Test Bank for Calculus 2nd Edition by Briggs

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MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.
Find the average velocity of the function over the given interval.
2
1) y = x + 2x, [4, 8] 1)

A) 10 B) 14 C) 7 D) 20

3 2
2) y = 7x + 8x - 1, [-8, -4] 2)
C) 321 321
A) 688 B) - 688 D) -
4
4

3) y = 2x, [2, 8] 3)
1 C) -103
A) B) 2 D) 7
3

3
4)
4) y = x - 2 , [4, 7]
1
C) -103 D) 2
A) 3 B) 7

2 7
5) y = 4x , 0, 4 5)

A) 2 B) 7 1 3
C)
3 D) -10

2
6) y = -3x - x, [5, 6] 6)
1

A) -2 B) -34 1
C)- 6 D) 2

7) h(t) = sin (3t), 0,

π6 7)

6 3 π
D) - π
6
A) π B) π C) 6

8) g(t) = 3 + tan t, -
π,π4 8)
4

8 4 4
A) - B) C) - D) 0
5 π π
1
Use the table to find the instantaneous velocity of y at the specified value of x.
9) x = 1. 9)

x y
0 0
0.2 0.02
0.4 0.08
0.6 0.18
0.8 0.32
1.0 0.5

1.2 0.72
1.4 0.98
A) 2 B) 0.5 C) 1.5 D) 1
10) x = 1. 10)

x y

0 0
0.2 0.01
0.4 0.04
0.6 0.09
0.8 0.16
1.0 0.25
1.2 0.36
1.4 0.49
A) 1 B) 1.5 C) 2 D) 0.5

11) x = 1. 11)

x y

0 0
0.2 0.12
0.4 0.48
0.6 1.08
0.8 1.92
1.0 3
1.2 4.32
1.4 5.88
A)6 B)8 C)4 D)2

2
 12) x = 2. 12)

x y

0 10
0.5 38
1.0 58
1.5 70
2.0 74
2.5 70
3.0 58
3.5 38
4.0 10
A) 4 B) 0 C) 8 D) -8

13) x = 1. 13)

x y
0.900 -0.05263
0.990 -0.00503

0.999 -0.0005
1.000 0.0000
1.001 0.0005
1.010 0.00498
1.100 0.04762

A) 0.5 B) -0.5 C) 1 D) 0

For the given position function, make a table of average velocities and make a conjecture about the instantaneous
velocity at the indicated time.
2
14) s(t) = t + 8t - 2 at t = 2 14)

t 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

s(t)

A)
t 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1 ; instantaneous velocity is 18.0
s(t) 16.810 17.880 17.988 18.012 18.120 19.210
B)

t 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

s(t) 16.692 17.592 17.689 17.710 17.808 18.789 ; instantaneous velocity is 17.70
C)
t 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
s(t) 5.043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763 ; instantaneous velocity is ∞
D)
t 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
; instantaneous velocity is 5.40
s(t) 5.043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763

3
 2 15)
15) s(t) = t - 5 at t = 0

t -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

s(t)

A)
t -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1 ; instantaneous velocity is
s(t) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970
- 15.0
B)

t -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

s(t) -4.9900 -4.9999 -5.0000 -5.0000 -4.9999 -4.9900 ; instantaneous velocity is
- 5.0
C)

t -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

s(t) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970 ; instantaneous velocity is ∞
D)
t -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
s(t) -2.9910 -2.9999 -3.0000 -3.0000 -2.9999 -2.9910 ; instantaneous velocity is
- 3.0
Find the slope of the curve for the given value of x.
2
16) y = x + 5x, x = 4
16)
1 4
A) slope is 13 B) slope is 20 C) slope is - 25 D) slope is -39

2
17) y = x + 11x - 15, x = 1 17)
1 4
A) slope is B) slope is -39 C) slope is - D) slope is 13

20 25

3 18)
18) y = x - 7x, x = 1
A) slope is -3 B) slope is -4 C) slope is 3 D) slope is 1

3 2 19)
19) y = x - 2x + 4, x = 3
A) slope is 1 B) slope is 0 C) slope is -15 D) slope is 15

3 20)
20) y = -4 - x , x = 1
A) slope is 0 B) slope is -1 C) slope is -3 D) slope is 3

Solve the problem.

21) Given lim + 21)
- f(x) = Ll, lim f(x) = Lr, and Ll ≠ Lr, which of the following statements is true? x→0
x→0
I. lim
x→0 f(x) = Ll
II. lim
x→0 f(x) = Lr

4
III. lim
f(x) does not exist.
x→0

5
A) none B) II C) III D) I

5
22) Given lim f(x) = Ll, lim f(x) = Lr , and Ll = Lr, which of the following statements is false? 22)
- +
x→0 x→0
I. lim f(x) = Ll
x→0
=L
II. lim f(x) r
x→0

III. lim f(x) does not exist.

x→0

A) I B) II C) III D) none
23) If lim f(x) = L, which of the following expressions are true? 23)
x→0

I. lim f(x) does not exist.

x→0
-
II. lim f(x) does not exist.
x→0+
III. lim f(x) = L
x→0-
IV. lim
x→0+ f(x) = L

A) I and II only B) III and IV only C) II and III only D) I and IV only
24) What conditions, when present, are sufficient to conclude that a function f(x) has a limit as x 24)
approaches some value of a?
A) f(a) exists, the limit of f(x) as x→a from the left exists, and the limit of f(x) as x→a from the
right exists.
B) The limit of f(x) as x→a from the left exists, the limit of f(x) as x→a from the right exists, and at
least one of these limits is the same as f(a).
C) The limit of f(x) as x→a from the left exists, the limit of f(x) as x→a from the right exists, and
these two limits are the same.
D) Either the limit of f(x) as x→a from the left exists or the limit of f(x) as x→a from the right
exists

6
Use the graph to evaluate the limit.
25) lim f(x) 25)
x→-1

-6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 123456 x

-1

1 1
A) -1 B) - 2
C) D) ∞
2
26) lim f(x) 26)
x→0

y
4

-4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4
A) does not exist B) -2 C)0 D)2

7
27) lim f(x) 27)
x→0
y
6
5
4
3
2

- 6 - 5 - 4 - 3 - 2 -1 1 2 3 4 5 6 x
-1

-2
-3
-4
-5
-6

A) does not exist B) 3 C)0 D)-3

28) lim f(x) 28)
x→0

y
12

10

-2 -1 1 2 3 4 5 x
-2

-4

A) -1 B) 6 C) does not exist D) 0

8
 29) lim f(x) 29)
x→0

y
4

-4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4

A) 1 B) does not exist C) ∞ D) -1

30) lim f(x) 30)
x→0

y
4

-4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4

A) -1 B) does not exist C)1 D)∞

9
31) lim f(x) 31)
x→0
y
4

-4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4

A) does not exist B) 0 C) 2 D) -2

32) lim f(x) 32)
x→0
y
4

-4 -3-2-1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4

A) -2 B) does not exist C) 1 D) 0

1
33) lim f(x) 33)
x→0
y
4

-4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 x
-1

-2

-3

-4

A) -1 B) does not exist C)2 D)-2

34) Find lim f(x) and lim f(x) 34)

x→(-1)
- x→(-1)
+

y
2

-4 -2 2 4 x

-2

-4

-6

A) -2; -7 B) -5; -2 C) -7; -5 D) -7; -2

10
Use the table of values of f to estimate the limit.
35) Let f(x) = x2 + 8x - 2, find lim f(x). 35)
x→2

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

f(x)

A)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 16.692 17.592 17.689 17.710 17.808 18.789 ; limit = 17.70
B)

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

f(x) 5.043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763 ; limit= ∞
C)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 16.810 17.880 17.988 18.012 18.120 19.210 ; limit = 18.0
D)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
; limit= 5.40
f(x) 5.043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763
x -4
36) Let f(x) = , find lim f(x). 36)

x-2 x→4

x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1

f(x)

A)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
; limit = 1.20
f(x) 1.19245 1.19925 1.19993 1.20007 1.20075 1.20745
B)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
; limit = ∞
f(x) 1.19245 1.19925 1.19993 1.20007 1.20075 1.20745
C)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
; limit = 4.0
f(x) 3.97484 3.99750 3.99975 4.00025 4.00250 4.02485
D)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
f(x) 5.07736 5.09775 5.09978 5.10022 5.10225 5.12236 ; limit = 5.10

11
 2
37) Let f(x) = x - 5, find lim f(x). 37)
x→0

x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

f(x)

A)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1 ; limit = -3.0
f(x) -2.9910 -2.9999 -3.0000 -3.0000 -2.9999 -2.9910
B)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -4.9900 -4.9999 -5.0000 -5.0000 -4.9999 -4.9900 ; limit = -5.0
C)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970 ; limit = ∞
D)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970 ; limit = -15.0

x-5
38) Let f(x) = , find lim f(x). 38)

2
x - 8x + 15 x→5

x 4.9 4.99 4.999 5.001 5.01 5.1

f(x)

A)
x 4.9 4.99 4.999 5.001 5.01 5.1
f(x) 0.5263 0.5025 0.5003 0.4998 0.4975 0.4762 ; limit = 0.5
B)

x 4.9 4.99 4.999 5.001 5.01 5.1

f(x) -0.5263 -0.5025 -0.5003 -0.4998 -0.4975 -0.4762 ; limit = -0.5

C)
x 4.9 4.99 4.999 5.001 5.01 5.1 ; limit = 0.4
f(x) 0.4263 0.4025 0.4003 0.3998 0.3975 0.3762
D)
x 4.9 4.99 4.999 5.001 5.01 5.1
f(x) 0.6263 0.6025 0.6003 0.5998 0.5975 0.5762 ; limit = 0.6

12
 2
x - 3x + 2
39) Let f(x) = , find lim f(x). 39)

2
x + 3x - 10 x→2

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2. 2.01 2.1

f(x) 001

A) x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

f(x) 0.0304 0.0416 0.0427 0.0430 0.0441 0.0549 ; limit = 0.0429
B)

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

; limit = -1
-1.069
f(x) 0 -1.0067 -1.0007 -0.9993 -0.9934 -0.9355
C)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1 f(x) ; limit = 0.2429

0. 2304 0.2416 0.2427 0.2430 0.2441 0.2549

D)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 0.1304 0.1416 0.1427 0.1430 0.1441 0.1549
; limit = 0.1429
sin(2x)
40) Let f(x) = , find lim f(x). 40)

x x→0

x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

f(x) 1.99986667 1.99986667

A) limit = 1.5 B) limit = 0

C) limit = 2 D) limit does not exist
cos (6θ)
41) Let f(θ) = , find lim f(θ). 41)
θ θ→0

x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

f(θ) -8.2533561 8.2533561

A) limit = 6 B) limit = 0
C) limit = 8.2533561 D) limit does not exist

SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question.
Provide an appropriate response.
x2 x sin(x)
42) It can be shown that the inequalities 1 - < < 1 hold for all values of x close 42)
6 2 - 2 cos(x)
x sin(x)
to zero. What, if anything, does this tell you about 2 - 2 cos(x) ? Explain.

