoro, has a
tradition of home birth assisted by their husband and untrained birth attendants. This practice often leads to
pregnancy-related problems and complications. The study aims to explore the maternal and reproductive health
of teenage mothers in Buhid-Mangyan, focusing on their beliefs and practices. The health status of these mothers
is poor due to low awareness and access to quality health services. Cultural differences and financial incapacity
also contribute to barriers to accessing health facilities.
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Pregnant Mangyan women and their family members are admitted to Balay Mangyan, where they can stay
until they give birth and recover. Early pregnancy is a global public health concern, and the Mangyan population is
estimated to be over 100,000. The Integrated Development Program for Indigenous Peoples in Southern Tagalog
(IDPIP-ST) recognizes that sexual reproductive health is a fundamental component of human rights, right to
health, and gender equality. The study aims to determine the health status, practices, and challenges among the
Buhid Mangyans of Occidental Mindoro.
According to the study of Mejia et.al., (2021), adolescent pregnancy carries a high risk of severe health issues
for both the mother and the newborn. Worldwide, 21 million adolescents give birth every year, with high
percentages in Latin America. Most of the risk factors are met in indigenous communities, which is an
underrepresented and poorly studied population (Mejia et.al., 2021)
There are a large number of cases of early pregnancy among Buhid-Mangyan teenagers who live in the remote
and mountainous area of Sitio Siange, Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro. This compromise their
tradition which states that once a young woman of the Buhid-Mangyan tribe begins her cycle, the tribe believes
that the young woman is ready for childbearing.
The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million Indigenous Peoples (IPs)
belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups. They are mainly concentrated in Northern Luzon (Cordillera
Administrative Region, 33%) and Mindanao (61%), with some groups in the Visayas area. Health services are
ruefully inadequate in their territories. RH services in the Philippines continue to fall short of demand. Women, in
particular those who cannot afford the services of the private sector, are directly affected as they are not given
much options on the RH services available in government health units (Corpuz, 2021).
Drawn from the above context of ideas, the researchers considered to explore the effects of early pregnancy to
the maternal and reproductive health manifested by the Buhid-Mangyan young women of Sitio Siange, Barangay
Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro. The analysis will help the researchers draw the significant factors of early
pregnancy to the maternal and reproductive health of Indigenous People (IPs) which facilitate better
understanding on the importance of sex education and family planning among indigenous people in Sitio Siange,
Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro. These are the pressing reasons why the researchers devote time to
undertake this research study to provide credible basis in answering some gaps with regard to the effects of early
pregnancy particularly to the maternal and reproductive health.
Review of the Literature
Exploring and identifying traditional maternal and infant care beliefs and practices
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Philippines ethnic group have their own naive, unique, primitive, and sometimes unusual health practices in
relation to their pregnancy and birth. Knowing the modern pregnancy and birth practices, the ethnic way can be
considered as unhygienic, septic, and risky for both the mother and the baby. The major factors that influence
their health practices are strategic remote location, lack of education, lack of primary health care from the
government and the primary factor are beliefs and tradition that were passed from different generations. The
prenatal and Natal Post-natal practices of Mangyan Women, aged 15-45 years of old of Alangan Tribe in Oriental
Mindoro.
The Family Medicine Research Group's study on Culture Sensitive Maternal and Newborn Care Program in
Oriental Mindoro (2011) found that Mangyans do not access pre-natal care services due to socio-economic,
geographical, and cultural differences. Pregnant women are often seen as "easy" and do not require medical
attention due to their beliefs about supernatural beings or evil spirits. They also avoid going outside the house or
in places where labang or nuno dwell, as they fear harm from these spirits.
Mangyans have traditional childbirth practices that conflict with medical methods, making it difficult to
convince them to deliver in health facilities. Traditional methods include not telling the husband about
contractions, using birth assistants, and delivering the baby in a squatting position with heels touching the lower
part of her buttocks and knees against the floor. The placenta is delivered first before the umbilical cords are cut,
and when delivery becomes difficult, tuob or daniw is performed to drive away evil spirits that prevent easy
delivery.
Beliefs and practices after childbirth
According to the study of Jose M., Leabres J. (2019), the traditional maternal and infant care beliefs and
practices in the Philippines are still dominant in contemporary Filipino culture and are perpetuated by close
female family relatives especially by indigenous people in the rural, remote and far-flung areas. For these
underdeveloped and sometimes inaccessible areas, deep hold of traditional pre-Christian folk beliefs and animism
characterized these ethnic communities (Palispis, 2012).
