“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”

Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Chapter 3

URDU JOURNALISM AND GENDER QUESTION IN

LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY

The cultural response and reaction of the Muslim community to the colonial system,
particularly after 1857 has been discussed in detail in the previous chapter. One of the
vehicles of coping with the pressure and tackling new challenges was journalism. It
not only aided in the political awakening of the community but also helped the
community in launching its efforts for a variety of causes, including modern western

ity
rs
education, social reform and women's question. The nineteenth century reforms were

ve
started by the urban educated elite who had proper means of communication at their

ni
U
disposal. Among the Indian Muslims, the late nineteenth century saw the emergence

lim
of a new powerful movement concerning the reform of women’s condition, it
us
obviously meant a movement for women education. This reform movement was
M

neither autonomous nor universal, instead of seeing it as a sharif reaction to

h
ar

colonialism, Faisal Devji conceives of it as a radical shift in an inter-Muslim dialogue

lig

resulting in formation of shurafa as a ‘distinct “Islamic” or “revivalist” polity’.1 The

A
y,

goal of these reformist men was to create women who would be better wives, better
ar
br

mothers, and better Muslims.2 This led to discussions and debates around the question
Li

of Muslim women and their reform- debates in both, the print and on the podium.
d
za

Particularly during 1870s, there emerged a trend in the print culture to address
A

women’s question. It comprised of novels, books on history of women, advice

na
la

manuals, information regarding household, child rearing and health. Having discussed
au

the formal meetings and associations in the previous chapter, this chapter will try to
M

analyze the gender question among the Indian Muslims in the late nineteenth century
through the study of Urdu journalism produced by the reformers. Also by then many
Muslim women had begun to write on the issue, so the writings of these lesser known
writers will also be discussed. Given that the goal of all the reformers was the same
i.e, the creation of better mothers, wives, and Muslims, but they differed in their
motivation, so different reformers, in their writing emphasized different aspects of

1
Faisal Fatehali Devji, ‘Gender and the politics of space: The movement for women's reform in
Muslim India, 1857–1900’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol.14, No.1, p.143.
2
Gail Minault, Secluded Scholars: Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1998, p. 215.

81
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

this ideal.3 This chapter will characterize a variety of these writings contained in the
Urdu women’s journals, newspapers, and magazines of the time and will attempt an
overview of such journals and their efforts to educate, modernize, and instill socio-
cultural, economic, and political consciousness in their readers throughout the first
half of the twentieth century 4.

The first Urdu newspaper, Jam-e-Jahan was published in 1822 from Calcutta.
In the North India, Delhi Urdu Akhbar was the first Urdu newspaper published from
Delhi in 1836. Post 1857, the Awadh Akhbar came out in 1858. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan
started the Aligarh Institute Gazette in 1866 and the Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq in 1870.

ity
rs
Munshi Sajjad Hussain started the Avadh Panch 1877 from Lucknow. These

ve
newspapers and periodicals offered a venue for realistic fiction and sociopolitical

ni
U
writing. They contained articles and generated debates on political, educational, and

lim
socio-cultural topics. These journals became a platform of “broader colonial
us
transactions” fostering “intellectual-cultural-literary encounters” between the East and
M

the West.5 Given the patriarchal setting of the time, writing and publishing being a
h
ar

public activity was seen as a masculine domain. Thus, these Urdu publications were
lig

androcentric in nature, mostly publishing articles written by men for men, with a
A
y,

smattering of a small number of pieces written by women. Also the limited

ar
br

educational opportunities for women explain their dearth as the producers and
Li

consumers of such literature. It was only towards the late 19th century that Urdu
d
za

women’s journals began to be published with a view to reform and educate them and
A

by early 20th century, the number of such publications increased many fold.6 It makes
na

sense why eminent postcolonial scholar Gayatri Spivak felt compelled to claim that
la
au

South Asian women have no meaningful "voice" at all. Even if she could be heard
M

speaking, a patriarchal language that established what was permissible for women to

3
Secluded Scholars, p. 62.
4
On importance of print technology, see Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of
Change, Vol. 1. Cambridge University Press, 1980; Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in
Early Modern France, Stanford University, Stanford, Press, 1975.
5
M. Asaduddin, ‘First Urdu Novel: Contesting claims and Disclaimers,’ The Annual of Urdu Studies,
Vol. 16, 2001, p. 82.
6
The first among such periodicals was the Bamabodhini Patrika (1863), founded by Umeshchandra
Dutta with the goal of educating Bengali women. Ananthini (1875) became the first Bengali
periodical to be edited by a woman. See Vasudha Dalmia, The Nationalization of Hindu Traditions:
Bharatendu Harischandra and Nineteenth-Century Banaras, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
2005, p. 245.

82
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

think, do and say restricted what she could say.7 Yet, despite obstacles, South Asian
women managed to convey a sense of self, however muffled, obscure, or hidden that
may be. “Writing, with its potential for public communication, for entering the world
of others, could be considered no less a transgression than unveiling. In both, a
woman expresses/exposes herself publicly. Through both, an absence becomes a
presence.” 8 Historians have been using unconventional a sources such as diaries,
biographical accounts, novels, religious treatises, interviews, poetry, architecture, etc
to trace the history of such women. 9 One of the means of reclaiming South Asian
women’s voices is the study of the contemporary women's periodicals. Attempting the

ity
same, this chapter will focus on journals and magazines by and for the Muslim

rs
women of colonial India from late nineteenth to early twentieth century.

ve
ni
U
Among such periodicals some were edited exclusively by women, some were

lim
edited by men only, some were jointly edited by men and women. In any case, they
us
provided a platform to interact with one another in many ways. Women read
M

interesting leisure reading material, learned about the social reform movements in
h
ar

Islam and the British government, shared parenting and household management
lig

techniques, explained cultural practices of women from other countries, improved

A
y,

their writing skills, and shared personal news through periodicals. Women also voiced
ar
br

their opinions on the most debated issues at the time, including purdah, education,
Li

marriage, polygamy, franchise, the Age of Consent issue, etc.

d
za

The study of women’s writings to know their history has been a recent
A
na

phenomenon. Marilyn Booth studied women’s biographical writings in various

la

Egyptian newspapers and periodicals to demonstrate women’s participation in

au
M

7
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ in Colonial Discourse and Postcolonial
Theory: A Reader, 1993, pp. 66–111, esp. 90
8
Farzaneh, Milani, Veils and Words: The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers, Syracuse
University Press, Syracuse, NY, 1992, p. 6.
9
For further explication of this idea and many examples, Malavika Karlekar, Voices from Within:
Early Personal Narratives of Bengali Women, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1993; Tanika
Sarkar, Words to Win: The Making of Amar Jiban—A Modern Autobiography, Kali for Women,
New Delhi, 1999; Mythily Sivaraman, Fragments of a Life: A Family Archive, Zubaan, New Delhi,
2006; Aparna Basu and Malavika Karlekar, In So Many Words: Women’s Life Experiences from
Western and Eastern India, Routledge, New Delhi, 2008; Anshu Malhotra and Siobhan Lambert-
Hurley (eds)., Speaking of the Self: Gender, Performance, and Autobiography in South Asia, Duke
University Press Durham, NC, 2015.