13
MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.
43) Write the formal notation for the principle "the limit of a quotient is the quotient of the limits" and 43)
include a statement of any restrictions on the principle.
lim g(x)

g(x) x→a M
A) If lim g(x) = M and lim f(x) = L, then lim = = , provided that

x→a x→a x→a f(x) lim f(x) L

x→a
L≠0.
g(x) g(a)
B) lim = , provided that f(a) ≠ 0.

x→a f(x) f(a)

C) lim g(x) = g(a) .
x→a f(x)f(a)
lim g(x)
g(x) x→a M
D) If lim g(x) = M and lim f(x) = L, then lim = = , provided that

x→a x→a x→a f(x) lim f(x) L

x→a
f(a) ≠ 0.

44) Provide a short sentence that summarizes the general limit principle given by the formal notation 44)

lim [f(x) ± g(x)] = lim f(x) ± lim g(x) = L ± M, given that lim f(x) = L and lim g(x) = M.
x→a x→a x→a x→a x→a

A) The sum or the difference of two functions is the sum of two limits.
B) The limit of a sum or a difference is the sum or the difference of the functions.
C) The sum or the difference of two functions is continuous.
D) The limit of a sum or a difference is the sum or the difference of the limits.
45) The statement "the limit of a constant times a function is the constant times the limit" follows from 45)
a combination of two fundamental limit principles. What are they?
A) The limit of a product is the product of the limits, and a constant is continuous.
B) The limit of a product is the product of the limits, and the limit of a quotient is the quotient of
the limits.
C) The limit of a function is a constant times a limit, and the limit of a constant is the constant.
D) The limit of a constant is the constant, and the limit of a product is the product of the limits.

Find the limit.

46) lim 10 46)
x→20

A) 10 B) 10 C)2 5 D) 20
47) lim (6x - 4) 47)
x→1

14
 A) -2 B) 2 C) -10 D) 10
48) lim (12 - 10x) 48)
x→7

A) 82 B) -82 C) -58 D) 58

15
Give an appropriate answer.
49) Let lim f(x) = -8 and lim g(x) = -5. Find lim [f(x) - g(x)]. 49)
x →-4 x → -4 x → -4
A) -3 B) -4 C) -8 D) -13
50) Let lim f(x) = -10 and lim g(x) = 8. Find lim [f(x) ∙ g(x)]. 50)
x →2 x→2 x →2

A) -2 B) 8 C) -80 D) 2
f(x)

51) Let lim f(x) = -3 and lim g(x) = 6. Find lim . 51)

x → -5 x → -5 x → -5 g(x)
1
A) - 2 B)-2 C) -5 D) -9

52) Let lim f(x) = 64. Find lim f(x). 52)

x →10 x → 10

A) 8 B) 2.8284 C) 64 D) 10
2
[f(x) + g(x)] .
53) Let lim f(x) = -2 and lim g(x) = -7. Find lim 53)
x →5 x→5 x→5

A) 81 B) -9 C) 53 D) 5
5
54) Let lim f(x) = 243. Find lim f(x). 54)
x →8 x→ 8

A) 3 B) 243 C) 8 D) 5

55) Let lim f(x) = -9 and lim g(x) = 1. Find lim -4f(x) - 8g(x) . 55)
x→ 5 x→ 5 x→ 5 9 + g(x)
22 14
A) 5 B) 5 C) -4 D) 5

Find the limit.

56) lim (x3 + 5x2 - 7x + 1) 56)
x→2

A) 15 B) 29 C) does not exist D) 0

57) lim
5 4 3 2
(3x - 3x + 4x + x - 5) 57)
x→-2
A) -177 B) -113 C) -81 D) -33
x
58) lim 58)

x→-1 3x + 2
1
A) - B) 1 C) does not exist D) 0
5

15
 x
3
- 6x + 8
59) lim 59)
x→0 x-2

A) Does not exist B) 0 C) -4 D) 4

2
3x + 7x - 2
60) lim 60)
x→1 3x2 - 4x - 2
7 8
A) 0 B) - C) Does not exist D) -
4 3

2 3
61) lim (x + 3) (x - 1) 61)
x→2

A) 1 B) 27 C) 675 D) 25

62) lim x2 + 2x + 1 62)

x→2

A) 3 B) 9 C) ±3 D) does not exist

63) lim 4x + 65 63)
x→9
A) -101 B) 101 C) 101 D) - 101

64) lim 2 64)

h→0 3h + 4 + 2

A) 1 B) 2 C) 1/2 D) Does not exist

65) lim 1+x-1 65)

x→0 x

A) 1/2 B) Does not exist C) 1/4 D) 0

Determine the limit by sketching an appropriate graph.

66) lim f(x), where f(x) = -2x - 7 for x < 2 66)
-
x→2 4x - 6 for x ≥ 2

A) -5 B) -6 C) -11 D) 2

67) lim f(x), where f(x) = -3x - 4 for x < 4 67)

x→4
+
4x - 3 for x ≥ 4

A) 13 B) -2 C) -16 D) -3

68) lim f(x), where f(x) = x2 + 3 for x ≠ -4 68)

x → -4
+
0 for x = -4

16
A) 16 B) 13 C) 0 D) 19

17
 2
4-x 0≤x<2
lim f(x), where f(x) = 2 2≤x<4
-
69) x → 4 4 x=4 69)

A) 0 B) Does not exist C) 4 D) 2

3x -7 ≤ x < 0, or 0 < x ≤ 3
lim f(x), where f(x) = 3 x=0

70) 70)
x → -7
+
0 x < -7 or x > 3

A) -21 B) -0 C) Does not exist D) 5

Find the limit, if it exists.

x3 + 12x2 - 5x
71) lim 71)

x→0 5x
A) Does not exist B)0 C)5 D)-1
4
x -1
72) lim 72)
x→1 x-1

A) 0 B) Does not exist C) 4 D) 2

2
- 49
x
73) lim 73)
x→ 7 x -7

A) Does not exist B)1 C)14 D)7

2
x + 16x + 63
74) lim 74)
x → -7 x+7

A) 2 B) Does not exist C) 224 D) 16

2
+ 4x - 60
x
75) lim 75)
x→ 6 x-6

A) 16 B) Does not exist C) 0 D) 4

x
2
76) lim + 4 x - 60
76)
2
x→ 6 x - 36

4 1

A) 3 B) - 3 C) 0 D) Does not exist

2
x - 25
77) lim 77)

18
 10 5
A) 0 B) 3 C) Does not exist D) 3

x2 + 2x - 3
78) lim 78)

2
x→1 x - 4x + 3

19
A) - 2 B) 1 C) 2 D) Does not exist

19
 (x + h) - x
3 3
79) lim 79)
h→ 0 h

A) 3x
2 2
B) 3x + 3xh + h
2
C) 0 D) Does not exist
80) lim 6-x
80)
6
x→6 -x
A) 0 B) 1 C) Does not exist D) -1
Provide an appropriate response.
1
81) It can be shown that the inequalities -x ≤ x cos ≤ x hold for all values of x ≥ 0. 81)
x

1
Find lim x cos if it exists.

x→0 x

A) 0.0007 B) does not exist C) 0 D) 1

x
2
sin x
82) The inequality 1- < < 1 holds when x is measured in radians and x < 1. 82)
2 x

sin x
Find lim if it exists.
x→0 x
A) 0 B) 1 C) 0.0007 D) does not exist
3
83) If x ≤ f(x) ≤ x for x in [-1,1], find lim f(x) if it exists. 83)
x→0

A) 0 B) -1 C) 1 D) does not exist

Compute the values of f(x) and use them to determine the indicated limit.
84) If f(x) = x2 + 8x - 2, find lim f(x). 84)
x→ 2

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1

f(x)

A)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 16.810 17.880 17.988 18.012 18.120 19.210 ; limit = 18.0
B)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 16.692 17.592 17.689 17.710 17.808 18.789 ; limit = 17.70
C)

x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1 f(x) ; limit = 5.40

5. 043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763
D)
x 1.9 1.99 1.999 2.001 2.01 2.1
f(x) 5.043 5.364 5.396 5.404 5.436 5.763 ; limit = ∞

18
 x4 - 1
85) If f(x) = , find lim f(x). 85)

x-1 x→1

x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1

f(x)

A)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1
f(x) 3.439 3.940 3.994 4.006 4.060 4.641 ; limit = 4.0
B)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1
f(x) 1.032 1.182 1.198 1.201 1.218 1.392 ; limit = ∞
C)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1
f(x) 4.595 5.046 5.095 5.105 5.154 5.677 ; limit = 5.10
D)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1 ; limit = 1.210
f(x) 1.032 1.182 1.198 1.201 1.218 1.392
x3 - 6x + 8
86) If f(x) = , find lim f(x). 86)

x-2 x→0

x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

f(x)

A)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1 ; limit = ∞
f(x) -1.22843 -1.20298 -1.20030 -1.19970 -1.19699 -1.16858
B)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1 ; limit = -1.20
f(x) -1.22843 -1.20298 -1.20030 -1.19970 -1.19699 -1.16858
C)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
; limit = -4.0
f(x) -4.09476 -4.00995 -4.00100 -3.99900 -3.98995 -3.89526
D)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
; limit = -2.10
f(x) -2.18529 -2.10895 -2.10090 -2.99910 -2.09096 -2.00574

19
 x-4
87) If f(x) = , find lim f(x). 87)

x-2 x→4

x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1

f(x)

A)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1 ; limit = 1.20
f(x) 1.19245 1.19925 1.19993 1.20007 1.20075 1.20745
B)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
f(x) 3.97484 3.99750 3.99975 4.00025 4.00250 4.02485 ; limit = 4.0
C)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
f(x) 1.19245 1.19925 1.19993 1.20007 1.20075 1.20745 ; limit = ∞
D)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
f(x) 5.07736 5.09775 5.09978 5.10022 5.10225 5.12236 ; limit = 5.10
2
88) If f(x) = x - 5, find lim f(x). 88)
x→0

x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1

f(x)

A)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1 ; limit = -3.0
f(x) -2.9910 -2.9999 -3.0000 -3.0000 -2.9999 -2.9910
B)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970 ; limit = -15.0
C)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -1.4970 -1.4999 -1.5000 -1.5000 -1.4999 -1.4970 ; limit = ∞
D)
x -0.1 -0.01 -0.001 0.001 0.01 0.1
f(x) -4.9900 -4.9999 -5.0000 -5.0000 -4.9999 -4.9900 ; limit = -5.0

20
 x+1
89) If f(x) = , find lim f(x). 89)

x+1 x→1

x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1

f(x)

A)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1

f(x) 2.15293 2.13799 2.13656 2.13624 2.13481 2.12106 ; limit = 2.13640

B)

x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1

; limit = 0.7071
f(x) 0.72548 0.70888 0.70728 0.70693 0.70535 0.69007
C)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1
f(x) 0.21764 0.21266 0.21219 0.21208 0.21160 0.20702 ; limit = ∞
D)
x 0.9 0.99 0.999 1.001 1.01 1.1
f(x) 0.21764 0.21266 0.21219 0.21208 0.21160 0.20702 ; limit = 0.21213

90) If f(x) = x - 2, find lim f(x). 90)

x→ 4

x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1

f(x)

A)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
; limit = 0
f(x) -0.02516 -0.00250 -0.00025 0.00025 0.00250 0.02485
B)

x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1 ; limit = 1.95

x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
f(x) 3.9000 2.9000 1.9000 2.0000 3.0000 4.0000
C) f(x) 3.9000 2.9000 1.9000 2.0000 3.0000 4.0000