The Aetas being one of the most prominent ethnic minority groups found in the Philippines that have held on
to their cultural beliefs. Understandably, this indigenous group has been inhabiting the archipelago even before
the Spanish colonizers came though despite few accounts have been written. Early writers described them as
“small blacks” which roamed in the mountains living on roots and game which they killed with bows and arrows.
The Spaniards colonizers referred to them as “Negritos” or “Little Black One” being short, dark-skinned and kinky-
haired. Today they known by different names: “Ayta”, “Agta”, “Atta”, “Ati” and “Ita”. These names are usually
based on their geographical location, history, or relationship with other people and are spread over the island of
Luzon, including the Visayas and Mindanao. (David, 2011).
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In the Philippines, after birth or when a woman has a baby, she usually rests while her relatives do all the
housework and cooking. Many women can have difficulty coping with the daily routine of looking after a baby in a
country where they may not have the support of an extended family. Postpartum women may be massaged with
coconut oil, with the aim of restoring their lost health, expelling blood clots from the uterus, returning the uterus
into a normal position, and promoting lactation. Some women perform various practices for the purpose of
‘drying out’ the womb. For example, ‘mother roasting’ can involve lying beside a stove for up to 30 days, squatting
over a burning clay stove, sitting on a chair over a heated stone or a pot with steaming water, or bathing in smoke
from smoldering leaves (Cabigon, 1996).
In connection to our study, it opposed to the norms and beliefs of the indigenous women. After giving birth
they are the one who took care of themselves. Indigenous mother can easily cope up and do their daily routine,
same before they gave birth. Similarly, postpartum indigenous women also used to be massaged with coconut oil,
also based with their belief after giving birth in able for them to restore their lost health and maintain their
normal body composition.
Some Traditional practices (e.g., Female Genital Mutilation or early marriage) may impact on maternal and
child mortality. Whilst some indigenous peoples do follow such practices, so do many non-indigenous
communities. This issue has been included here not because it can represent a real barrier for indigenous women
accessing maternal healthcare. In addition, there are often sensitive in tackling or addressing it within indigenous
communities- particular communities which feel that all or many aspects of their culture are disparaged or are
threatened (United Nations Security Council Resolution, 1996).
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The aim of this paper is to study and describe the profile and explore the maternal and reproductive
health of Buhid-Mangyan young mothers in Sitio Siange, Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro. This
study will focus on the contributions of beliefs and practices on the Buhid-Mangyan’s reproductive and
maternal health. The researchers will examine the collected data about teenage pregnancy and its
contribution on the maternal and reproductive health. The result of this study is beneficial not only to the
respondents but also to the community.
Specifically, this study sought answers to the following:
1. The profile of the participants who experienced teenage pregnancy and related maternal and
reproductive health in terms of age and number of children; and number of years spent in formal
education.
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2. The beliefs and practices of Buhid-Mangyan in terms of maternal health (before, during, and after); and
reproductive health.
3. The effects of early pregnancy manifested by the Buhid-Mangyan people in terms of miscarriage,
maternal/infant mortality; and maternal morbidity.
MATERIALS AND METHODS
This section presented the research method, the sampling technique used in selecting the participants, the
research instrument, the data collection procedure and data analysis.
Research Design
The researchers used the ethnographic research method. This method helps the researchers explore the
beliefs and practices of Buhid-Mangyan and its contribution on their maternal and reproductive health by
conducting an unstructured interview with the participants. This study requires a scrupulous observation to attain
the set objectives.
A qualitative approach of ethnographic research studies the shared patterns of behaviors, language, and
actions of an intact cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period of time (Creswell,2014).
Sampling Technique and Participants
In selecting the participants, the researchers used a purposive sampling techniques – which is a form of
non-probability sampling where researchers rely on their own judgement when choosing members of the
population to participate in their surveys.
In our case, the researchers selected seven (7) members of the population who were most likely to fit in
the criteria: (1) identified as a mother at a young age, and (2) a member of Buhid-Mangyan tribe. The
researchers answered the research study and asked for the participants’ permission along with their spouses
before interviewing them. This sampling method allows the researchers to acquire available participants
around the location.