83
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Egyptian nationalism and modernity 10. She attempted to know “what women were
doing, not simply to hear the oratory of male intellectuals debating ‘women’s
status’”.11 Beth Baron’s work on Egyptian women’s periodicals shows how the new
literary form provided a forum for an avid readership to engage with other readers and
editors.12 In the context of colonial India, Shobana Nijhawan and Francesca Orsini
studied the women‘s journals published in Hindi; Padma Anagol has studied women’s
writings in Marathi periodicals; Jayeeta Bagchi, Ipshita Chanda, Ghulam Murshid and
Meredith Borthwick have worked on Bengali women‘s periodicals; likewise, Gail
Minault has studied women’s Urdu journals to trace women’s history in colonial

ity
North India.13

rs
ve
Chronological Overview of Women’s Periodicals:

ni
U
The first Urdu women‘s periodical Rafeeq-e-Niswan was founded by Isabella

lim
Thobourn in 1884 in Lucknow.14 In 1885, the Akhbar-un-Nisa was found by Syed
us
M
Ahmad Dehlavi but the reaction was so hostile that he soon had to give it up.15 In
h
ar

Hyderabad, Maulvi Muhibb-e-Hussain (18??- 1930) founded the monthly Muallim-e-

lig

Niswan in 1886 or 1887. He propounded gender equality and wrote extensively on

A

restoration of women’s rights as given in Islam, based on Quran and Hadith. Women
y,
ar

readers and contributors to the publication were particularly active. In addition to

br

articles on women who may serve as role models, educational essays, writings
Li
d

describing historical women's movements, and articles encouraging women to pursue

za
A

professional studies, it also published poems, short tales, plays, and other literary
na
la
au

10
See Marilyn Booth, May Her Likes Be Multiplied: Biography and Gender Politics in Egypt,
University of California Press, Berkeley, 2001.
M

11
Ibid., p. xvii.
12
Beth Baron, The Women’s Awakening in Egypt: Culture, Society, and the Press, Yale University
Press, New Haven, CT, 1994.
13
See Padma Anagol, Emergence of Feminism in Colonial India, 1850-1920, Ashgate Publishing
Ltd., Farnham, U.K,, 2005; Meredith Borthwick, The Changing Role of Women in Bengal 1849-
1905, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1984; Ipshita Chandra and Jayeeta Bagchi, Shaping the
Discourse: Women’s Writings in Bengali Periodicals 1865-1947, School of Women‘s Studies,
Jadavpur University, Kolkata, 2014; Shobna Nijhawan, Periodical Literature in Colonial North
India: Women and Girls in Hindi Public Sphere, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2012; Gail
Minault, Secluded Scholars and her other works cited in bibliography.
14
She also founded a girls’ school in Lucknow which later on transformed into Isabella Thobourn
College. See ‘Literary Notes: Muhammadi Begum: and Tehzeeb un Niswan,’ Dawn, November 2,
2015.
15
Gail Minault, Gender, Language and Learning: Essays in Indo-Muslim Cultural History,
Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2009, p. 146. I could not find any copies of Akhbar, TN mentions it
as a source of inspiration, TN (6july 1918): 430.

84
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

works. Through argumentative articles and debates, it condemned social ills such
women's subjugation, the mistreatment of widows, purdah, and polygamy.16 It also
published literary works such as Abdul Halim Sharar’s novel, Badrunnissa ki
Musibat- a social reform tract with an anti-purdah message.17 It was closed down in
1901 due to one of its controversial articles on purdah. 18 The Shareef Bibiyan, a
montly was started from Lahore by Munshi Mahboob Alam in 1893, however it was
soon closed down and restarted in 1910 under the editorship of Munshi’s daughter,
Fatima Begam as Sharif Bibi. It contained articles on women’s education, purdah,
women’s dress code, health, child rearing, biographies of prominent women, etc. The

ity
famous literary novel Gudadh ka Lal19 was also serialized in it. The general tone of

rs
the periodical was lighter than its contemporary journal 20 , The Tehzib-un-Niswan

ve
ni
which was started by Syed Mumtaz Ali (1860-1935) and his wife Muhammadi Begam

U
(1878-1908) in 1898 from Lahore. 21 After her death in 1908, Mumtaz’s daughter

lim
Waheeda Begam took up the editorship. Tehzib, a weekly published articles on
us
M
education, household management, child-care, creative writing, etiquette, etc. It also
h

contained information on women’s meeting, associations and fund raising drives for
ar
lig

schools. It continued till 1950’s under the guidance of Mumtaz Ali’s son Syed Imtiaz
A

Ali Taj. In 1904, Shaikh Abudullah (1874-1965) started a monthly journal, the
y,
ar

Khatoon to mobilize Muslim public opinion in favour of women’s school education.

br

It served as the journal of Women’s Education Section of MEC and projected ideas
Li

and writings favoring women’s education. It continued for 10 years and ceased its
d
za

publication in 1914.22 In 1906 another monthly the Pardah-Nasheen was started by

A
na

Mrs. Khamosh, wife of Shaikh Husainuddin Khamosh from Agra. It favoured purdah
la

and published articles on education, reforming the household, healthcare, handicraft,

au
M

16
Files of Muallim-e-Niswan are located in the library of Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Urdu, Hyderabad and
few files are in Sajun Lal collection of newspapers at the Library of Osmania University,
Hyderabad, cited from Secluded Scholars, p.108. Rekhta also contains various issues of the journal
from 1886-1901.
17
M.N, 11, 3, (1897):8-51. Sharar wrote other novels with the similar themes such as Agha Sadiq ki
Shadi. Shaista Ikramullah has summarized both in her A Critical Survey of the Development of the
Urdu Novel and Short Story, Longmans, Greens and Co., London, 1945, pp. 81-85.
18
The article compared purdah to ancient Greek custom of tying a chastity belt on women, whenever
their men went on war or voyage. ‘Purdeh se tou iqfal accha hai,’ M.N, Vol.13, No.10, (1900): 12-
13.
19
Its author was the wife of Muhammad Fazl Ali and the mother of S.M.Afzal Ali. See A Critical
Survey, pp. 141-6.
20
Secluded Scholars, p.149.
21
Its partial files are located in MAL, AMU, some files are also available on Rekhta.
22
It will be dealt separately in next chapter.

85
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

childcare, etc.23 Rashid-ul-Khairi (1868-1936)24 started his monthly journal Ismat in

1908 from Delhi, targeting "respectable Indian women." Considering its name, which
means purity or chastity, Ismat shared a unified objective with the plot of Khairi's
novels. Its literary endeavors aimed to improve the condition of women, viewing them
as subjects of amelioration. The emphasis on respectability in the journal was driven
by a significant motive to avoid the moral objections and attacks faced by other
women's journals like Tehzib. In this regard, Ismat achieved success, after relocating
to Karachi in 1947, it continued to be published and featured the works of numerous
renowned Urdu women writers of the twentieth century until recently.25

ity
rs
The monthly Al-Hijab appeared from Bhopal from 1909 under the editorship

ve
of Maulana Qaisar Bhopali, it mostly published religious and didactic articles.

ni
Another monthly the Zill-us-Sultan 26 appeared from Bhopal from 1913 under the

U
lim
editorship of Muhammad Amiz Zubairi, it was the official journal expressing the
us
social reform and education endeavours of Begam Sultan Jahan of Bhopal. It mostly
M

published articles about education, marriage, health, women’s condition in other

h
ar

countries; it also contained information about women’s meetings, associational

lig

activity and founding of girl’s schools 27 and activities associated with the Aligarh
A
y,

movement. From 1914 onwards, it also published the proceedings of Women’s

ar
br

Education Section of the MEC. The proceedings were published in the Khatoon until
Li

1914, when Shaikh Abdullah and Waheed Jahan became preoccupied with their
d
za

boarding school. The An-Nissa, a monthly was started in 1919 from Hyderabad by
A

Sughra Humayun Mirza. It mostly published articles by women on the issues of

na

education, cleanliness, nursing, reform of customs, many of Sughra’s travelogues

la
au

were also serialized in it. 28 Ustani, a monthly journal from Delhi was started by
M

23
Its partial files are located in URC and AMU and on Rekhta.
24
Rashidul Khairi, a prominent Urdu novelist in the 20th century, stood out among the reformers and
literary personalities of his era, alongside figures like Ashraf Ali Thanawi, Mumtaz Ali, and Shaikh
Abdullah. Actively engaging in the burgeoning print culture, Khairi played a pivotal role in
advancing Urdu as a literary medium for prose expression. Renowned as "musavvir-e-gham"
(portrayer of sorrow) throughout his prolific career, he gained fame for his emotionally charged and
widely acclaimed narratives depicting the tragic destinies of oppressed women.
25
Gail Minault, ‘Urdu Women’s Magazines in the Early Twentieth Century’ in Eunice De Souza
(ed.), Purdah An Anthology, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2004, pp.144-154.
26
Its files are located in URC, AMU, and Rekhta.
27
For example, see Zill-us-Sultan 5,1 (June 1917): 1-4.
28
Its files are located in URC and Rekhta, Sughra later also published journal Zeb-un-Nissa from
Lahore in 1934.