; limit = ∞
D)
x 3.9 3.99 3.999 4.001 4.01 4.1
; limit = 1.50
f(x) 1.47736 1.49775 1.49977 1.50022 1.50225 1.52236

21
For the function f whose graph is given, determine the limit.
91) Find lim f(x) and lim f(x). 91)
x→5
- x→5
+
y

x
-2 -1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
-2
-4

-6
-8

A) -5, 5 B) ∞, -∞ C) -∞, ∞ D) 5;5

92) Find lim f(x) and lim f(x). 92)

x→2
- x→2
+

y
5
4
3
2
1

x
-5 -4 -3 -2 -1 -1 1 2 3 4 5

-2
-3
-4
-5

A) ∞;∞ B) 2; -2 C) 0;1 D) -∞;∞

22
93) Find lim f(x). 93)
x→3
y
5
4
3
2
1

x
-5 -4 -3 -2 -1 1 2 3 4 5
-1
-2
-3
-4
-5

A) -∞ B) 3 C) ∞ D) does not exist

94) Find lim f(x). 94)
x→-3

y
6
5
4
3
2
1
-6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 123456 x
-1
-2
-3
-4
-5
-6

A) -∞ B) 0 C)-3 D)∞
95) Find lim f(x). 95)
x→0

-4 -2 2 4 x

-2

-4

A) ∞ B) 0 C)1 D)-∞

23
Find the limit.
1
96) lim 96)

x→-2
x+2
A) Does not exist B) ∞ C) -∞ D) 1/2
1
97) lim 97)
+3
x → -3- x
A) ∞ B) 0 C) -∞ D) -1
1
98) lim 98)

x → 3- (x - 3)2
A) -∞ B) 0 C) -1 D) ∞
7
99) lim 99)
x → -3 2
-x -9
A) -1 B) 0 C) ∞ D) -∞

1
100) lim 100)
x → 4+
x - 16

A) -∞ B) 0 C) 1 D) ∞

101) lim tan x 101)

x→(π/2)
+
A) 0 B) ∞ C) 1 D) -∞

102) lim sec x 102)

-
x→(-π/2)
A) 0 B) ∞ C) -∞ D) 1

103) lim (1 + csc x) 103)

x→0
+
A) ∞ B) 1 C) 0 D) Does not exist

104) lim (1 - cot x) 104)

x→0

A) ∞ B) -∞ C) 0 D) Does not exist

x2 - 7x + 10
105) lim 105)
+ 3
x → -2 x - 4x

A) 0 B) -∞ C) Does not exist D) ∞

2
x - 5x + 6
106) lim 106)
+ 3
x→2 x - 9x
24
A) -∞ B) ∞ C) Does not exist D) 0

25
Find all vertical asymptotes of the given function.
3x
107) f(x) = x + 4 107)
A) x = 4 B) x = 3 C) x = -4 D) none

x +5
108) f(x) = 108)
2
x - 64

A) x = 64, x = -5 B) x = 0, x = 64
C) x = -8, x = 8 D) x = -8, x = 8, x = -5
x+5
109) g(x) = 109)
2
x +1

A) x = -1, x = 1 B) x = -1, x = -5
C) x = -1, x = 1, x = -5 D) none
x + 11
110) f(x) = 110)
2
x + 25x

A) x = -5, x = 5 B) x = 0, x = -25
C) x = -25, x = -11 D) x = 0, x = -5, x = 5
x-1
111) f(x) = 111)
3
x + 16x

A) x = 0 B) x = 0, x = -4, x = 4
C) x = 0, x = -16 D) x = -4, x = 4

-3x
2
112) R(x) = 112)
2
x + 4x - 21
A) x = -7, x = 3 B) x = -7, x = 3, x = -3
C) x = - 21 D) x = 7, x = -3

x-1
113) R(x) = 113)
3
x + 3x - 28x
2

A) x = -4, x = -30, x = 7 B) x = -4, x = 0, x = 7

C) x = -7, x = 4 D) x = -7, x = 0, x = 4

-2x(x + 2)
114) f(x) = 114)
2x2 - 5x - 7
2 7 2 7
A) x = - ,x=1 B) x = - ,x=1 C) x = , x = -1 D) x = , x = -1

7 2 7 2
x-3
115) f(x) = 115)
9x - x
3

A) x = -3, x = 3 B) x = 0, x = -3, x = 3
C) x = 0, x = -3 D) x = 0, x = 3

26
 2
-x + 16
116) f(x) = 116)
2
x + 5x + 4

A) x = 1, x = -4 B) x = -1, x = 4 C) x = -1 D) x = -1, x = -4
Choose the graph that represents the given function without using a graphing utility.
x
117)
117) f(x) = x + 2
A) B)
y y
4 4

2 2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2 -2

-4 -4

C) D)
y y
4 4

2 2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2 -2

-4 -4

27
 x
118) f(x) = 118)
2
x +x+2
A) B)
y y
4 4

2 2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2 -2

-4 -4

C) D)
y y
4 4

2 2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2 -2

-4 -4

28
 x2 - 3
119) f(x) = 119)
x
3
A) B)
y y
4 4

2 2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2 -2

-4 -4

C) D)
y
4 y
4

2
2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810 x
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 246810

-2
-2

-4
-4

29
 1
120)
120) f(x) = x + 1
A) B)
y y
10 10
8 8
6 6
4 4
2 2

x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10 -2
-2
-4
-4
-6
-6
-8
-8
-10
-10

C) D)

y
y 10
10
8
8
6
6
4
4
2
2

x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2-2 2 4 6 8 1
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2-2 2 4 6 8 10
-4
-4
-6
-6
-8
-8
-10
-10

30
121) f(x) =
x-1
121)
x+1
B)
A) y
10
y
10
8
8
6
6
4
4
2
2

x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10 -2
-2
-4
-4
-6
-6
-8
-8
-10
-10
D)
C)
y
10
y
10
8
8
6
6
4
4
2
2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10
-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10 x -2
-2
-4
-4
-6
-6
-8
-8
-10
-10

31
 1
122) f(x) = 122)
(x + 2)
2
A) B)
y y
10
10
8
8
6
6
4
4
2
2

-10 -8 -6 -4 -2 2 4 6 8 10 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 -2 24 6 8 10
-2
-4
-4
-6 -6

-8 -8

-10 -10

C) D)
y y
10 10
8 8
6 6
4 4
2 2

-10 -8 -2 2 4 6 8 10 x -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 24 6 8 10
-2 -2
-4 -4
-6 -6
-8 -8
-10 -10

32
 2x
2
123) f(x) = 123)
4-x
2
A) B)
y y
10 10

8
8
6
6
4 4
2 2

4 6 8 10 x 24 6 8 10
-2 -10 -8 -6 -4 -2-2
-4 -4
-6 -6
-8 -8

-10 -10

C) D)
y 10 y
10
8 8

6 6

4 4
2 2

-10 -8
-6 -4 -2 4 6 8 10 x 10 - 8 10
-2 2
- 8 -6 -4 - -2 24 6
-4 -4
-6 -6

-8 -8
-10 -10

Find the limit.

124) lim (-2x18 + 10) 124)
x→-∞
A) -∞ B) ∞ C) 0 D) 10
-7
125) lim 4x 125)
x→-∞

A) -4 B) -∞ C) 0 D) ∞
8
2x - 15x
6
126) lim 126)
x→∞

A) -13 B) ∞ C) -∞ D) 0
1
127) lim -3 127)

x→∞
x

A) -4 B) -3 C) 3 D) -2

33
 1
128) lim 128)

x→-∞ 6 - (9/x )
2
1
A) 1 B) - 13 C) -∞ D) 6

-5 + (4/x) 129)
129) lim

x→-∞ 7 - (1/x )
2
5 5
A) ∞ B) -∞ C) - 7
D) 7

2
x - 5x + 16
130) lim
130)

3
x→∞ x + 6x + 19
2
16
A) ∞ B) 1 C) 19
D) 0

2
-7x + 7x + 2
131) lim 131)

2
x→-∞ -16x - 7x + 8 1 7
A) 1 B) 4
C) ∞ D) 16

5x + 1 132)
132) lim

x→∞ 7x - 7
5 1
A) ∞ B) 0 C) 7 D)- 7

3
3x - 5x + 3x
2
133)
133) lim
3
-x - 2x + 6
x→∞
3
C) 3 D) ∞
B) -3
A) 2

3
4x + 3x
2
134) lim 134)

x→ - ∞ x - 5x2 3
D) 4
A) ∞ B) - 5 C) -∞

cos 4x 135)
135) lim

x→- ∞ x

D) -∞
A) 4 B) 1 C) 0

34
Divide numeratorand denominator by the highest power of x in the denominator to find the 0limit.
16x
2 )
136) lim 1
x→∞ 7 + 49x
2 3
16 16 4 6
D) -∞
)
A) 49 B) 7 C) 7

1
2
9x + x - 3
D 4
137) lim ) 1

x→∞ (x - 7)(x + 1) )
d
A) 9 B) 0 C) ∞ o
-1 e D) 5

138) lim -3 x + x s
x→∞ -5x + 4
1
n
1 4
o
A) ∞ B) 0 C) -5 2
t
)
-1 + 5x-3 e
2x
139) lim x
D) 64
- -
x→∞ 4x 2 + x 5 i
1 s 1
B) 0 C) ∞ t 4
A) 2
3
3 )
x + 2x + 6
140) lim
1
x→-∞ 5x + x
2/3 + 7 3
D) 0
2 5 7
C) 0
A) 5 B) 2 )
2
25t - 125
141) lim
D) 3
t→∞ t-5

1
A) 125 B) does not exist C) 25
3
2
64t - 512 8
142) lim
)
t→∞ t-8

A) 512 B) does not exist C) 8 3

7x + 6 D) 5
143) lim
4
2
x→∞ 6x + 1
B)
7 1
7 C) ∞ 3
A) 6 6
9
)

E) 144) h(x) = D) -∞

1
Find a
8x - 6
x-3
3 B) y = 0
C) y = 8 D) no horizontal asymptotes
144)

36
 3x 145)
145) h(x) = 7 -

A) x = 0 B) y = 3
C) y = 7 D) no horizontal asymptotes

146) g(x) =
x2 + 6x - 2
146)
x-2
A) y = 0 B) y = 2
C) y = 1 D) no horizontal asymptotes

147) h(x) =
3x2 - 3x - 4 147)
4x2 - 6x + 5 1
A) y = 0 B) y = 2

3
D) no horizontal asymptotes
C) y = 4

148) h(x) = 9x4 - 5x2 - 6

148)
5x5 - 8x + 4
5
B) y = 0
A) y = 8

C) y = 5
9 D) no horizontal asymptotes

9x - 4x
3
149) h(x) =
149)

8x3 - 8x + 4 1
9 B) y
2
A) y 8
D) no horizontal asymptotes
C) y = 0

150) h(x) = 4x3 - 8x - 2

150)
2
8x + 7
1
A) y = 2 B) y = 4

C) y = 0 D) no horizontal asymptotes

151) g(x) =
7x + 1
151)
2
x - 16
A) y = 0 B) no horizontal asymptotes
C) y = 7 D) y = -4, y = 4

35
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were so clearly elucidated by him, that the timid gathered
confidence, and the bold redoubled their energies. Hope and
courage were his constant companions, from which fear and
cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences far and
wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. Had Mr. Clay
been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had embarked his
all, where fortune, fame, reputation, and life itself were at issue, he
could not have manifested greater solicitude for the result, or put
forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable, than he did in
relation to the war of the nation. If patriotism, undoubted and
unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency in originating,
prosecuting and consummating the war, on what page of the world’s
annals is it chronicled? The history of the Grecian and Roman
republics furnish many instances of exalted, self-sacrificing
patriotism—of those who under its influence met death as joyfully as
they would have met a friend. Inspired by this principle we hear one
of their bards exclaim,
 ‘Dulce est pro patria mori.’