Research Instrument
The researchers utilized a semi-structured interview. This is a type of interview wherein few questions are
predetermined, but other questions aren’t planned. The researchers had an informal conversation with the
residents of Sitio Siange, Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro to determine the maternal and
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reproductive health condition of Buhid-Mangyan young mothers. The interview that the researchers
conducted was permitted by the Chairman of the Barangay to engage the participants in interactive
discussions. The researchers have (51) validated self-made questions, categorized by Maternal Health (Before,
During, After), Reproductive Health, and other category. The research objectives influenced the questions
made by the researchers. To obtain accurate results from the interviews, the researchers asked the
participants’ permission along with their spouse to film the whole interview session.
The researchers enlisted the help of two experts such as KTTO Coordinator and Research Coordinator of
Mindoro State University-Bongabong Campus. They provided a validation sheet they write down their
thoughts and suggestions. The suggestions are integrated into the instrument final output.
Data Collection Procedure
For the conduct of this research, the researchers sought permission in order to authorize the visit for the
interview through a letter addressed to the Chairman of the Barangay. Upon approval, the researchers
administered an interview with the Buhid-Mangyan young mothers that are residents of Sitio Siange, Barangay
Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro. The interview was unstructured wherein the researchers had
conversations to establish rapport with the key selected respondents. There were discussions done by the
researchers to compare the data gathered to determine their responses, and to identify some areas that need
to be clarified. The actual interview was filmed as per consent of the participants along with their spouse and
the Chairman of the Barangay.
Data Analysis
The researcher used narrative qualitative method of data analysis. Narrative analysis is a method used to
interpret research participants’ stories - things like testimonials, case studies, interviews and other text or
visual data. According to Riessman (2008), narrative analysis is a method for interpreting and analyzing the
stories that people tell about their experiences. The data generated through the interviews was analyze by
transcription and translating the responses of the participants. To clarify the categories in providing the central
theme, the researchers used coding process used by Wa-Mbaleka & Galstone (2018).
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
This section presents the results of the qualitative data which are organized by research questions and are
displayed by themes.
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1. Profiles of the participants who experienced early pregnancy and related maternal and reproductive health
Age and number of children
Early pregnancy occurs between 13 and 19 years old, with girls as young as ten occasionally becoming
pregnant. Buhid-Mangyan women face limited reproductive health services and face disparities in health.
Recognizing sexual reproductive health as a fundamental human right and promoting gender equality is crucial.
Indigenous people are often invisible in national censuses, highlighting the need for a study to assess health
status, practices, and challenges among Buhid Mangyan.
“Trenta na ngayon ang asawa ko, bente sya nung una kaming nagsama, tapos dise-sais ako noong
nagsama kami, bente-kwatro na ako ngayon. Bago kase ako nag asawa, nanganak muna ako noong kinse anyos pa
lang. Nagsama kami ay anak na namin ang aming pangalawa. Nag aaral pa kase ako. Dise-otso naman ako nung sa
pangatlo ko”, Participant 2 said.
The participants who experienced early pregnancy and related maternal and reproductive health ranges
from age of 15-18. There were six young mothers ages 15-17 years old when they got pregnant, and one young
mother aged 18 years old.
Number of years spent in formal education
The participants have low educational attainment due to their pregnancy. However, some of them did not
continue their studies because of lack of financial support and poverty.
“Hanggang Fourth Year High School lang po ang natapos ko dahil nag-asawa na ako.” (Participant 1.)
“Dise-syete (nag-asawa), pero hiwalay na kami ngayon, wala na akong asawa, nabuntis lang at grade 5 lang ang
tinapos ko”, Participant 5 stated.
Low educational attainment is both a cause and a consequence of teenage pregnancy. Many suffer from
having a family so early because of low educational support. According to UNESCO, teenage mothers are less
likely to finish their education, are more likely to bring up their child alone and in poverty and have a higher risk of
mental health problems than older mothers.
2. Beliefs and Practices of Buhid-Mangyan young mothers
MATERNAL
Before
Indigenous women usually trust their medical alternatives rather than experts and do not use any instruments
for their maternal and reproductive state. This is due to the fact that they have financial stability to afford things
like this for their health.
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“Nalalaman lang namin na buntis na kami kapag lagi nang inaantok, sariling pakiramdam lang. Tapos nahihilo,
nahihilo kase ako at nagsusuka noon. Tapos pag di na dinatnan ng regla.” (Participant 1) “Pag hindi na dinatnan ng
regla” added by participant 7. “Hindi (nagpapakonsulta sa doktor). Ayaw namin sa doktor dahil may mga
nagbabalita na kagaya nung COVID nung nakaraan na kapag tinurukan daw ay mamamatay din”, according to
participant 2.