86
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Khawaja Bano in 1922.29 In Amritar, Saheli emerged in 1924 under the editorship of
Noushaba Khatun, Khadija Begum, Rokiya Begam Raqi, and Mumtaz Rafi Beg, it
was later shifted to Lahore and converted from a fortnightly to monthly.30 It contained
articles on women’s rights in Islam, education, purdah, reform of useless customs,
etc. Begam Abdul Gafoor started her monthly Harem from Pelibheet, U.P in 1926
Other prominent monthly periodicals were Hamjoli31 (f. 1926, from Hyderabad under
Syeda Begam Khwshgi), Khawateen (1927 by Mufti Syed Shah Abu Khair Ahmad
Sofi in Hyderabad), Banat (1927, Lahore), Hareem (by Naseem Inhonvi in 1928 from
Luknow), Khatun-e-Mashriq (in 1929 by Khursheed Iqbal Haya from Meerut), to

ity
mention a few.

rs
The above mentioned journals, newspapers and magazines were aimed at

ve
ni
women’s uplift, designed in principal for a female audience and meant for domestic

U
circulation. Almost all of them confined themselves to social aspect of the reform

lim
process publishing debates, reports, essays, short stories, and fiction regarding social
us
M
issues such as domesticity, thrift, household management, cookery, handicrafts,
h

gender equality, women’s education, purdah, polygamy, health and hygiene, and
ar
lig

childcare. Women’s own travelogues, biographies of prominent Muslim women and

A

information about the women of other countries were regularly printed. The
y,
ar

information about women’s meetings and associations also formed a part of such
br

publications. Overall, the articles contained in these periodicals were mostly literary,
Li

moral, didactic and secular. These journals “stressed enlightened domesticity with a
d
za

mixture of topics that could be described as a naturalized Indian version of the Ladies
A
na

Home Journal”32. In terms of general appearance, print, paper quality, and texture, the
la

Urdu women's journals published in India appeared to be inferior than their British or
au

American counterparts.33 In general, most of the journals kept away from religious
M

matters, keeping at bay the confrontations on that front. On political front, these
periodicals very subtly subscribed to colonial policy of de-politicization.34

29
Its files are located in URC.
30
Its files are located in URC and Rekhta
31
Its files are located in URC.
32
Secluded scholars, pp. 106-07. The Ladies’ Home Journal (f.1883) was one of the most popular
women’s magazines in America.
33
Fatima Rizvi, ‘Women and Urdu Periodical Literature/Urdu Journalism (1900-1950)’, Urdu
Studies, Vol. 3, 2021, p. 9.
34
Anwar Shaheen, ‘Patriarchal Education and Print Journalism: Their Emancipating Impact on
Muslim Women of India During 1869-1908’, Pakistan Journal of History & Culture, Vol. 30, No.2,
Jul 1, 2009, p. 28.

87
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

88
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

89
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

90
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

91
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

92
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

93
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

94
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

95
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

96
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

97
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

98
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

99
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

100
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

101
“Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

ity
rs
ve
ni
U
lim
us
M
h
ar
lig
A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

102
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Almost all the journals published content which can be broadly arranged into
following sections:

Literature on Guidance and Advice:

It included articles on household management, thrift, financial prudence, care

of family particularly husband and children, articles conjugal life, health and hygiene,
cooking, sewing, embroidery, home-made medicine disease prevention, etc.35 Various
themes containing didactic messages or highlighting women’s issues were discussed
in the form of fictional literature, novels and short stories. Poetry also carried many

ity
themes, Nazr Sajjad Hyder, Sughra Humayun Mirza, and Altaf Hussain Hali were

rs
ve
among the main contributors.

ni
U
Editorials:

lim
us
Editorials usually appeared in the starting or at the end of a periodical with
M

titles such as Khabrein aur Note, Halaat-i-Haazira, Zanana Khabrein aur Raayein. It
h
ar

feautured articles and news items, either directly focusing on women or indirectly
lig

related to them, on a variety of subjects of regional, national, and international

A
y,

significance. Issues such as Sati, domestic violence, child marriage, polygamy, dowry,
ar

superstition, purdah, need for women’s education, woman’s physical fitness.

br
Li

Advertisements:
d
za
A

Advertisements usually appeared towards the end of the journal. They were of
na

various categories such as advertisement about suitable literature, novels, books,

la
au

stories, poetry for women; job related advertisements; matrimonial, health, beauty and
M

jewellery, burqa36 related advertisement, etc.

Essays:

This section contained proceedings, reports and information about various

organizations, associations and clubs. Reports and news about opening of women’s
schools, organizing women’s meetings and associations were frequently published.

35
For instance see articles such as “Tarbiyat-e-aulaad” in Shareef Bibi (June 1910): 7-8.
36
For example see, Tehzib un Niswan (13 July 1901): 217-19. Muhammadi Begam suggests some
changes to make burqa more comfortable.

103
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Some journals served as mouthpieces of organizations such as Khatoon which served

as the mouth piece of Women’s Education Section of MEC. Likewise Zill-us-Sultan
served as the mouthpiece of the reform project of Begam Sultan Jahan of Bhopal.
Various reformative articles about other nations such as Turkey, Egypt, China, Japan,
etc were also published.

Accounts:

Biographical and autobiographical accounts of prominent Muslim of India,

Turkey, Egypt and European women of Russia, Britian, France etc were published.

ity
Such women were pioneers in politics, education or reform, they were portrayed as

rs
ve
role models worthy of imitation. Among Indian women Mughal women such as

ni
Gulbadan Begam, Mumtaz Mahal, Jahan Ara, Zeb-un-Nisa were discussed; Hindu

U
women such as Rani Padmavati, Tarabai and Rani Mira Bai also figured in the write

lim
ups. Among the western women, Queen Vitoria was frequently discussed among
us
M
“historically verifiable women”.37Accounts of lives of the ladies associated with the
h

38
ar

Prophet such as Hazrat Fatima and Hazrat Khadijah were also published.
lig

Contemporary women reformers, activists, writers were also regularly featured in

A

such journals such as Begum Sultan Jahan, Muhammadi Begum 39, Ashraf-un-Nisa
y,
ar

(1846-1903), etc. Connecting to the larger Islamic world (the Middle East) was very
br

crucial in the forging of Muslim identity. So the magazines mostly contained the life
Li
d

accounts of Eastern (Middle Eastern in particular) women rather than western women,
za
A

this addressed the task of reforming Indian Muslims without losing their religious
na

identity. Doing so would also ensure a stance against the colonial critique of Muslim
la
au

37
Ruby Lal, Coming of age in nineteenth-century India: The girl-child and the art of playfulness,
M

Cambridge University Press, USA, 2013, pp. 48-9. The discussions on Queen also received a lot of
space in the didactic literature of the time such as in Nazir Ahmad's Mirat- al-Arus and Hali's
Majalis un Nissa.
38
It is intriguing to note that another wife of Prophet, Hazrat Ayesha does not figure in these journals,
this could have been because of her early marriage with the Prophet, not falling in line with the anti
child-marriage stance of these journals. Ayesha’s overall absence from Muslim history is also noted
by Fatima Mernessi In Women in Islam: A Historical and Theological Enquiry, 1991, pp. 5-6.
According to Mernessi, Fatima has been ignored in overall Muslim history writing because of her
role in the lives of the first two Caliphs, and her part in the destabilization of the third, Uthman, and
her stance against the fourth Caliph in ‘The Battle of Camel’. Mernessi adds that the Historians
named the battle after the animal Ayesha was riding and not after Ayesha ‘‘thereby avoiding linking
this battle to the name of a woman”.
39
Writings of Muhammadi Begum are: Rafiq Uroos, Anmool Mooti, Safiya Begum, Imtiaz Pachisi,
Heyat-i-Ashraf, Sachay Mooti, Adab Mulaqat, Taj Geet, Seghad Beti, Nemat Khana, Dil Pasand
Kahaniya, Taj Phool, Paan Ki Ghelori, Aaj Kal, Khan Rehat, Chand Har, Teen Behnu ki Kahani.
See Tehzib un Niswan, 4 July, 1918 Jubilee issue for the list of books.

104
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

civilization in general. Travel accounts also appeared in most of these magazines.