It is sweet to die for one’s country

But the lofty action of Mr. Clay in connection with this his country’s
crisis, his prompt response to her cry for aid, his unwavering
attachment to her cause, and his ardent devotion to her interests,
present an example of patriotic love and zeal, which may be placed
by the side of similar ones on the records of those nations, without
the slightest fear of disparagement,—indeed as justifying the belief
that if she had required a similar sacrifice, the victim would not have
been wanting.

Mr. Clay advocated war, not as an experimental measure, not for

the purpose of furnishing him an opportunity of gratifying his
ambitious private projects, as his enemies desired it to be believed,
but as the dernier resort, as that only which could raise from her
prostrate condition his country, and restore her to that rank to which
she was entitled as an independent nation. The result proved the
correctness of his prediction, while it exposed the falsity of that
pronouncing the measure as certain to eventuate in her ruin.

When he first approached the subject, he found it surrounded by

a cloud of gloom, rendered dense and dark by the adverse
circumstances of his country, and which was made every day more
murky by the unpatriotic attitude of the disaffected, and the
insidious efforts of the openly hostile. To dispel this, all his energies
were directed, and on the re-assembling of congress, pursuant to
adjournment, he was gratified to behold some few glimmerings of
light through the sombre mass. This cheering indication, added to
the reviving influence imparted to him by his recent immediate
contact with the people, fired his soul with an irrepressible fervency,
and caused the flame of his patriotic ardor to burn so intensely as to
consume all opposing materials. For this flame, plenty of fuel was
furnished by those, who evinced, by their deadly hostility, a desire to
see the unequal struggle then going on between England and the
United States, terminate in favor of the former. In some, this
hostility, breaking over all bounds of decency, vented itself in the
grossest lampoon. Their endeavors appeared more like the
spasmodic efforts of a drowning man, than the skilfully directed
attempts of enlightened opposers, as though they were determined,
if possible, to accomplish the fulfilment of their predictions, which
now, from the recent victorious feats of our arms, seemed quite
dubious. Soon after the commencement of the session, the first
subject of importance that came before the representatives of the
people, was that of increasing the army. Mr. Clay, and those whose
views were coincident with his, desired to concentrate the nation’s
energies in prosecuting the war to a glorious completion; to do
which, fresh and gratifying evidence had been given. To secure this,
it was proposed to augment the army by a recruit of twenty
thousand men. The committee on military affairs in the house
reported a bill for the purpose, which was considered in committee
of the whole, and debated at length. From the opposition, this
proposition met the most violent assault, and also those who
supported it. The warmest opposers were found in the persons of
Messrs. Randolph, Pitkin and Quincy. The speech of the latter
gentleman is said to have ‘produced disgust on all sides of the
house,’ and for violence and abuse stands unrivalled. Its most
scurrilous expressions have been expunged; enough, however,
remains to determine its original character. Speaking of the war, he
observed, ‘there is nothing in history like this war since the invasion
of the bucaneers. The disgrace of our armies is celestial glory
compared to the disgrace reflected on our country by this invasion;’
(the proposed invasion of Canada;) ‘yet it is called a war for glory!
Glory? Yes, such glory as that of the tiger when he tears the bowels
from the lamb, filling the wilderness with its savage roars; the glory
of Zenghis Khan, without his greatness; the glory of Bonaparte. Far
from me and mine, and far from my country be such glory!’ He
stigmatized those in favor of the war as ‘household troops, who
lounge for what they can pick up about the government house; who
come here, and with their families live and suck upon the breast of
the treasury; toad-eaters, who live on eleemosynary, ill-purchased
courtesy, upon the palace, swallow great men’s spittle, and get
judgeships, and wonder at the fine sights, and fine rooms, and fine
company, and most of all, wonder how they themselves got there.’
The state of public feeling in Massachusetts respecting the invasion,
he stated by saying, that ‘he had conversed upon the question with
men of all ranks and conditions in Massachusetts, with men hanging
over the plough and on the spade, judicious, honest, patriotic, sober
men, who, if it were requisite, and their sense of moral duty went
along with the war, would fly to the standard of their country at the
winding of a horn, but who now hear yours with the same
indifference they would have heard a jews-harp or a banjo.’ He was
particularly severe on those in the house who advised the rigid
prosecution of the war, by calling them ‘young politicians, with the
pin-feathers yet unshed, the shell still sticking upon them; perfectly
unfledged, though they fluttered and cackled on the floor; who
favored such extravagant and ignorant opinions of a very proud
nation.’ He said, ‘it would ill become a man whose family had been
two centuries settled in the state, and whose interests, connections
and affections were exclusively American, to shrink from his duty for
the yelping of those blood-hound mongrels who were kept in pay to
hunt down all who opposed the court; a pack of mangy hounds of
recent importation; their backs still sore with the stripes of European
castigation, and their necks marked with the check collar.’

Mr. Clay replied to him in a speech of most pointed yet merited

rebuke, and couched in language that stung like a scorpion. During
the course of his remarks, Mr. Quincy took occasion to travel out of
his way to attack the character of Mr. Jefferson. This uncalled for
and unexpected abuse of an aged ex-president, a patriot living in
retirement, Mr. Clay thus notices.

‘Neither his retirement from public office, his eminent services,

nor his advanced age, can exempt this patriot from the coarse
assaults of party malevolence. In 1801, he snatched from the rude
hand of usurpation the violated constitution of his country, and that
is his crime. He preserved that instrument, in form, and substance,
and spirit, a precious inheritance for generations to come, and for
this, he can never be forgiven. How vain and impotent is party rage
directed against such a man! He is not more elevated by his lofty
residence on the summit of his own favorite mountain, than he is
lifted by the serenity of his mind, and the consciousness of a well-
spent life, above the malignant passions and bitter feelings of the
day. No! his own beloved Monticello is not less moved by the storms
that beat against its sides, than is this illustrious man by the
howlings of the whole British pack set loose from the Essex kennel.’

Speaking of the notoriety Mr. Quincy had gained by attempting to

impeach Mr. Jefferson a few years previous, he said, ‘the final vote
stood one for, and one hundred and seventeen against the
proposition!’ (of impeachment.) ‘The same historic page that
transmitted to posterity the virtue and the glory of Henry the Great
of France, for their admiration and example, has preserved the
infamous name of the frantic assassin of that excellent monarch.’
Mr. Clay vindicated most ably the character of that exalted patriot,
from the foul aspersions thus attempted to be cast upon it; after
which, he alluded to the vacillating course pursued by those opposed
to the administration party, in the following language. ‘The course of
that opposition by which the administration of the government has
been unremittingly impeded for the last twelve years, is singular, and
I believe unexampled in the history of any country. The
administration has not been forgetful of its solemn obligations. No
art has been left unessayed, no experiment promising a favorable
result left untried, to maintain the peaceful relations of the country.
When some six or seven years ago, the affairs of the nation
assumed a threatening aspect, a partial non-importation was
adopted. As they grew more alarming an embargo was imposed. It
would have accomplished its purport, but it was sacrificed on the
altar of conciliation. Vain and fruitless attempt to propitiate! Then
came along the non-intercourse, and a general non-importation
followed in the train. In the mean time, any indications of a return to
the public law and the path of justice on the part of either
belligerent, are seized upon with avidity by the administration. The
arrangement with Mr. Erskine is concluded. It is first applauded, and
then censured by the opposition. No matter with what unfeigned
sincerity, with what real effort the administration cultivates peace,
the opposition insist that it alone is culpable for every breach that is
made between the two countries. Restriction after restriction has
been tried. Negotiation has been resorted to until further negotiation
would have been disgraceful. Whilst these peaceful experiments are
undergoing a trial, what is the conduct of the opposition? They are
the champions of war—the proud, the spirited, the sole repository of
the nation’s honor—the men of exclusive vigor and energy. The
administration, on the contrary, is weak, feeble, and pusillanimous—
incapable of being kicked into a war. The maxim, ‘not a cent for
tribute, millions for defence,’ is loudly proclaimed. The opposition is
tired, sick, disgusted with negotiation. They want to draw the sword
and avenge the nation’s wrongs. When, however, foreign nations,
perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here made, refuse to
listen to the amicable appeals, which have been repeated and
reiterated by the administration, to their justice and their interests—
when, in fact, war with one of them has become identified with our
existence and our sovereignty, and to abstain from it was no longer
possible, behold the opposition veering round and becoming the
friends of peace and commerce. They tell you of the calamities of
war—its tragical events—the squandering away of your resources—
the waste of the public treasure, and the spilling of innocent blood.
Now we see them exhibiting the terrific forms of the roaring king of
the forest. Now the meekness and humility of the lamb. They are for
war and no restriction when the administration is for peace. They
are for peace and restrictions when the administration is for war. You
find them tacking with every gale, displaying the colors of every
party and of all nations, steady only in one unalterable purpose, to
steer if possible into the haven of power.’

Mr. Clay’s sentiments in relation to the British system of

impressment were of the most affecting description, drawing tears
from the eyes of almost every individual present, and concluded by
saying, that ‘My plan would be to call out the ample resources of the
country, give them a judicious direction, prosecute the war with the
utmost vigor, strike wherever we can reach the enemy at sea or on
land, and negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or Halifax. We
are told that England is a proud and lofty nation, which, disdaining
to wait for danger, meets it half way. Haughty as she is, we once
triumphed over her, and if we do not listen to the counsels of
timidity and despair, we shall again prevail. In such a cause, with the
aid of Providence, we must come out crowned with success; but if
we fail, let us fail like men—lash ourselves to our gallant tars, and
expire together in one common struggle, fighting for free trade and
seamen’s rights.’

A correct idea of the effect produced it is impossible to gather

from his reported speech, though in general accurately given. Look,
tone, gesture, and manner contributed largely to its greatness,—
perhaps as much as the ‘thoughts that breathe and words that burn,’
which in one continuous stream fell from his eloquent lips, causing
the hearts of his hearers to thrill alternately with pleasure and pain.
It is represented as having been an exquisite specimen of grand
eloquence—a felicitous blending of the beautiful, pathetic and
sublime. He seemed to wave the enchanted wand of the fabled
magician, now spreading peace and quiet, and now causing the
most stormy emotions to swell the hearts of those who listened to
him. The editor of the National Intelligencer says that the pathetic
effect produced by the appeal admits not of description. Although
the day was extremely cold, so cold that Mr. Clay, for the only time
in his life, was unable to keep himself warm by the exercise of
speaking, there were few individuals in the house who did not bear
witness by their streaming eyes to the orator’s control over their
sensibilities. Members of both political parties—men whose patriotic
souls had been sustained by his eloquence, and those who had been
writhing and agonizing under his indignation, forgot their antipathies
and wept together.
 Mr. Clay had the pleasure of seeing the bill, as advocated by him,
pass the house, on the fourteenth of January, 1813, by a vote of
seventy-seven to forty-two. On the sixteenth (having passed the
senate,) it received the signature of the president; and thus was
taken another and very important step in carrying out that system of
manly and bold resistance devised and introduced by him, and which
was destined to redress all our grievances and restore our violated
rights.