Indigenous women were stronger before pregnancy, but now face reduced work opportunities and fear of
COVID, leading them to consult their "manghihilot" instead of visiting doctors or health centers.
During
Buhid-Mangyan believes in bad elements like aswang, manananggal, etc. They are guided with multiple beliefs
that they practice in their everyday lives. They have many medical alternatives, too.
“Nagpapahilot sa mga matatanda, may binibigay din na mga pinapainom kagaya ng mga piraso ng kahoy na
galling sa puno at nakababad sa likido, pero hindi nila sinasabi kung ano yun.” (Participant 3) “Naniniwala (aswang
o tiktik). Nagbibitbit lagi ng mga carmen-carmen o pnagontra. Pag matutulog dapat may tabon ang tiyan at dapat
manalangin” added by participant 6.
Indigenous people rely on elders' values and practice traditional practices, often lacking medical check-ups due
to financial instability and location. Indigenous social determinants of health, including colonization, contribute to
chronic disease rates and health equity gaps.
After
Indigenous people also have alternative birth procedures. The mother was being aided by her husband or other
family member available together with the traditional birth attendant or their traditional midwife. Though there
are times that only the husband does the birth procedure.
“Kinayas na kawayan o yung “hiling” (pinamputol sa pusod), binaon ang inunan sa bundok kasama nung pusod.”
(Participant 1) “Yung bulak na puti na pinausok sa akin (pagkatapos manganak). Para daw hindi mabinat. Ginawa
syang sigarilyo at pinasipsip sakin ang usok. Meron pang pinambalot sa kanya na dahoon”, added by participant 2.
After birth, women rest and wait for relatives to do housework and cooking. They allow wounds to heal
before bathing themselves. Bamboo trees or "hiling" were used to cut the child's umbilical cord, connecting
them to the mother.
Reproductive
Most of the Buhid-Mangyan women may marry or mating as part of their tradition, as they can live with
a husband as long as they have a child. This belief is still fresh with elders, but today's generation has a
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different perspective.
“Regular noon pero ngayon hindi na. Madalang nang datnan simula nung nagkaanak na.” “Wala po
akong ginagamit. Hinahayaan lang namin, walang kahit anong nilalagay. Minsan po kase ay hindi lumalabas
lahat ng dugo,” added by Participant 1.
Most of the indigenous people that lived with their husband at a very young age do not have enough
knowledge about mating as well as how to manage their maternal and reproductive health. Some were not
aware that it has a big possibility to produce a child after mating. Some do not use any menstrual pads or
instruments because they believe that the blood might stock and can’t flow.
3. Effects of early pregnancy manifested by the Buhid-Mangyan people
Miscarriage
A miscarriage is the loss of a pregnancy (the death of an embryo or fetus before it has developed
sufficiently to survive). This can happen even before a woman realizes she is pregnant. Miscarriages are
unfortunately quite common.
“Naglalapat lang ng mainit na tubig na nasa bote para lumabas lahat ng dumi na natira (pag naagasan).
Pwede din ang mga bato na ininit. Meron ding mga pinapainom pero mga matatanda kase ang kumukuha
kaya hindi din namin alam. Mapait ang lasa, mapakla,” said by Participant 1.
Medical plants are one of the medical alternatives aside from hot compress and a heated stone that
Buhid-Mangyan used to treat conditions including miscarriage of indigenous women.
Maternal Morbidity
Maternal morbidity is any short- or long-term health problems that result from being pregnant and
giving birth. It was the most encountered including high blood pressure, urinary tract infection (UTI) or
painful urination, and anemia.
“Hirap akong umihi nung buntis pa lang ako hanggang sa manganak. Masakit din pag umiihi.” “Hindi ko
na kayang gawin yung mga nagagawa ko dati tulad ng pagbubuhat ng mabibigat,” according to participant
7.
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According to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, severe maternal morbidity (SMM) includes
unexpected outcomes of labor and delivery that result in significant short- or long-term consequences to a
woman’s health. It is not entirely clear why SMM is increasing, but changes in the overall health of the
population of women giving birth may be contributing to increases in complications.
Infant Mortality
Infant mortality is the death of an infant before his or her first birthday. The infant mortality rate is the
number of infant deaths for every 1,000 live births. Therefore, infant mortality was the least encountered
where a child died due to external complications.