They were frequently written with the intention of familiarizing readers with foreign
cultures and lifestyles, keeping them informed of happenings, providing images of
monuments, or just to amuse them by reporting humorous stories. These writings see
travel as a technique of encouraging learning and developing information about both
pan-Indian cultures and traditions as well as the life styles of other countries. For
example Sakina Khatoon (Miss Tyabji) published an article in Khatoon in 1905 titled
“Bombai ki Numaish: Seġh-e Sanat-e Niswan” (The Bombay Exhibition: The Women
Artisan’s Group) detailing about the recently concluded all-women exhibition at

ity
Bombay.40 Accounts of Hajj pilgrimage were regularly published by these journals41.

rs
Besides women's travelogues, extracts from men's travelogues42 were also published.

ve
ni
They kept people up to date on world events, particularly political and socioeconomic

U
changes. "Albnia ki Auratein," published by Hari Chand Akhtar in Tehzb-e Niswan

lim
(1927), analyses legislation governing and safeguarding women, and depicts habits
us
M
and lifestyles of women from various strata of society, as well as their art, craft, and
h

sources of subsistence.43
ar
lig

Feedback section:
A
y,
ar

Readers frequently sent letters to the editor expressing their views. This
br

created a connection among the editors and the readers and made the debated more
Li
d

engaging and inclusive. For example, a widow woman’s letter to the editor of the
za
A

Tehzib-un-Niswan complaining about the lack of attention to the issues of widows

na

triggered debates about the question of widows in the subsequent issues of the
la

journal.44
au
M

Issues Discussed in the Journals:

According to Gail Minault, these periodicals were a kind of masala or mixture

that provided information about women's health, parenting, recipes, nutrition, the
opening of new schools, particularly for girls, women's creative writing in the form of

40
Khatoon 2, 5 (May, 1905) : 199-208
41
See Nafis Dulhan, ‘Safar-e-Hajj’, T.N (1927): 23-27, 107-111.
42
See Mumtaz Ahmad Farouqui, ‘Rail ka Safar’, T.N (1927): 160-63.
43
T.N, 1927, pp. 447-451.
44
See T.N, August 24, 1901. See also other issues of the same year.

105
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

short stories, novels, and poetry, "news items about the various women
organisations," debates about the structure of education, and "women's rights within
an Islamic framework." 45 To Margot Badran the sheer act of a woman writing a
memoir in a culture where “private life, family life, inner feelings and thoughts” were
“sacrosanct” is a “feminist act.”46 The same could be applied to women’s writing in
these journals. In a “veiled society,” women are not alone in being veiled: “the
concrete, the specific, and the personal are also veiled. Communication is veiled.
Words and feelings are veiled.” To transgress the “contrived form of silence” means
unveiling one’s voice, even if not one’s body.47 So, these magazines are a kind of

ity
unveiling by women. These magazines not only delivered reform message to women

rs
but also sought to familiarize them with life outside of their families, in other social

ve
ni
frameworks, even in other countries. These discussed a wide range of issues, kept

U
readers up to date on world events, presented new role models; supported education

lim
among women and promoted modernism and reform in accordance with pan-Islamic
us
M
values. The women's journals also encouraged sisterhood bonds and network building
h

among the women without even coming out of their homes. This wider intellectual
ar
lig

engagement also assisted women in developing a broader perspective of gender

A

issues. A thematic analysis of the issues discussed in these journals from 1880’s -
y,
ar

1920’s is given below:

br
Li

Purdah:
d
za
A

We have already discussed in the first chapter the definition of purdah, its
na

changing form in 19th-20th century India and how its long-standing predominance
la

hampered women's movement and visibility in the public realm. In the women’s
au
M

magazines too, purdah remains a widely debated issue, the women writers in these
periodicals have varying reactions to purdah, they employed numerous reasons to
discredit the practise of purda in order to carve out a niche in a public realm. An
anonymous women published an article about purdah in Tehzib-un-Niswan in 1901
where she made a strong point against purdah:

45
Secluded Scholars, p 106.
46
Margot Badran, preface to Huda Shaarawi, Harem Years: The Memoirs of an Egyptian Feminist,
translated and with an introduction by Margot Badran, Virago, London, 1986, p. 1.
47
Farzaneh Milani, Words, Not Swords: Iranian Women Writers and the Freedom of Movement,
Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, NY, 2011, p. xix.

106
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

“While the Pre-Islamic practice of burying the girls had declined, the people still act
in an ignorant and uncivilized way, keeping their daughters hidden in same way as
mangoes are kept in boxes. . .Women are compelled to follow purdah not in front of
men only but also other women. . . the practice had been so terrible that they
[women] weren't even permitted to go outside on their terraces to get some fresh
air.”48

She criticized the women contributors writing against purdah but following
the same in their personal lives and urged the women to meet each other directly
rather than just knowing each other via writing.49

ity
The article fetched a response from another women contributor to the Tehzib,

rs
ve
Zubaida Khatun from Lahore. She was shocked by the strictness with which the

ni
anonymous writer described the implementation of purdah and remarked that it was

U
lim
not so strict in her home. She opposed the tradition of purdah claiming that it was
us
pointless to observe such an archaic practice.50 The practice of purdah was so rigid
M

that women hardly used their real names while publishing articles. It wasn't until
h
ar

1914, six years after her death that Muhammadi Begam’s name was printed on the
lig

cover page of her journal. 51 Hussaini Begam raised the issue in Tehzib. Instead of
A
y,

using the names of their male family members (father, husband, son, brother), she
ar

advised the women contributors to use Ms. or Mrs. Before their names. 52 Tehzib
br
Li

mentions in another article that the purdah was so intense that while making a
d
za

delivery, the post master could not publically mention the names of women
A

addressee.53
na
la

Dr. Begam Abdul Gafoor wrote various articles in her journal Harem
au

disregarding the religious basis of purdah by attempting a rational reinterpretation54

M

of Islamic scriptures from a woman’s view point. She demonstrates women’s

participation in public sphere at the time of the Prophet by quoting the verses from

48
Tehzib un Niswan, (16 November, 1901), 366-67.
49
Ibid., 327.
50
Tehzib un Niswan, (23 November, 1901), 376.
51
See issues of Tehzib un Niswan from October 1914 onwards
52
Tehzib un Niswan, (3 December, 1904).
53
Tehzib un Niswan, (28 January, 1905), 21.
54
This was an anticipation of the thoughts of later day Islamic feminists such as Fatima Mernissi,
Asma Barlas and Amina Wadud. They also use the same methodology to highlight the patriarchal
biases in the androcentric interpretations.

107
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Surah Aal-e-Imran and Surah Al-Baqarah. She further argued that in the time of the
Prophet, women were sentenced to imprisonment in their homes for committing
adultery and mockingly asserted that purdah which imprisons women in their homes,
is equivalent to the penalty for committing adultery.55 In another article she used the
book of Maulvi Ahmad Mukhtar Sahib Abbasi to demonstrate that the purdah
practiced in Indian was customary not religious. 56 In her article Sughra Humayun
Mirza argued that purdah predates the birth of Islam and was then used in Egypt and
some European counties. She described how during the time of the Prophet, women
enjoyed greater freedom, they took part in wars alongside men, received education

ity
from men, and even taught other men, as in the example of Hafiz Ibn Asakir. 57 She

rs
disdains Indian’s for building houses that led to unhealthy physical development of

ve
ni
women by depriving them of proper air and light.58 She laments the fact that given the

U
condition of Muslim women, the European’s call them as “soulless bodies”59

lim
us
When some Muslim women such as Ruttie Jinnah, Nishat-un-Nisa Begam ,
M

Mrs.Yakub Hussain attended the Nagpur Session of Indian National Congress in

h
ar

1920, they were severely criticized for not following purdah. 60 To its response
lig

Bilquis Begam wrote an article in Al Nissa criticizing the purdah, she also
A
y,

reprimanded the press for being harsh to Nishat-un-Nisa because she was an Indian
ar
br

Muslim woman, Ruttie Jinnah being a Parsi and Mrs. Yakub a Turkish woman did not
Li

receive the same criticism. 61 Thus she established that purdah was a customary
d
za

practice not a religious one. She also referred to Maulana Shibli Noumani’s travel
A

account of Egypt to highlight how men and women in Turkey interacted freely.62
na
la

Begam Abdul Gafoor, being a doctor established the link between purdah and
au

women’s weak health. She retorted that around 80% of typhoid affected women
M

belonged to the middle class purdah observing women.63 She also mentioned other
problems that damaged women’s health such as ignorance, polygamy, divorce,

55
Harem, 1, 10(January 1927), 22-24.
56
Harem, 1, 11 (February, 1927), 25-33.
57
Tehzib un Niswan, (15 June, 1918), 384.
58
Ibid. ,385.
59
Ibid., 386.
60
Al Nissa 2,8 (April 1921): 1-2.
61
Ibid., 1.
62
Ibid., 3.
63
Harem 1,1 (April 1926): 18-20.