On the eighteenth of February, congress proceeded to ascertain

the result of an election for president and vice president, which was
as follows. For president, James Madison, one hundred and twenty-
eight, De Witt Clinton, eighty-nine. For vice president, Elbridge
Gerry, one hundred and thirty-one, Jared Ingersoll, eighty-six. Thus
the re-election of Mr. Madison furnished undoubted evidence that
the people, from whom there is no appeal, sustained the measures
of war.

On the twenty-fourth of May, Mr. Clay was elected speaker to the

house again, over Mr. Pitkin, by a majority of thirty-five, and
whenever an opportunity was afforded him, he mingled in the
discussions that were almost constantly agitating the house, in
reference to prosecuting the war. At the commencement of this, the
first session of the thirteenth congress, he called the attention of the
house to that portion of the president’s message which describes the
manner in which the British had been waging war: which
characterized it as ‘adding to the savage fury of it on one frontier, a
system of plunder and conflagration on the other, equally forbidden
by respect for national character, and by the established rules of
civilized warfare.’ In a few pertinent remarks, he adverted to this
description embodied by the message, censuring somewhat severely
the nation guilty of such enormities, and said, ‘if they should be
found to be as public report had stated them, they called for the
indignation of all christendom, and ought to be embodied in an
authentic document which might perpetuate them on the page of
history.’ An investigation instituted on a motion of Mr. Clay, in
reference to these, developed the astounding fact that the most
barbaric outrages were committed repeatedly, on American
prisoners, by the savage allies of the British, with their approval. The
indignation of the house was aroused to a high pitch, on learning the
truth of the report, which took immediate measures for causing to
be laid before it every instance of such flagrant violation of the rules
of warfare recognized by all civilized nations.

War had now become the settled policy and regular business of
the nation; a business which though at first she performed rather
bunglingly, was now despatched in a more workmanlike manner. The
plough, the spade, and the various implements of husbandry and
mechanism, had become partially forgotten, by the familiarity which
had been effected with the musket and the sword, so that greater
skill was manifested in the use of the latter, which resulted in greater
success than accompanied the first attempts at their use. York, the
capital of Upper Canada, had fallen into our hands, and five naval
victories had been achieved. Indecision and timidity had to a great
extent disappeared, and a spirit of indomitable determination had
been made to take their place, mainly through the irresistible
influence of Mr. Clay’s eloquent appeals. These were all-powerful,
agitating the whole nation, paralyzing opposition, and organizing and
arraying the talent, influence, and means of all classes, to do battle
to death, if necessary, in defence of our precious liberties. A noble
and enthusiastic feeling was diffused throughout the country. Public
opinion was far and wide aroused in favor of the war, and its
majestic roar shook down the unconsecrated temples of treason,
and bared their secrets to the light of heaven. Patriot answered
aloud to patriot—the sentinels of freedom caught up the watchword
—from town to town the signal fires flashed free, and all things
proclaimed that the spirit of the country was up for glory.

Both the friends and foes of Mr. Clay agree that at this period the
control he had acquired was almost unlimited. In the house it was
probably equal to that which he had acquired a few years previous
in the legislature of Kentucky. This was always exercised in the spirit
of the greatest liberality, and in such a manner as to promote the
public interests. Towards the close of 1813, negotiations for peace
commenced, at the suggestion of Alexander, the emperor of Russia,
who proffered his mediation between the two belligerent nations. On
the part of the United States, his proffer was favorably received, and
a willingness manifested to accede to it, accompanied with
expressions of regret that the commercial interests of Russia should
be infringed or endangered in any way by her collision with Great
Britain. This was first formally made at Washington, by the Russian
minister, M. Daschkoff, as early as March of the same year, and
eagerly embraced by the president. It had, however, several months
previous, been hinted to Mr. Adams, our minister at St. Petersburg,
by the emperor himself, who manifested great desire that hostilities
should cease. On the part of Great Britain his pacific proposition was
rejected, who alleged that the peculiar nature of her domestic and
naval regulations rendered incompatible its acceptance, but declared
her perfect willingness to treat with the American envoys, either at
London, or Paris, or indeed at any convenient place selected by the
two powers. This proposal was accepted, and the preliminary steps
taken to accomplish the object proposed. Messrs. Albert Gallatin and
James A. Bayard were selected as two of the commissioners for the
United States, and directed to repair without delay and join Mr. J. Q.
Adams, at St. Petersburg, there to await the further action of
government.

A short time after, a proposal from the English ministry to

negotiate with us at Gottingen was accepted, and Messrs. Clay and
Jonathan Russell were selected commissioners, who, in connection
with the three in Russia, were invested with full power to treat with
lord Gambier, Henry Goulborne, and William Adamos, commissioners
on the part of the British government.

Although Gottingen had been first agreed upon as the city where
to conduct the negotiation, subsequently it was determined that
Ghent should be the place. The sixth of August, 1814, found the
plenipotentiaries of both nations (except Mr. Gallatin, who joined
them soon after,) at the latter city, ready to proceed with their
legitimate business. They commenced by a mutual interchange of
kind feeling, evincing a disposition to approach the subject in the
true spirit of conciliation, and to frame their stipulations so as to
subserve the interests of the powers they represented. In
consequence of the proximity of the British ministers to their
government, they enjoyed a superior advantage over the American
commissioners, of which they availed themselves freely, for
whenever they received from the latter a note of any importance, it
was directly sent to London, where its contents were carefully
scrutinized by the English ministry, who prepared and sent back an
answer containing instructions, which were to govern their actions in
relation to it. This mode of procedure adopted by them, greatly
retarded the negotiation, while the remoteness of the American
negotiators from their government, made it impossible for them to
resort to a similar method. The plan which they adopted on
receiving a communication from the former, was to consider its
contents deliberately, and with great circumspection; after which it
was committed to the care of one of their number deputed to
prepare an answer. This underwent a rigid examination, when each
member considered it in private, making such alterations as he
deemed proper. Afterwards they all assembled and subjected them
to a thorough scrutiny, which terminated in their adoption or
rejection. Their proceedings in detail were never reported, so that it
is impossible to state to what extent they were influenced by each
member of the diplomacy, but it is matter of general credence that
Mr. Clay, in their joint colloquial meetings, bore a prominent part and
exercised a controlling power over the character of the stipulations.
It is understood that Mr. Gallatin drew up more official
communications than any one of his associates, that Mr. Adams
ranked next, and Mr. Clay next. The various papers prepared by
these gentlemen during the period of their negotiation, which
continued about five months, furnish some of the finest specimens
of English composition. For purity of diction, terseness of style,
happy illustration, and logical construction, they will not suffer in
comparison with the best political disquisitions in the English
language.

The favorable indications which appeared at the commencement

of the negotiation, soon gave place to those of a different character.
The tone of the British commissioners, in laying the foundation of
the treaty, soon became so dictatorial as almost to preclude the
possibility of proceeding with it. In enumerating the various subjects
which they designed to review and determine, besides the seizure of
mariners from merchantmen on the high seas, boundary line, and
the privileges heretofore enjoyed by the United States in carrying on
their fisheries within the limits of British jurisdiction, they declared as
a sine qua non to the completion of the treaty, that it must embrace
provisions for rendering pacific the various Indian tribes within our
borders, for settling their boundaries by a specific treaty with Great
Britain, and that the right to purchase their lands without her
consent must be unconditionally ceded. On such grounds the
American commissioners unhesitatingly and unanimously refused to
advance. The overbearing and haughty pretensions and arbitrary
demands thus set up and insisted on at the very outset, seemed to
interpose an insurmountable barrier towards effecting an amicable
and honorable arrangement with our foe. Not only did she by
prescription unadvised with us, exhibit an intention to have it all in
her own way, but she avowed her design to obtain the control of
certain islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, over which our right of
jurisdiction had not been questioned up to that time, and to cause
us to agree not to keep any naval force on the lakes, nor garrison
soldiers on their eastern shores. The thought of submitting for a
moment to such obnoxious exactions and requisitions could not be
tolerated, and the American commissioners peremptorily informed
them that negotiation under such circumstances was entirely out of
the question, and that an unqualified abandonment of the
objectionable portion of their demands must be complied with,
before their consent to proceed another step in the business could
be obtained. They saw it was requisite to be thus decided, in order
to put an early and effectual stop to such unwarrantable
assumptions and encroachments, which, if quietly submitted to, they
clearly foresaw (by their maintaining a right to ‘vary and regulate
their demands,’) would be indefinitely extended. In their first
despatches to Washington, therefore, instead of holding out any
encouragement of success, they stated that there was no ‘hope of
peace.’ Immediately after their arrival, they were spread before the
people by the public journalists, whose indignation was greatly
augmented, on becoming acquainted with treatment ostensibly
given for the purpose of consummating a treaty of peace on grounds
of mutual reciprocity, but which in reality recognized the nation with
whom it was to be effected, as enslaved rather than free. The
demands of England were characterized as ‘arrogant, insulting to the
United States, meriting instantaneous rejection, and demanding the
united exertions of every citizen of these states, in the vigorous
prosecution of the war until it shall be terminated in a just and
honorable peace.’

The publication of their despatches was not anticipated by our

commissioners, and great was their astonishment on perusing them
in the newspapers at Ghent. Their fears were excited lest it should
have an unfavorable bearing on the negotiations, if it did not put an
abrupt period to them. The English negotiators maintained a
guarded silence on the subject. Mr. Clay being solicitous to ascertain
their opinions in relation thereto, addressed them, beginning with
lord Gambier, whom he accosted by saying, ‘you perceive, my lord,
that our government has published our despatches, and that now
the whole world knows what we are doing here.’ ‘Yes,’ said he,
‘I have seen it with infinite surprise, and the proceeding is without
example in the civilized world.’ ‘Why, my lord,’ said Mr. Clay, mildly,
‘you must recollect that at the time of the publication of those
despatches, our government had every reason to suppose, from the
nature of the pretensions and demands which yours brought
forward, that our negotiation would not terminate successfully, and
that the publication would not find us here together. I am quite sure
that if our government had anticipated the present favorable aspect
of our deliberations, the publication of the despatches would not
have been ordered. Then your lordship must also recollect, that if, as
you truly asserted, the publication of despatches pending a
negotiation is not according to the custom of European diplomacy,
our government is organized on principles totally different from
those on which European governments are constituted. With us, the
business in which we are here engaged is the people’s business. We
are their servants, and they have a right to know how their business
is going on. The publication, therefore, was to give the people
information of what ultimately affected them.’

Although unable to controvert this explanation by Mr. Clay, of the

reasons for publishing the official papers relative to the negotiation,
he expressed himself not perfectly satisfied with it, and his opinion
was concurred in by his colleagues. However, the injurious
consequences apprehended from their publication were not
experienced, and the business of the treaty proceeded as if it had
not been made.