“Namatay ang bata nung pagkalabas dahil nagkasugat sa labi”, according to participant 4. While
participant 1 said, “Ampon ko lang po noon, namatay. Nagkasakit po, nagsuka tae. Tatlong linggo na bata pa
lang”, stated by participant 5.
Infant mortality also caused by a variety of factors, including poor sanitation, poor water quality,
maternal and infant malnutrition, insufficient prenatal and medical care, and the use of infant formula as a
breast milk substitute. Infant mortality rates reflect women's status and wealth disparities.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
CONCLUSIONS
The study reveals that participants in Buhid-Mangyan lack knowledge about maternal and reproductive
health, leading to reliance on their own medical alternatives and increased risk of pregnancy complications.
Location, lack of financial support, and young mothers' physical inability to conceive a child are significant factors
affecting their health. Beliefs and practices significantly impact maternal and reproductive health management in
this area.
RECOMMENDATIONS
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The study recommends expanding the research to the community and implementing an extension program
for indigenous women to manage maternal and reproductive health. Future studies should consider a diverse
sample, a mixed-methods approach, and explore indigenous beliefs and practices. These findings will inform
strategies to promote the health of indigenous people in Buhid-Mangyan.
APPENDIX
Appendixes, if needed, appear before the references.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The accomplishment of this Undergraduate Thesis would not been possible without the help of these people
who extended support, share knowledge and their time and invaluable help to make this study achievable. Thus,
it is only appropriate to appreciate and thank them.
a. Dr. Levy B. Arago Jr., University President, for giving the quality and relevant education to every student;
b. Dr. Nemesio H. Davalos, Vice President for Academic Affairs, for his support to all graduating students;
c. Dr. Ciedelle P. Salazar, Campus Executive Director, for her guidance and endless support to all graduating
students;
d. Dr. Romeo C. Castillo, Dean of College of Teacher Education, for allowing the researchers to conduct this
study;
e. To the panelists: Mrs. Zusette C. Aplaon, Major critic; Mr. Enrique T. Magalay, English Critic; and Dr.
Dionisio E. Brinosa, Chair, for sharing their wisdom and expertise to make this research study feasible;
f. Mrs. Algeline S. Herrera, M.Sc., the author’s adviser, for her comments, cautions, encouragement, and
ongoing assistance in completing the research work;
g. Mr. Ely Palermo, Barangay Captain of Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro for allowing the
researchers to distribute and administer research questionnaires in their barangay.
h. To the residents of Sitio Siange, Barangay Lisap, Bongabong, Oriental Mindoro, the respondents, sincere
appreciation for their time, effort, and participation during the study's evaluation;
i. To the researchers’ family, love ones, and friends, for their firm love, moral and financial support and
guidance will always be value and appreciated;
j. Above all, to Almighty God, the researcher was eternally appreciative for the courage, strength, wisdom
and life they have received. The greatest Glory belongs to God.
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REFERENCES
Strictly follow the numbered format of citation while observing the proper APA style of referencing.
(Journals)
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[10] Becker, J. (1976). The potentials and limitations of rational choice theory. Retrieved from
https://ejpe.org/journal/article/view/101 on June 10, 2012.
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The Phenomenon of Teenage Pregnancy in the Philippines. Retrieved from
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Firstname A. Lastname and the other authors may include biographies and photographs at the end of regular papers. Photographs, if provided, should be
cropped into 26mm in width and 32mm in height. The first paragraph may contain a place and/or date of birth (list place, then
date). Next, the author’s educational background is listed. The degrees should be listed with type of degree in what field, which
institution, city, state or country, and year degree was earned. The author’s major field of study should be lower-cased.
The second paragraph uses the pronoun of the person (he or she) and not the author’s last name. It lists military and work
experience, including summer and fellowship jobs. Job titles are capitalized. The current job must have a location; previous
positions may be listed without one. Information concerning previous publications may be included. Try not to list more than three
books or published articles. The format for listing publishers of a book within the biography is: title of book (city, state: publisher
name, year) similar to a reference. Current and previous research interests ends the paragraph.
The third paragraph begins with the author’s title and last name (e.g., Dr. Smith, Prof. Jones, Mr. Kajor, Ms. Hunter). List any memberships in professional
societies like the IEEE. Finally, list any awards and work for professional committees and publications. Personal hobbies should not be included in the
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Firstname B. Lastname includes the biography here.
Firstname C. Lastname includes the biography here.
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