108
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

political subjugation, etc. In 1927, Maharani Chamnabai of Baroda criticized purdah

and the male nationalists for caging their own women inside and curbing their
freedom, while themselves seeking freedom from the British rule.64 For her the real
national freedom could be only secured by securing women’s freedom first.65

Women’s Rights:

The women contributors to the different journals were very articulate about women’s
rights and equality. An anonymous woman by the name “sister of S.M.Yaseem”
wrote an article in Shareef Bibi in 1910, questioning the patriarchal belief prevalent

ity
among the educated men that “woman was created from man’s rib” 66, thus physically

rs
weak and psychologically malevolent. She dismissed such belief about woman’s

ve
ni
creation as faulty and quoted Quranic verses to demonstrate the equality of sexes. 67 In

U
another article Mrs. Abdul Sattar questioned women’s subordination based on biased

lim
and illogical assumptions of the men who stereotype women as being ignorant,
us
M
ungrateful and full of vices, while the Quran no where attributes such traits to women.
h

She laments that men’s views in this regard were fully patriarchal, thus women could
ar
lig

reasonably not expect the men to bridge the gender divide:

A
y,

“Has God truly made us in this way? Is it really impossible for us [women] to be
ar

righteous despite our greatest efforts?. These kind of evil thoughts cross women’s
br
Li

minds making them lose their strength and resolve to fight the obstacles. They think,
d
za

what wrongs did we commit against God to deserve such a depleted innate nature,
A

And He created us lowly without any fault of ours.”68

na
la

The All India Muslim Ladies Conference held in Hyderabad in 1929 passed 16
au

resolutions in favour of women on various issues such as safeguarding women’s

M

property rights, making laws for khula. 69 The resolutions attracted severe criticism

64
Harem 1,11, (February 1927): 59.
65
Ibid.
66
Many Islamic feminist scholars such demonstrate how many cultural or customary portrayals of
women were made to appear as if they were approved the religious scriptures. See, Amina Wadud,
Qur’an and Women: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective, Oxford University
Press, New York, 1999; Asma Barlas, Believing Women in Islam: Unreading patriarchal
interpretations of the Qur’an University of Texas Press, Texas, 2002.
67
Huquq-un-Niswan in Shareef Bibi, 1, 10, (April 1910): 28-30.
68
Shareef Bibi, 2, 3 (September 1910): 39-44.
69
For these resolutions, see Tehzib un Niswan, (16 March, 1929): 249-53.

109
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

from men. Imtiaz Fatima, the editor of Sartaj wrote an article condemning men’s
criticism of such resolutions. She said that:

“The criticism of men only displays their hypocrisy and their opportunistic and self
centred interpretation of the Islamic texts. They are so double standard that they cite
the religious scriptures but have no real respect for them, since they simultaneously
deny various rights to the women sanctioned in Islam.”70

She defended the resolution on khula (women’s right to divorce) and accused them of
deliberately keeping the women uneducated and ignorant of their rights sanctioned in
the Quran.71 Sartaj also reports on Muslim women’s support of the Age of Consent

ity
Bill 72 and the resolutions passed by the women in Multan demanding the Punjab

rs
ve
government to safeguard women’s rights of property, Meher, khula, and ban

ni
polygamy.73

U
lim
Polygamy: us
M
In the women’s magazines, polygamy remained a frequently debated topic. In 1900,
h
ar

an anonymous female wrote an article against polygamy in Muallim-e-Niswan in

lig

which she made a plea to educated women urging not to rely on the colonial
A

government but to step forth and fight against this threat. She also filed a petition to
y,
ar

the government against polygamy.74 She argued that in the Prophet’s time, polygamy
br
Li

was acceptable because of certain reasons, he allowed it for a short period only, she
d

continues by saying:
za
A

As men benefited from the system [polygamy], they continued it. Such men fail to
na

understand that no justice could be maintained among their multiple wives. Even if
la
au

they succeed in maintaining equal justice, the wives by their nature would not be able
M

to do it to one another. The only way the men could feel the same pain is when the
women start doing the same by marrying [multiple men].75

70
Sartaj, 1,1 (June 1929): 15.
71
Ibid. 16.
72
It was soon passed as Child Marriage Restraint Act or the Sarda Act on 1 April, 1930.
73
Ibid. 21
74
Muallim-e-Niswan, (June 1900) : 43.
75
Muallim-e-Niswan, (June 1900): 41-42.

110
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Hamida Begam, the cousin of Nazar Sajjad advocated a total ban on polygamy and
pointed out numerous pretexts used by men to remarry such as not having children or
having only daughters from their first marriage:76

If a husband plans to remarry, he should poison his first wife first. Women should
band together to put an end to this evil custom. Mothers should never allow their
daughters getting married to a man who is already married.77

Another anonymous woman supported Hamida Begam in her article

discussing the merits and demerits of polygamy. She concluded that polygamy had
detrimental impact on married life. 78 A lady named Asiya wrote an article against

ity
rs
polygamy in 1910. Quoting verses from from Quran [Al-Nissa] she argued that since

ve
polygamy was conditional to maintaining the ‘principle of equal justice’ to all wives,

ni
U
which is humanly impossible, so is the validity of polygamy. 79 Tehzib-un-Niswan

lim
reports the resolution against polygamy passed by the AKI in 1918 in Lahore.
us
Jahanara Shahnawaz was at the forefront, she denied the religious sanction of
M

polygamy and urged the women to join hands to eradicate it.80

h
ar
lig

Widows’ question:
A
y,

Like Hali had voiced his concerns for the widows in his masnavi “Munajat-e-
ar
br

Bewah” (prayers of a widow) in 1888, highlighting the pathetic conditions of widows

Li

in India.81 The women’s magazines too contained discussions on the issue. Muallim-
d
za

e-Niswan first took up the issue in 1895.82 In 1901, a widow made a complain to the
A
na

editor of the Tehzib-un Niswan for ignoring the cause of widows. The letter read as:
la
au

I have a serious grievance for you also. Throughout your essay, you advocate for
M

both married and single women, but you omit to include even a single sentence in
support of the sad widows. Sister! The married women are lucky in themselves; the
single women will soon experience good fortune. Misfortune is for the widows who

76
Qurratul-Ain- Hyder, Kar-e –Jahan Daraz Hai, 2nd ed., Education Publishing House, New Delhi,
2003, p. 157-58.
77
Tehzib un Niswan, (18 Jan, 1908): 31.
78
Tehzib un Niswan, (1Feb, 1908): 49.
79
‘ Kya Mardoon ko Mutadid Biwiyaan Karne ki Ijazat hai?’, Shareef Bibi, 2,5(November 1910): 34-
37.
80
Tehzib-un-Niswan, (6 April, 1918): 224.
81
Altaf Hussain Hali, Bewa ki Munajat, Matba Roz Bazar, Amritsar, 1910. The poem was actually
written in 1884 with the title ‘Hadim-ul-Lazzaat’.
82
Muallim-e- Niswan (September 1895): 1.

111
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

have lost the cloak of mercy off their heads, and now the enemy seeks to take their
dignity away. Thus, sister, if you are encourage women, encourage widows too. It
shouldn’t be the case that you beautify one eye with kohl and destroy another with a
spindle. If in future, your journal publishes some article in our favour, it would at
least enable us to wipe our tears. We will also get a shoulder to cry on. We shall also
feel that the well wisher of women, Tehzib-un-Niswan is also kind to us. Don't take
my writing to suggest that I want widows to start getting married. That's not it, sister.
In fact, I do not advocate for it. What I desire is that any sisters who do not want to
remarry should not be forced to do so, and that she be supported. Sister! I've
encountered worse circumstances in my widowhood for the sole reason that

ity
people were urging me to remarry. But I didn't do it. I didn't want anyone to know

rs
about my pain. But I'm only asking for your help on behalf of myself and my sisters.

ve
ni
That is all.

U
lim
From A bereaved widow.83
us
The letter soon fetched responses from other ladies. Muhammadi Begam
M
h

highlighted the plight of widows in her many articles. She explains how the greedy
ar

people drag the widows to English law courts to grab property.84 In another article,
lig
A

she disagreed with the views of the widow in the letter. She advocates remarriage for
y,

widows, supporting her arguments with verses from Quran (Al –Bakara) which allows
ar
br

a widow to remarry after a gap of 4 months and 10days after her husband’s demise.85
Li

Foreign women also wrote on the issue of widowhood. In an article in Shareef Bibi in
d
za

Miss Church attempted to highlight the connection between child marriage, women’s
A
na

education and widowhood. According to her the increasing number of widows was a
la

result of child marriage. 86 She further argued that child marriage undermined any
au

educational opportunity to the girls, leaving their mental development dwarfed and
M

resulting a poor quality of life.