Mr. Clay reciprocated an act of kindness of Mr. Goulborne, who

had sent him a British periodical containing an account of the taking
of Washington by the arms of his nation, by sending to him some
American papers which he had recently received, describing a
splendid victory won on lake Champlain or lake Erie, by the navy of
his country over that of the British.

After the receipt of such unpleasant intelligence from Ghent, it

was resolved that redoubled energy should be put forth in pushing
forward the war, which caused the noble feats of our gallant navy
and army to be greatly multiplied. At Plattsburgh, Chippewa, and
many other places, victory perched upon our banner. The hearts of
our hardy sailors gathered fresh strength, whose successful attempts
in annoying the enemy by capturing his trading vessels, caused the
most bitter lamentations throughout his realm, and underwriters to
advance their rates of insurance between England and Ireland from
three-fourths of one to five per cent. The determined spirit thus
evinced by us, Great Britain correctly attributed to the arbitrarily
assumptive course which she attempted to pursue in conducting the
negotiations at Ghent; a spirit which she had the sagacity to discover
would never brook the slightest shade of vassalage, or permit the
acceptance of dishonorable terms, and also the wisdom to avert the
destructive consequences which her varied and wide-spread
interests would certainly sustain from the aggressions of those
actuated by it, in speedily removing the causes by which it was
aroused. A recession was immediately made, not only by the British
ministers, who reduced their sine qua non so as to require only the
effection of Indian pacification, but by the public journalists in both
England and her provinces. They spoke in more respectful terms of
the United States, and abated to a good extent their domineering
attempts. Still some of the objectionable terms proposed at first as
the basis of an arrangement, were adhered to. The cession of such a
portion of our territory as should secure a permanent and safe
communication to England between Quebec and Halifax, was
required pertinaciously. The American commissioners assumed the
responsibility, at the risk of breaking off the negotiation, of rejecting
such terms, and indeed all that did not come within the limit of their
instructions, by informing the English commissioners, that it was
perfectly fruitless, besides a waste of time, to bring forward and
attempt to connect with the treaty, subjects respecting which they
were not empowered to negotiate; subjects which were many of
them foreign to their purpose, had no natural relation to it, and
which if desirable might be definitely settled by subsequent
negotiation, without being made a party to their present proposed
arrangement. They affirmed that they had ‘no relation to the
subsisting differences between the two countries; they are
inconsistent with acknowledged principles of public law; they are
founded neither on reciprocity nor on any of the usual bases of
negotiation, neither on that of the uti possidetis or of status ante
bellum; they would inflict the most vital injury on the United States
by dismembering their territory, by arresting their natural growth
and increase of population, and by leaving their northern and
western frontiers equally exposed to British invasion and Indian
aggression; they are above all dishonorable to the United States, in
demanding from them to abandon territory and a portion of their
citizens, to admit a foreign interference in their domestic concerns,
and to cease to exercise their natural rights on their own shores and
in their own waters. A treaty concluded on such terms would be but
an armistice. It cannot be supposed that America would long submit
to conditions so injurious and degrading. It is impossible, in the
natural course of events, that she should not, at the first favorable
opportunity, recur to arms for the recovery of her territory, of her
rights, and her honor. Instead of settling existing difficulties, such a
peace would only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of
permanent hatred, and lay the foundation of hostilities for an
indefinite period. It is not necessary to refer such demands to the
American government for its instruction. They will be only a fit
subject of deliberation when it becomes necessary to decide upon
the expediency of an absolute surrender of national independence.’

There was no mistaking the meaning of such language,

respectful but pungent, expressing perspicuously the true principles
of diplomatic action. Although it was self-evident that the spirit
which dictated such sentiments as that communication contained,
would not allow any truckling or swerving, still the British negotiators
appeared determined to persevere until they accomplished what
from the very commencement seemed to be to them a favorite
feature in the treaty, viz: the exposure of our whole northern frontier
to the mercy of their nation. She found that the Indian hordes could
be advantageously employed by her, indeed she had already
employed them to such an extent as to give, so far as she was
concerned, a most truculent aspect to the war; hence the invincible
determination manifested by her legalized commissioners, to have
the treaty so framed as to secure to her their absolute control. This
disposition was regarded by the American commissioners with
feelings not only of regret, but of horror, who protested against ‘the
employment of savages, whose known rule of warfare is the
indiscriminate torture and butchery of women, children, and
prisoners,’ as constituting ‘a departure from the principles of
humanity observed between all civilized and christian nations even in
war.’ They stated that instead of endeavoring to effect that control, it
would be much more comportable with the dignity and grandeur of
the British nation to abandon forever the barbarous practice, and to
stipulate with America to that purpose in case of waging any future
war with her. They would not recede an inch from the ground which
they had taken, in relation to the Indians and northern frontier. After
directing their combined diplomatic artillery against them for the
space of several weeks incessantly, to drive them from it, but
without the slightest success, the British diplomatists finally
abandoned it. Soon after the American commissioners proposed to
guaranty the pacification of the Indians when the treaty should be
ratified, and expressed their unaltered determination to treat upon
no subjects respecting which they had received no instructions. To
this their opponents acceded, and the negotiation proceeded, the
American commissioners dictating nearly all the terms, and finally
issued in the production of a treaty, on the twenty-fourth of
December, 1814.

Throughout the negotiation the utmost unanimity prevailed

among our ministers, and never was there a difference of opinion,
except in one instance. This related to certain fishery privileges, and
the navigation of the Mississippi river.

In a treaty of peace concluded in 1783, between Great Britain

and the United States, it was stipulated that the latter should enjoy
the liberty of taking fish of every kind on all the banks of
Newfoundland, Grand Bank, gulf of St. Lawrence, and in all other
places where the inhabitants of both countries had been accustomed
to fish—that the same should be enjoyed on all the coasts, bays and
creeks of his Britannic majesty’s dominions in America; that she
should have full permission to dry and cure fish in the unsettled
bays, &c. of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador, so long as
they should remain unsettled, but that after they were settled, such
permission must be sanctioned by their occupants; and also that the
Mississippi river should be open forever to the navigation of both
nations, from its mouth to its source. The latter stipulation was
included in a treaty negotiated by Mr. Jay, in 1794.

The United States, anticipating that the subjects of the fisheries

and navigation of the Mississippi would be brought forward by the
British government, had directed the secretary of state, Mr. Monroe,
to give her commissioners special instructions relative to them. He
accordingly authorized them, in case she should require the United
States to relinquish her fishing privileges, to treat the requisition as it
deserved. They were given to understand that these privileges must
not be brought into the discussion, and that, if insisted on, their
negotiations must terminate. He instructed them not to grant to
Great Britain the right to navigate any river within the exclusive
jurisdiction of the United States.

At an early stage of the negotiation, it had been intimated to the

American commissioners by the British, that the privilege in question
would not be renewed, unless the United States offered something
to Great Britain which should be deemed an ample equivalent. The
subject of this equivalent caused the difference of opinions to which
allusion has been made. Mr. Adams contended that no equivalent
could or ought to be demanded for the right of fishing stipulated in
the treaty of 1783. He did not believe with his colleagues, that the
article in that treaty, relating to this right, expired at the
commencement of the war, but contended that it had survived the
war, and that therefore it was absurd to treat concerning the renewal
of a right, of which they were then in the legitimate possession. The
great importance of preserving this right unabridged was felt by all.
Mr. Gallatin went so far as to propose to permit Great Britain to
exercise the right of navigating the Mississippi as an equivalent for
that of fishing in the waters within her jurisdiction. After a warm
debate, Messrs. Adams, Gallatin and Bayard declared themselves in
favor of doing so, and Messrs. Clay and Russell opposed. Mr. Clay
then affirmed, that his signature should not be appended to a treaty
including such a proposition, who was joined soon after by
Mr. Bayard, and consequently it was not included. A most animated
discussion ensued, in which Mr. Clay demonstrated the impolicy of
extending such a privilege to Great Britain, contended that America
ought to come out of the war in the unimpaired possession of all the
rights and privileges which she enjoyed prior to its commencement,
and that the right of discussing the question of the fisheries did not
come within the purview of their instructions. In regard to the
navigation of the Mississippi, a mere glance at its unlimited
connections and dependencies, the vast advantage which an easy
access to them would confer, rendered no deliberation requisite in
deciding upon granting a right to it to Great Britain. It would be
almost tantamount to placing in her hands a tube communicating
with the very vitals of the republic, through which she could suck its
life blood; it would give her unbounded facilities for employing
against us the numerous tribes of Indians at the north west, of
which she would doubtless with avidity avail herself, and greatly to
our detriment, and thus jeopard the great and growing interests of
the whole west. As it respected the right which she imagined she
possessed in virtue of the treaties of 1783 and 1794, Mr. Clay
contended that the grounds upon which it was based were
supposititious, and that therefore it could not be valid; that at the
dates of those treaties, it was supposed that the law of nations
would entitle her to the right, inasmuch as it was believed that her
dominions bordered on the Upper Mississippi, and that this supposed
bordering of her territory on the river, was the principal reason
adduced in stipulating for the right of its navigation; that now since
it was certainly determined and known, that such was not the fact,
she possessed no natural grounds on which to found the right; that
Spain at the date of those treaties owned the entire western bank of
the river from its mouth to its source, and consequently possessed
an equal interest with the United States in its navigation, who could
not, therefore, convey to a third party that interest, or any portion of
it, unsanctioned by the former; that in 1803, by purchase, the
United States became possessed of the entire Spanish interest,
which placed her upon different grounds from those on which she
stood in 1783 and 1794. Besides, Mr. Clay argued, what connection
is there between the fishing privilege, and the right of navigating the
Mississippi? The treaties showed none, their nature none. Why select
as the equivalent for the privilege, the Mississippi? Why not barter
the Potomac, or the Hudson for it? There was something calculated
to excite suspicion in this attempt of our powerful enemy to
introduce her invincible navy to the ‘father of rivers.’ It looked like
feeling for the purse-strings of the nation. He would as soon yield a
portion of her blood-bought territory, as this noblest of her streams,
to become the resort of the British lion, where he might make his
permanent lair, and eventually place his huge paw upon the crest of
her eagle. Though as anxious as his colleagues possibly could be for
the preservation of their fishing privileges, he could not consent to
effect it by a purchase so expensive as that proposed. Thus Mr. Clay
remained immovably determined to act in accordance with his
convictions of duty in consulting the interests of that nation which he
represented. The value of those interests, undoubtedly secured by
the decided position which he assumed and maintained, is of such
magnitude as to be inappreciable; they constitute a corner stone of
the temple of liberty, destined to abide as long as she shall make it
her abode.

Subsequently to the British ministers’ becoming acquainted with

the conclusion of the American commissioners, respecting the
exchange, they, in a counter project of a treaty, submitted to the
latter, proposed among other articles one to renew the right of
navigation in question, without any equivalent. After much
deliberation this was rejected. Finally, it was mutually agreed by both
parties to refrain from inserting any article in the treaty, relating
either to the fisheries or the navigation of the Mississippi. Thus the
pride of the west and the glory of America was suffered to roll his
majestic tide in beauty and grandeur to the ocean, unburthened by
foreign vessels and unfettered by regal sway.
 Several years afterwards, Mr. Clay became involved in an
unpleasant controversy between Messrs. Russell and Adams, which
originated from something connected with their negotiations at
Ghent. On the day next subsequent to the signing of the treaty, the
commissioners drew up a sketch of their discussions in relation to
the difference of opinion among them, concerning complying with
the demands of the British commissioners, which represented the
offer of the navigation of the Mississippi as made by a majority of
the American plenipotentiaries. At the same time, Mr. Russell
communicated to Mr. Monroe the fact of his being in the minority in
that offer, and declared his intention of submitting his reasons for
disagreeing with his associates, at a future convenient period, which
he subsequently carried into effect. These papers were deposited
among the documents of the nation, where they remained till 1822,
when they were placed before the house of representatives, at its
request, by the president, together with a private communication
from Mr. Russell, purporting to be a duplicate of one found among
the private papers of the president. A statement was made by each
of these letters, between which there was a discrepancy, which
caused Mr. Adams to reprimand Mr. Russell severely, through the
medium of the press. Mr. Clay addressed a letter to Mr. Russell
designed to be private, in which he signified his acquiescence in the
reprimand, and also gave a concise statement of their debates
connected with their disagreement. It appeared that Mr. Adams was
laboring under the impression that Mr. Clay coincided with him in
construing the treaties of 1783 and 1794, or that part of them
referring to the fisheries and Mississippi, from the fact of his
signature being attached to the communication of the American to
the British commissioners, embodying the views of the former in
relation to them. Mr. Clay corrected that impression by declaring that
he had not concurred with him. He stated that his object in advising
the insertion of the words ‘a majority,’ in the despatch to the
secretary of state, was to announce to his government the fact of a
division among them, and with the view of concealing it from the
power with whom they were treating, he appended his signature to
the communication. The dispute was maintained some time between
Messrs. Russell and Mr. Adams, and with great acrimony, but no
impeachment of Mr. Clay’s conduct or motives was attempted by
either. Both awarded to him the honor of having acted well his part,
in bringing to so felicitous a consummation the treaty of peace.

Immediately after the close of the negotiation, Mr. Clay repaired

to Paris, having resolved not to visit England until he learned the
ratification of the treaty. At the request of Mr. Crawford, our minister
at Paris, he took lodgings in his hotel, where he found an invitation
to a ball, given by Mr. Hottinguer, the American banker, in honor of
the conclusion of the treaty. There he was introduced to the
celebrated madame de Stael, and had a pleasant interview with her.

She informed him that she had recently visited England, and had
openly espoused the cause of the United States there, remarking
that the British were greatly exasperated against them, and
entertained serious intentions of despatching the duke of Wellington
at the head of their armies, for the purpose of inflicting proper, and
as they thought well merited chastisement upon them. He politely
thanked her for the interest she had manifested in behalf of his
country, at the same time expressing his regret that England had not
carried out her intentions. ‘Why?’ said she. ‘Because, madame, if he
had beaten us, we should only have been in the condition of Europe,
without disgrace. But if we had been so fortunate as to defeat him,
we should have greatly added to the renown of our arms.’

He afterwards met her at a select coterie at her own dwelling,

where he found the marshals of France, duke of Wellington, and
many other persons of rank. On introducing Mr. Clay to the duke,
madame de Stael repeated the above anecdote. He replied promptly
and gracefully, that had he been so fortunate in the execution of
such a commission as to triumph over a foe evincing as much
bravery as the Americans had, he should regard it as a greater
honor than the most brilliant victory he had ever achieved.
 Mr. Clay tarried at the French metropolis two months, during
which time news of the glorious victory at New Orleans was
communicated to him, whereupon he was heard to remark, ‘now
I can go to England without mortification.’ He expressed, however,
much chagrin at the reported flight of a body of Kentucky militia
from the field of battle on that occasion, but declared his belief, from
a personal acquaintance with their bravery, that it must be false.

Soon after, he went to England, where the treaty had been

ratified formally, a few days previous to his leaving Paris. In England
he received the most marked attention, and formed many valuable
acquaintances, which subsequently proved a source of pleasure and
profit to him. He won the esteem of lord Castlereagh, who treated
him with particular politeness, offering to present him to the prince
regent, which Mr. Clay civilly declined, in consequence of his
unwillingness to submit to the courtly formalities of such an
introduction.

Several days had elapsed, when he was informed by his host that
an individual desired to speak with him. Mr. Clay requested that he
might be admitted, who accordingly was, who proved to be a person
splendidly dressed, and, refusing to be seated at Mr. Clay’s request,
announced himself as the first waiter of my lord Castlereagh!
‘Indeed!’ replied Mr. Clay, ‘what is your pleasure with me?’ ‘Why, if
your excellency pleases,’ said the man, ‘it is usual for a foreign
minister when he is presented to lord Castlereagh to make to his
first waiter a present, or pay the customary stipend;’ at the same
time presenting him with a catalogue of names of foreign ministers,
with the amount that each had paid him placed opposite his name.

Mr. Clay, believing it a vile attempt to extort money from him,

endeavored to get rid of him in the easiest way possible, by saying
that he was not the minister to England; that Mr. Adams, who was,
would probably soon arrive from Paris, who would doubtless comply
with the custom of the country in that respect. The servant, not
being inclined to release him so easily, quickly replied, that it was
immaterial whether he was a resident or special minister. Mr. Clay
thought finally that the most effectual way to release himself, was to
comply with his demand, and presented him a small sum.

While he was at London the battle of Waterloo was fought, and

he witnessed the public rejoicings on account of its favorable
termination to the British. He was one day dining at lord
Castlereagh’s house in company with many of the nobility, when the
conversation turned on the late victory, and the whereabouts of
Napoleon, as it was not known where he had gone. Some intimated
that he had sailed for America. ‘If he goes there,’ said lord Liverpool
to Mr. Clay, ‘will he not give you much trouble?’ ‘None whatever,’
instantly replied Mr. Clay, ‘we shall be glad to receive such a
distinguished, though unfortunate exile, and we shall soon make a
good democrat of him.’

During his residence in England, Mr. Clay passed his time very
agreeably, and laid the foundation for many grateful reminiscences.
By the late sir James Mackintosh he was delightfully entertained. He
embraced the opportunity of renewing his intimacy with lord
Gambier, whose amiable qualities and piety had secured Mr. Clay’s
strong attachment. With him he spent a week, visiting with him
during that time several places of interest, one of which was the
residence of a descendant of William Penn.

In September, 1815, he embarked for New York, where, on his

arrival, he and Mr. Gallatin were complimented with a public dinner.

In every transaction of a public character in which Mr. Clay had

any agency, he almost invariably rendered himself conspicuous; but
in no one did he gather greener laurels, or make a longer stride
towards immortal fame, than in that of the negotiation at Ghent.
Rumor had preceded him, trumpeting his honors—the faithful and
scrupulously jealous manner in which he had almost sleeplessly
watched over the interests of his country, and crushed with the
strength of a giant the incipient risings of a disposition to destroy or
abridge her natural or conventional rights; and when he approached
her shores, she opened wide her arms to receive him. In Kentucky,
warm, noble-hearted Kentucky, his reception was like that of a
dutiful and affectionate son in the long and passionate embrace of a
beloved mother. She welcomed him with a tenderness that would
hardly allow the winds of heaven to visit him with gentle rudeness.
Enthusiastic rejoicings were enkindled, and spontaneous outpourings
of grateful feeling were lavished upon him like rain. He had even
been re-elected to congress while he was still in Europe, and
unanimously. A doubt having arisen touching the legality of this
election, a new one was commenced, which resulted as at first.

At the commencement of the next session, the house again

called him to preside over its deliberations, where he soon became
engaged in directing successfully the affairs of the nation. As a
matter in course, the new treaty was brought forward at an early
stage, out of which the federalists, and the opposers of the war in
general, endeavored to obtain food for their carping, fault-finding
appetites. Passing indifferently and silently by the great advantages
which it secured to the United States, they sought, with an
eagerness worthy of a better cause, to find some defective or weak
point. If in this they were successful, although it might be so
diminutive as to escape the detection of any except their microscopic
vision when thus employed, it was ridiculously amusing to listen to
their barkings, and howlings, and wranglings over it, often for hours;
and the multitude and variety of hard names and scurrilous epithets
which they would bandy about on such occasions, rendered it
necessary for one to go beyond the English vocabulary if he desired
to satisfy his curiosity respecting their location. But Mr. Clay soon
brought to bear upon them the tremendous battery of his
eloquence, which sent the whole yelping pack to their kennels, both
in and out of congress. This he did on the twenty-ninth of January,
1816.

Said he, on that occasion, ‘I gave a vote for the declaration of

war. I exerted all the little influence and talents I could command to
make the war. The war was made. It is terminated; and I declare
with perfect sincerity, if it had been permitted to me to lift the veil of
futurity, and to have foreseen the precise series of events which has
occurred, my vote would have been unchanged. We had been
insulted, and outraged, and spoliated upon by nearly all Europe; by
Great Britain, by France, Spain, Denmark, Naples, and, to cap the
climax, by the little contemptible power of Algiers. We had submitted
too long and too much. We had become the scorn of foreign powers,
and the derision of our own citizens.’

These opposers laid no small emphasis upon the fact that no

stipulation was contained in the treaty respecting the impressment
of our seamen. He met this in a strain of lofty argument, whose
pungency sank into their hearts like a spear. Said he, ‘one of the
great causes of the war and of its continuance was the practice of
impressment exercised by Great Britain; and if this claim had been
admitted by necessary implication or express stipulation, the rights
of our seamen would have been abandoned! It is with utter
astonishment that I hear it has been contended in this country, that
because our right of exemption from the practice had not been
expressly secured in the treaty, it was therefore given up! It is
impossible that such an argument can be advanced on this floor. No
member who regarded his reputation would venture to advance such
a doctrine.’

He concluded by stating the position in which the country ought

to be speedily placed; advised the preservation of her present naval
and military force; to make provision for the increase of the navy; to
fortify her most defenceless points; to multiply military roads and
canals; and to commence in earnest the great work of internal
improvement. ‘I would see a chain of turnpike roads and canals from
Passamaquoddy to New Orleans, and other similar roads intersecting
the mountains, to facilitate intercourse between all parts of the
country, and to bind and to connect us together. I would also
effectually protect our manufactories. I would afford them protection
not so much for the sake of the manufacturers themselves as for the
general interest.’

Mr. Clay resumed his duties in the house by evincing the same far
reaching anxiety for the welfare of his whole country, that he
manifested when he resigned his station for a foreign mission. To his
influence, in a great measure, the origin of the war was owing, its
bold prosecution, and satisfactory termination. But besides the
advantages which we reaped as the fruits of it, we realized many
detrimental consequences incidental to it. An immense debt had
been contracted; our commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural
interests had been partially suspended, if not totally neglected; we
found ourselves greatly in want of articles, the product of
mechanical ingenuity, to supply which it was necessary to resort to
foreign work-shops; this of course caused large exportations of
specie, which seldom returned; the bank issues amounted to
upwards of one hundred millions of dollars, while at the same time
there was only about fifteen millions of specie in the country. These
institutions had of course been obliged to suspend specie payment;
distress and pressure every where abounded, and the well disposed
and patriotic began seriously to look about them for measures of
relief, and restoration to the country. The most judicious and
reflecting in the nation, believed that the greatest source of distress
was to be found in the deranged state of the currency. Indeed it was
completely vitiated. The government paper, bearing interest at six
per cent., the redemption of which it had guarantied by pledging the
faith of the nation, was depreciated some twenty per cent., and
doubt and distrust in money matters were prominent features of the
condition of the country. Something must be done, it was obvious, to
remove that doubt, and restore confidence, or general stagnation
would invade every industrial department throughout the nation. At
this period, the individual states presented the singular appearance
of being engaged in doing what the constitution evidently intended
should be performed by the general government, namely, in reality
regulating the currency, through the banking institutions operating
under their sanction. This they were executing in a most unfinancial-
like manner, in many instances making their paper a legal tender,
thus compelling the creditor to accept it or yield his claim.