Women’s Education:

We have already discussed in the previous chapter the debates regarding

women’s rights and education in late 19th century in the writings of men such as Sir

83
Tehzib un Niswan (24 August, 1901): 268-69.
84
Ibid.
85
Tehzib un Niswan, (14 December, 1901): 290-91.
86
Shareef Bibi, (February 1912): 26.

112
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Syed, Nazir Ahmad, Hali and women such as Akbari Begam, Rasheed-un-Nisa,
Rokeya Sakhawat Hosain, etc. By the 20th century, such themes were being
frequently discussed in the women’s magazines. Mrs. Nadir Jung wrote an article in
favor of women’s education, invoking prophetic tradition she treated women’s
education as a religious obligation.87 She says:

In the past, women were not only sent to madrasas for studying but they also served
as teachers to many male luminaries such as Jalaludin Rumi.88

She further justifies the need for women’s education in terms of the demands

ity
of modern educated men for educated wives. She argued that modern educated

rs
husbands have different tastes and interests than uneducated wives, making them

ve
incompatible and unhappy couples leading to domestic conflict. So education would

ni
U
make women appropriate companions of men89

lim
us
From the beginning of the 20th century, women’s education became one of the
M

main themes of discussion among the women. In an article in Khatoon, Nazar Sajjad
h
ar

Haider urged women to work to collectively for their emancipation by setting up

lig

women’s organizations where they can promote their own education.90 In her article
A

“Talim-e-Niswan”, the author (daughter of Maulvi Bashiruddin) highlights two

y,
ar

currents in the ongoing debate on women’s education- the section opposing it and
br
Li

those favouring men-like English education for women. She contends both the views,
d

deems English education as unnecessary and advocates a kind of education for

za
A

women which makes them better Muslims- a model of education containing effective
na

household management, elementary literacy (letter writing, calculation, budget and

la
au

nursing) and din (religion). 91 Begum Saheba Rizvi responded with her article and
M

advocated school education for Muslim women, outside the zenana but in Muslim
schools. She traces the long tradition of learning among Muslim women by giving the
examples of the wives and daughters of the Prophet and laments the current Muslim
apathy to women’s education. She prescribes a curriculum including, in addition to

87
Tehzib-un-Niswan, (22 June, 1901):196- 98.
88
Tehzib un Niswan, (22 June, 1901): 197. According to her, Rumi was taught by 40 female teachers.
Ukhtul Mazni, a female student of Imam Shafi went to become notable teacher of Islamic
jurisprudence of her time.
89
Tehzib un Niswan, (22 June, 1901):199.
90
Khatoon, (November 1907): 491-92.
91
Ismat 6, 2 (1911): 53.

113
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

religious knowledge, subjects such as History, Geography, Astronomy, Chemistry,

Literature. 92 In the 1918 session of All India Muslim Ladies Conference, Abru
Begam, the president, stressed on the need to take steps for female education. She
expressed her displeasure over both women’s home-based education and the British
curriculum for schools and sought properly trained female teachers, vocational
education for women, a curriculum that would suit Muslim social and cultural needs,
and a women’s university.93 The Conference also passed a resolution demanding the
prospective Muslim University to use some of its funds for women’s education.94 This
was an argument away from the hitherto established argument where women’s

ity
education was linked to improving her roles as mothers and wives.95 Thus by 1920’s,

rs
women continuosly demanded higher education and Muslim women’s university to

ve
ni
seek vocation and make public carriers.96In an article in Al-Nissa ,Noorani Begam

U
laments about Eastern women(particularly Indian) achievers being very few in

lim
number such as Begam Shah Jahan of Bhopal, Sughra Humayun Mirza, Amjadi
us
Begam, Begam Hasrat Mohani, etc.97 Women now associated the progress of Muslim
M
h

community with women’s education and progress.98 Amjadi Begam (wife of Md. Ali
ar
lig

Jouhar) urged the government to avail special schemes to encourage women’s

A

education:
y,
ar

“If there is a shortage of funds, the government could redirect the funds designated
br
Li

for the education of men for female education because men had already received their
d

share in education, it was now time for women to get their share”.99
za
A

Connected to the theme of women’s education is the idea of school education

na
la

for women. Since educating the women was the primary purpose, these reformative
au

periodicals continuously advocated it and attempted to negotiate between Muslim

M

92
Ismat 6, 4 (1911): 43–48.
93
Tehzib un Niswan, (23 March, 1918), 181-182. The women were inspired by the women’s
university at Poona which was set up by Dondo Keshav Karve in 1916. It is the first women’s
university in India.
94
Tehzib un Niswan, (6 April, 1918):225. Although the [Aligarh Muslim] University was established
in 1920, work in this direction had begun from 1910 onwards. See Gail Minault and David
Lelyveld, ‘Campaign for Muslim University, 1898-1920’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol.8, No.2,
(1974), pp.145-189.
95
Almost all the writings about women’s education viewed the issue in the same framework. See
Shareef Bibi, (July1909): 21-22.
96
Al Nissa 2, 4: 9-10. nd.
97
Al Nissa, No. 11(1924): 8-10.
98
Harem 1, 10 (January 1927): 4-5.
99
Harem 1, 10 (January 1927): 4.

114
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

women's current and desired status. These journals urged the men to educate their
daughters and wives, highlighted the benefits of women’s education and advocated
the Muslim women to improve their lifestyles. Not only this, most of them prescribed,
encouraged, and popularized formal school education for women by publishing
knowledgeable articles in its favour. Thus these women’s journal played a great role
in shaping the elite Muslim public opinion which, by the beginning of 20th century,
emerged in favour of school education for women. Thus a brief overview of the topic
becomes pertinent here.

As we have seen that the first formal step for women’s school education was

ity
taken by the MEC by passing a resolution for establishing a girls’ school in 1896. For

rs
ve
almost a decade the resolution could not be materialized, however there were

ni
U
numerous men, women, organizations, and association which started taking steps in

lim
this direction, a number of Muslim girl’s schools proliferated in various parts.
us
M
Beginning from Aligarh itself, the task was taken up by Shaikh Abdullah
h

(1874-1965)100. As a student and a member of MEC in Aligarh, his primary interest

ar
lig

was female education, which he promoted in both writing and activism. In MEC, he
A

moved various resolutions in favour of female education and succeeded in becoming

y,
ar

the secretary of its Female Education Section in 1902. Founding a normal school
br

became his priority, he urged the members to contribute to it 101 and in 1903 the MEC
Li

passed the resolution on the same.102 But it was only after his marriage to Waheed
d
za

Jahan that he considered concrete ways of facilitating the cause. The idea of a
A
na

prospective school, however, was faced by many problems, such as securing the funds
la

and swaying the public opinion in its favour. To address these problems and to
au
M

propound their ideas, together Shaikh Abdullah and Waheed Jahan started the journal
Khatoon in 1904. The couple also succeeded in getting a grant from the Begam Sultan
Jahan of Bhopal 103 and other prosperous Muslims such as the Tyabji clan of
Bombay.104 The Fyzee sisters of Bombay were among the most active supporters of
the Abdullahs, Zohra Fyzee presided the women’s conference organized by the

100
For his biographical sketch, See Shamsur Rahman Mohsini, Hayat-i-Abdullah.; Francis Robinson,
Separatism among Indian Muslims: The Politics of United Provinces’ Muslims, 1860-1923, 2008,
p.391.
101
MECP 1902, pp. 227-32.
102
Khatoon 8, 3 (March, 1912):9-16, Secluded Scholars, p.233
103
MECP 1904, pp. 11-12.
104
Khatoon, 2, 9 (Sept, 1905): 441-50.

115
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

Abdullahs in Aligarh in 1905, where a resolution was passed advocating a girl’s

school at Aligarh.105 In 1906, a zenana madrasa (girls’ school) was started at Aligarh
with just seventeen students. Apart from religious education, subjects like Urdu,
mathematics, cooking, embroidery, needle-work, and games were also taught. Proper
purdah arrangements were made both inside the school premises and for the
commutation of girls as well, they were carried in daulis (palanquins) from their
homes to the school. 106 The couple worked tirelessly for the improvement of the
school, soon there was a marked increase in enrollment, and the improving
performance of the school earned it a governent grant of 15000 and a montly grant of

ity
250. 107 The school also attracted some princely patronages scuh as a grant from

rs
Begam of Bhopal, the Mir of Khairpur, and the Nawab of Bahawalpur and Tonk.108

ve
ni
Other supporters included Syed Mahmud of Bihar, Abdur Rahman Bijnori109, Abdur

U
Rahman Siddiqui110 and Syed Bunyad Hussain, they travelled across the country to

lim
raise funds for the Girls’ school. On the other hand the opposition to girls’ school took
us
new forms. One amusing story is recorded in Shaikh Abdullah’s Urdu memoir,
M
h

Mushahedaat o Taaassuraat (1969). Maintaining purdah, the girls were carried in

ar
lig

daulis (curtained carriages) to school, some street urchins started harassing the school
A

going girls by lifting the curtains of their daulis, the mischief only stopped when
y,
ar

Shaikh gave one of the miscreants a good thrashing. In another incident, Shaikh
br

confronted a tehsildar who had accused the school of making the girls insolent.111
Li
d
za

Shaikh Abdullah and Waheed Jahan upgraded the school to a boarding school
A

in 1914. This would increase the clientele of the school while maintaining the strictest
na

purdah. But the idea faced vehement opposition, W.A.J Archbold, the European
la
au

principal of MAO College; Ziauddun Ahmad (1873-1947); and Viqar-ul-Mulk 112

M

(1841-1917) were the harshest critiques. However, the couple succeeded in their plan,
and in 1911 Lady Porter (the wife of Acting Lieutenant- Governor of UP) laid the
foundation stone of the boarding hall.113 Again Abdullah secured the grants for the

105
Khatoon, 3,1(Jan, 1906): 3-5.
106
Khatoon, 3, 10 (Oct 1906): 481-3.
107
Khatoon, 4,3 (March 1907): 140-3; SAB, pp. 40-4.
108
Khatoon, 6,9 (Sept. 1909): 327.
109
Robinson, p. 369.
110
Robinson, pp. 387-88
111
MWT, pp. 234-6; SAB, pp. 40-2.
112
Robinson p, 399.
113
Secluded Scholars, p. 242.

116
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

project from the government and the Begam of Bhopal. 114 The project finally
materialized in 1914, the year also saw the culmination of Muslim women’s activism
by the foundation of Anjuman-i-Khavatin-i-Islamin (AKI) at the same venue.

Only nine girls became the residents at first, most of them from Waheed’s
own family. To attract more clientele, the Abdullah’s made proper purdah
arrangements for the girls, sometimes their parents were invited to stay and assess the
arrangements. Waheed Jahan even moved into the hostel with the girls, providing
them motherly she soon earned the title of A’la Bi-a motherly term of endearment.115
She supervised all- housekeeping, laundry, shopping; and even tasted each dish

ity
cooked for the girls.116 Consequently, the number of boarders increased to sixteen in a

rs
ve
year.117 In 1925, the school upgraded to an intermediate college and then to a degree

ni
U
college in 1937. Waheed passed away in 1939, only after seeing her school becoming

lim
a degree college.
us
M
As a student, no one had influenced Abdullah's views regarding women's
h

education more than his Law professor at Aligarh, Syed Karamat Hussain (1854-
ar
lig

1917) 118 who himself was one of the earliest and ardent supporters of women’s
A

education and reform. He made his stance clear by the formation of the Anjuman-i-
y,
ar

Islam in London119, in 1888, where he studied law for three years (1886-1889), along
br

with Ali Imam, Mazharul- Haq, Mian Shah Din, and many others. As a professor of
Li

law at Aligarh college in the 1890’s, he was the leading champion of women’s
d
za

education in MEC. In the Allahabad session of MEC in 1890, Karamat had urged to
A
na

introduce a resolution favoring women’s education, but the other members were
la

horrified by the suggestion.120 In 1891, Sir Sayyid urged him to become a member of
au

the MEC, which he would become only after the MEC took up the cause of women’s
M

114
Khatoon, 8,12 (Dec. 1912): 34-8.
115
SAB, 59-66.
116
SAB, pp. 70-72.
117
MWT , p. 240.
118
For a detailed account of his life, see Hamid Ali Khan [HAK], Hayat-i-Maulana Karamat
Hussain, Lucknow: Al-Nazir Press, n.d, https://www.rekhta.org/ebooks/detail/hayat-e-maulana-
karamat-husain-mohammad-hamid-ali-khan-ebooks
119
For account of Anjuman see, Syed, Humayun Mirza, Meri Kahani Meri Zubani, pp.112-13.
120
Hayat-i-Maulana Karamat Hussain, p. 152. Quoted in Secluded Scholars, p. 220.

117
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

education,121 so in 1891, he became the MEC member and seconded the first-ever
resolution on women’s question passed by the MEC at Aligarh.

As we already know that in 1896, he was the moving force behind the
formation of the Women’s Education Section 122 of MEC, with the main aim of
finding a Normal School for Muslim women. Along with some other Hindu and
Muslim middle-class members, he founded a girl’s school123 in Allahabad in 1895 and
served as the secretary of the Managing Committee. Its studentship comprised mainly
of Hindus, Christians, and a few Muslims.124 The school soon got a grant-in-aid from
the UP govt. 125 Karamat also served as one of the members of the consultative

ity
rs
committee appointed by Sir Harcourt Butler, the then Education Secretary of the UP

ve
government in 1904, to make recommendations for improving women’s education.126

ni
U
He served as a judge of Allahabad High Court from 1908-1912; while being on the

lim
bench, he was still an active champion of women’s education; he would frequently
us
visit the school on his way back home.127
M
h

The most noted of Karamat’s efforts towards women’s education came after
ar
lig

his retirement in 1912 when he established a girl’s school at Lucknow. Active support
A

came from the Raja of Mahmudabad, Sir Muhammad Ali Muhammad (1879-1931).128
y,
ar

The school was set up in rented quarters, with proper boarding facilities for girls. In
br

the 1920’s it was moved to another building, which had been built on the land donated
Li
d

by the Raja of Mahmudabad. At the inauguration of the school, the principal, Miss
za

Amina Pope (1882-195?) 129 gave a powerful speech in Urdu about the need for
A
na

Muslim women’s education. Proper arrangement of purdah and adequate religious

la

education for girls would be ensured; in addition to Arabic, Persian, and Urdu,
au
M

121
Secluded Scholars, p.221.
122
11th annual session of MEC, Meerut, Dec. 1896, pp. 244-5, MECP.
123
The school was named after Sir Charles Crosthwaite, the Lieutenant-Governor of UP in 1892-5.
He encouraged the efforts of natives at girl’s education.
124
Secluded Scholars, p.221.
125
HAK, pp. 107, 154-7
126
Karamat Hussain believed in collective efforts by different communities for the education of
women and advocated girls schools common to the girls from all communities.
127
Hamid Ali Khan, Hayat-i-Maulana Karamat Hussain, p.13.
128
He was a leading taluqdar of Awadh and active in Muslim political and educational cause. See
Robinson Separatism among Indian Muslims, p.380.
129
Amina was an English educated Canadian woman who had converted to Islam and come to India
in 1910. On Atiya Fyzee’s recommendation, she was appointed as a superintendent Crosthwaite
Girls’ School at Allahabad, then as principal at Lucknow. She also served as the principal of
Nampalli Girl’s High School in Hyderabad in 1918. For fher biographical details see Star
Directari: Mamlikat-i-Hyderabad. Quoted in Minault, Secluded Scholars, p.223

118
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

English would also be taught.130 The official inauguration was done in March 1913 by
Lady Meston- wife of Sir James Meston, the then lieutenant governor of UP. The
setting of the school was arranged such that it addressed the requirements of British
official recognition as well as the cultural sensitivities of purdah –observing Ashraf.
Still, even within the Muslim professional class, there was much opposition.131 The
school had many supporters like Sayyid Wazir Hassan (1872-1947) 132 , Sayyid
Nabiullah (d.1925)133, Sayyid Zahur Ahmad134, and Fyzee’s of Bombay. The Begum
of Bhopal, in her 1915 visit to the school, gave it an annual grant of Rs 1200. The
school had 37 students in the first year and kept growing, by 1923, it had 52 students;

ity
the majority of the school students were Sunnis. 135 Apart from these efforts,

rs
Karamat’s advocated his support for women’s education in various speeches like his

ve
ni
1915 speech, which he gave at the meeting Anjuman-A’la Talim-i-Niswan. 136 He