In this state of things, it was imperiously demanded of congress

to interpose the power vested in it by the constitution, and recover
that control over the currency which it had suffered to be usurped by
the states. The articles in that instrument granting congress the
exclusive power of coining money, and prohibiting the states from
doing it, and also from issuing bills of credit, rendered it apparent
that the power of regulating the general currency was lodged with
that body. This was the belief of the most able financiers of that
time, and adopted by those of the present. Acting under the
influence of this belief, Mr. Madison had at the opening of the
session of 1815–16, recommended ‘the establishment of a national
bank,’ which ‘he regarded as the best and perhaps the only adequate
resource to relieve the country and the government from the present
embarrassment. Authorized to issue notes which will be received in
all payments to the United States, the circulation of its issues will be
coëxtensive with the union, and there will exist a constant demand,
leaving a just proportion to the annual amount of the duties and
taxes to be collected, independent of the general circulation for
commercial and social purposes. A national bank will therefore
possess the means and the opportunity of supplying a circulating
medium of equal use and value in every state and in every district of
every state. Established by the authority of the United States,
accredited by the government to the whole amount of its notes in
circulation, and intrusted as the depository of the government with
all the accumulations of the public treasure, the national bank,
independent of its immediate capital, will enjoy every
recommendation which can merit and secure the confidence of the
public. Organized upon principles of responsibility, but of
independence, the national bank will be retained within its legitimate
sphere of action without just apprehensions from the misconduct of
its directors, or from the encroachments of the government. Eminent
in its resources, and in its example, the national bank will conciliate
and lead the state banks in all that is necessary for the restoration of
credit, public and private. And acting upon a compound capital,
partly of stock, and partly of gold and silver, the national bank will be
the ready instrument to enhance the value of the public securities,
and to restore the currency of the national coin.’

Such were Mr. Madison’s views in relation to a national bank,

which were immediately referred to the committee on the national
currency; and on the eighth of January, 1816, the chairman of that
committee, Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, presented an
able and elaborate report in relation thereto, advocating the
immediate chartering of such a bank as the president had
recommended, and detailed its prominent features. When the bill
was brought forward for the action of the house, Mr. Clay
unequivocally declared himself in favor of its provisions in a speech
of great ability and argumentative force, although well knowing that
he would thereby subject himself to the charge of inconsistency. He
was charged with it by his political enemies, who magnified his
departure from the position taken by him in 1811 in relation to the
same bank, into a monstrous blemish in his political character;
which, if correctly considered, is seen to constitute an ornament,
instead. A careful contrast of the grounds on which, and the
circumstances under which he then opposed that institution, with
those on and under which he now advocated it, will, to any
unprejudiced mind, forever exempt him from that charge. Such a
contrast will clearly show, that the total change of circumstances
which had taken place during the five years that had elapsed since
he first examined the merits of that bank, and that wrought in the
policy of the general government in that time, to say nothing of the
experience received in prosecuting the war, of the utility of and
necessity for such an establishment, not only disarmed and rendered
invalid now, objections which then were both valid and weighty
when directed against it, but absolutely converted them into
arguments in its favor. At the time when it was proposed to renew
the charter of the old United States bank, Mr. Clay did not think it so
essential in accomplishing any of the objects definitely specified in
the constitution, as to justify its establishment, on grounds purely
constructive. It was supported, too, principally by the federal party,
and on the ground that its agency was requisite in executing the
financial concerns of government; which ground then was falsely
assumed, inasmuch as the local banks of the several states had, in
certain cases, been employed to perform that office, which they
were successfully executing. They, therefore, being known to
compass the specific object for which it was stated the charter of the
bank was to be renewed, it was justly regarded by Mr. Clay as a
matter of supererogation to renew it, and accordingly he opposed its
renewal. In 1816, Mr. Clay supported the bank mainly on the ground
of its necessity, to enable congress to exercise that ample and
salutary supervision over the commercial and monetary interests of
the country, which the constitution expressly gave it; and that,
therefore, out of this very necessity, was fairly deducible its
constitutionality, since it was absurd to suppose that the constitution
would grant to congress a specified right, and at the same time
withhold the only means by which it could exercise that right.
A stormy and protracted discussion arose respecting the bank
charter, during which Mr. Clay came again into collision with
Mr. Randolph, causing unusual sensation in the house, and giving
rise to apprehensions that something serious might grow out of it.
Mr. Randolph animadverted somewhat harshly upon Mr. Clay’s
custom of maintaining a uniform silence in his private intercourse
respecting his change of opinion in regard to the expediency and
constitutionality of a United States bank, using language that might
admit of very offensive construction. When he ceased, Mr. Clay, with
his usual self-possession and deliberation, rose, and in a few words
declared that the offensive language needed explanation; that he
should refrain from saying what he conceived himself bound to say,
until Mr. Randolph should make it. Mr. Randolph rose, and made the
explanation, which Mr. Clay pronounced unsatisfactory; and
Mr. Randolph again explained, disavowing all intention to offer
offence. During the altercation, an almost breathless stillness had
been preserved in the house; a pin might be heard to fall in any part
of it.
 The bank bill passed the house by a vote of eighty to seventy-
one, and the senate by a vote of twenty-two to twelve. On the tenth
of April it became a law, went into operation in the early part of
1817, and more than justified the expectations of its friends, in
regard to its influence for good upon the varied interests of the
country.

During this session, Mr. Clay gave his support to a bill proposing
a reduction of the direct tax laid upon the United States. He
expressed himself in favor of a moderate land tax, and regarded the
existing one as too high for a state of peace. He maintained that ‘in
time of peace we should look to foreign importations as the chief
source of revenue, and in war when they are cut off, that it was time
enough to draw deeply on our internal resources.’ His plan was to
make up for a still further decrease of the land tax, by an increase of
the duties on imports.

It was deemed desirable to increase the pay of members of

congress, which led to the framing and passage of the celebrated
compensation bill. It was generally agreed among the members that
their compensation (six dollars per day,) was not sufficient for their
maintenance at Washington, and allow them to enjoy the society of
their families. The principal question that arose respected the mode
by which it should be increased. Some were in favor of a stipulated
salary, and others of an increase of the per diem pay. On the sixth of
March, colonel Richard M. Johnson, one of the committee to whom
the business had been referred, reported a bill regulating the pay of
members, by a salary of fifteen hundred dollars per session, for each
member in congress, which passed both houses. Mr. Clay voted for
this bill, but at the same time declaring his preference for the per
diem rate. The passage of this bill proved particularly obnoxious to
the demagogues, throughout the country, who exerted themselves
incessantly to excite the passions of the people, evidently for the
purpose of accumulating political capital. In no section of the union
did the excitement rage to such an extent as in Kentucky. It seemed
as though scarcely an individual in the whole state was friendly to it.
The ambitious and designing demagogues and ultra federalists
united in Kentucky their furious forces, with exultations of delight at
what appeared to them the certain prospect of accomplishing the
total overthrow of Mr. Clay. They had succeeded to such a degree in
kindling a flame of indignation against the measure, that there were
at least some grounds of danger. They had long been impotently
watching for this opportunity, and now from their various places of
concealment they rushed forth, bent upon accomplishing their
purpose. After some consultation as to the mode they should adopt,
it was finally determined that Mr. John Pope, an eloquent and
influential gentleman, should take the field in opposition to Mr. Clay.
Accordingly, he immediately commenced political operations in the
approved style of the country, by riding about among the
inhabitants, addressing them often, setting forth his own merits and
claims, and decrying those of his rival. It was not until after being
repeatedly importuned by his friends, that Mr. Clay would consent to
take the field in person against Mr. Pope. He finally went forth for
the first time in his life, to vindicate in person to his constituents, his
public political acts.

It has been said that Mr. Clay was the first Kentuckian who
preserved dignity and independence of character on an
electioneering tour. It was customary at that day in Kentucky, for any
one who solicited an office in the gift of the people, to clothe himself
in tattered garments, and in the attitude and with the tone of a
menial, to go around among them and thus ask it at their hands.
Mr. Clay’s exalted sense of dignity and honor would not permit him
to conform to this degrading custom, and he visited his constituents
attired just as he would go to his seat in congress. He appealed to
the people, expressing his entire willingness to be governed by their
will, as he was in duty bound, and that he would vote for the repeal
of the offensive law, if they instructed him to do so. He corrected
their erroneous impressions, and occasionally made those happy and
effective appeals to their hearts, which he knew so well how to
direct, and he soon found himself almost entirely reinstated in their
affections. Mr. Pope, perceiving that he was fast losing ground, made
a desperate effort at regaining it, by challenging his rival to meet
him on a designated day and discuss their respective claims to the
suffrage of the people. It was unhesitatingly accepted. They met
according to appointment, and in the presence of an immense
assemblage, fought their battle of argument, which resulted in the
signal defeat of Mr. Pope. Mr. Clay was re-elected by a large majority.
The compensation bill was among the first subjects considered by
congress after it convened again, which was repealed. The per diem
allowance was finally increased to eight dollars per day.

During the canvass, Mr. Clay met an old hunter who had
previously been his devoted friend, but now opposed him on the
ground of the compensation bill. ‘Have you a good rifle, my friend?’
asked Mr. Clay. ‘Yes.’ ‘Does it ever flash?’ ‘Once only.’ ‘What did you
do with it, throw it away?’ ‘No, I picked the flint, tried it again, and
brought down the game.’ ‘Have I ever flashed but on the
compensation bill?’ ‘No.’ ‘Will you throw me away?’ ‘No! no!’ quickly
replied the hunter, nearly overwhelmed by his enthusiastic feelings,
‘I will pick the flint and try you again!’ Ever afterwards he was the
unwavering friend of Mr. Clay.

An Irish barber residing at Lexington, had always given Mr. Clay

his vote, and on all occasions when he was a candidate for office,
electioneered warmly for him. His ardent temperament and
unrestrained passions frequently involved him in scrapes and
difficulties, out of which Mr. Clay had generally succeeded in
extricating him. While the canvass was progressing, after the
compensation bill, the barber did not evince his usual zeal and
animation, on the contrary seemed to be indifferent as to the result
of the election. To all inquiries for whom he designed to vote he
answered evasively. He was accosted a few days previous to the
election, by a gentleman for whom he entertained the most
profound regard, with the question, ‘for whom, Jerry, do you mean
to vote?’ Regarding his interrogator with an earnest, shrewd look, he
replied, ‘Faix, an’ sure, docthur, I mane to vote for the man who
can’t put more nor one hand into the threasury.’ Mr. Pope, the
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