U
regarded women’s job of managing the house bold as more important than that of

lim
men’s and urged the men to support their women. He favoured school education over
us
M
home education and suggested reading, writing, maths, domestic accounting, health,
h

child care sewing, cooking, gardening, and exercise as curriculum. Khatoon noted in
ar
lig

1914 that apart from academics, sewing, embroidery, cooking, and gardening were
A

taught in the school.137 Describing a prize day in the school, Tehzib un –Niswan in
y,
ar

1919 reported:
br
Li

“that the ceremony started with recitation of the Qurani, followed by a some poetry,
d

then a drill, and some games…Subjects like theology (both Shia and Sunni), sports
za
A

including badminton and drill, handicrafts such as embroidery and sewing, kitchen
na

and gardening work were taught to the girls”.138

la
au

For Karamat Hussain, the backwardness of women meant the backwardness of the
M

whole community; giving education to them will make them better wives, mothers,

130
HAK, p. 162-3.
131
Secluded Scholars, p.224.
132
For biographical and professional sketch see, Robinson, Separatism among Indian Muslims, pp.
371-72
133
Ibid., p. 384
134
Ibid., p. 360.
135
Secluded Scholars, p. 227.
136
Quoted in Gail Minault, Secluded Scholars, p, 224.
137
Khatoon, 10, 1 (Jan. 1914): 11-12.
138
TN, 22 (12 April 1919): 253-4.

119
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

and Muslims. 139 Karamat Hussain died in 1917, soon, the Raja of Mahmudabad
named the school after its founder.140 By the reputation of his knowledge, learning,
and position and by his sheer devotion to the cause of women Karamat became an
important link in the network system of reform organizations and personalities of the
time. He had connections with the like-minded people of Lucknow, Allahabad,
Aligarh, and Hyderabad. He had the combination of tradition and modern learning in
him, his intellectual acceptability by, western-educated Indians, religious scholars and
the British officials alike not only propelled him to high judicial office, but also gave
him the ability to effectively advance the cause of women's education.141

ity
rs
In the colonial Bengal, as we have already seen, at the forefront for Muslim

ve
women’s education was Rokeya Skhawat Hussain. Apart from her literary activism,

ni
she also made efforts on ground. After her marriage to Syed Sakhawat Hussain142 in

U
lim
1896, already knowing Urdu, Bengali, and English, her literary talent found
us
encouragement by her husband. He not only urged her to read widely and try writing
M

her thoughts but also encouraged her to mix with the educated women from other
h
ar

communities. 143 After marriage Sakhawat’s official connections increased Rokeya’s

lig

encounter with and exposure to western knowledge. In addition to her mahr, he set
A
y,

aside Rs 10,000 for Rokeya to start a school for girls. Upon his death in 1909, Rokeya
ar

inherited the amount of Rs 50,000 and immediately started a girls’ school in

br
Li

Bhagalpur in the same year, but due to local opposition, it had to be moved to
d
za

Calcutta in 1911.144 The school was named after her husband and still functions as
A

Sakhawat Memorial Govt. Girls’ High School.

na
la

The school opened with just eight girls in a small building at Number 8,
au

Waliullah Lane. 145 Being self educated and having been raised in proper purdah,
M

Rokeya lacked the experience of classroom and the art of running a school teaching.

139
Summary based on the Reports of Karamat’s speech from the Pioneer (Allahabad), 8 Dec. 1915,
cited in HAK, pp. 174-9.
140
HAK, pp. 248-50.
141
Secluded Scholars, pp. 227-28.
142
At the time of marriage, Sakhawat was a civil servant posted to Rangpur. Originally from
Bhagalpur in Bihar, he had been educated in Patna, Calcutta, and London, and was an avid
supporter of women’s education.
143
Secluded Scholars, p. 257.
144
Secluded Scholars, p.258.
145
Mohammad Quayum (tr., ed.), The Essential Rokeya: Selected Works of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain
(1880-1932), Brill, 2013, p. xxiii.

120
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

So, to learn school administration and techniques of teaching, she visited various
Bhramo Samaj and other Hindu girl’s schools. 146 Quoting Rokeya, Aligarh journal
Khatoon reported in 1914 that the two basic problems faced by the school were the
lack of adequate teachers and transport.147 She employed all her wealth, knowledge,
and energy for its progress, by 1915, the no. of students had reached to 84 and the
school was relocated to a bigger building. Rokeya herself observed purdah and
critised only its extreme form, the curriculum and purdah requirements at Rokeya's
school were in line with those at Muslim girls' schools in the Punjab and United
Provinces.148 To ensure proper purdah, two horse-drawn carriages were employed for

ity
transport of the girls but the local opposition continued. In late 1920’s the school

rs
acquired a bus to transport its purdah-observing students.149

ve
ni
U
Rokeya believed in uniformity of education for both the genders and urged

lim
women’s access invariably to all branches of knowledge. She emphasized the need to
us
teach women chemistry, botany, horticulture, personal hygiene, health care, nutrition,
M

physical education, gymnastics, and painting and other fine arts’. She also regarded
h
ar

economic independence as the first perquisite pf women’s liberation, so special

lig

emphasis was laid on girl’s vocational training. 150 But in practicality, it was not
A
y,

possible for her to implement all that she stood for and promoted through writing.
ar

However, for her Sakhawat Memorial Girls’ School, she formulated a curriculum
br
Li

which at the initial stage included Arabic, Persian, Urdu, Bengali, English, Maths, and
d
za

needlework. By 1930 the school became a high school, including all 10 grades, and
A

physical education, handicraft, sewing, cooking, nursing, home economics, and

na

gardening were also included in the curriculum.151

la
au

Coming back to Urdu women’s journals the origin, popularity, and decline of
M

which spanned around five or six decades from 1900-1950 during which the women
read, wrote and emancipated themselves. Given the limited scope of this chapter, we
have already dealt with many women’s journals that fall in the given time period from

146
Shamsunnahar Mahmud, ‘Begum Roketya Sakhawat Hossain’ in The Begum, 1964, p. 29.
147
Khatoon, 10, 5 (May 1914): 8-9.
148
Gail Minault, 'Purdah's Progress: The Beginning of School Education for Indian Muslim Women',
in J.P Sharma (ed.), Individuals and Ideas in Modern India, M.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1982.
149
Secluded Scholars, p. 259.
150
Roushan Jahan, Sultana’s Dream and Selections from The Secluded Ones, Afterword by Hanna
Papanek, The Feminist Press, CUNY, 1988. p. 42.
151
Sultana’s Dreams and Selections, p. 54.

121
 “Muslim Women in Colonial India: A Study of Aligarh Periodical Khatoon”
Ishrat Mushtaq, CAS, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh; Year 2024

1880’s-1920’s. By 1930’s the range of subjects covered in these journals had

diversified including politically opinionated articles and debates. In 1929 and 1930,
the Nur Jahan of Lahore frequently published articles debating in favor of the Sarda
Act.152 Journals appearing in 1930’s continued to publish political articles. The Avaz-
i-Niswan was particularly favorable to the national movement, publishing articles on
prominent persons such as Kemal Ataturk, Eleanor Roosevelt, Abdul Ghaffar Khan,
Nishat Begam Hasrat Mohani, etc. Anis-i-Niswan published articles favoring the
Muslim League. Thus a shift away from earlier women’s journals is noticeable, the
content on khanadari, dastkari, and bacchon ki bimari was rarely published, along

ity
with political articles, articles on issues of purdah, women’s education and rights in

rs
Islam, ill impact of syncretic customs 153 continued to take much space in these

ve
ni
journals. This new masala contained in women’s journals became a space of

U
“reformist boundary-drawing, with women’s status as the battle ground”. 154 This

lim
space became one of many areas where the Muslims demarcated a separate political
us
M
identity- a theme which is beyond the purview of this work. Confining to the time
h

period of this thesis, thematically the next chapter is a continuity of this one while
ar
lig

specially focusing on a detailed study of Aligarh periodical Khatoon.

A
y,
ar
br
Li
d
za
A
na
la
au
M

152
Secluded Scholars, p.54.
153
For example, In his article titled ‘Ghunghat’, Shaikh Abdul Qadir challenged the mainstream view
of purdah being a legacy of the Muslim rule, the oppressive form of purdah prevalent in India,
according to him was a product of syncretic culture which allowed the mingling of Hindu and
Muslim forms of purdah.
154
Secluded Scholars, pp. 154-56.

122