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Other documents randomly have
different content
 THE NATIONAL FARMERS'
ASSOCIATION.
Article I.
This association shall be called the National Farmers' Association.

Article II.
The officers of this association shall consist of a President, Vice-
President, Secretary, and Treasurer, who, together with three other
persons, shall constitute a board of trustees.

Article III.
The object of the association shall be to encourage the freedmen of
the Southern States to emigrate to the Northern and Western States
and Territories, and settle upon government lands, where they can
be protected, and live under laws in harmony with the Constitution
of the United States; or form townships of their own on the New
England plan, with churches, schools, &c., according to their own
predilections.

Article IV.
Every individual owning a farm not less than a quarter section, or
forty acres, shall be entitled to membership in this association, by
the payment of five dollars towards the general expenses. Any
surplus remaining over and above the expenses will be invested in
farms for poor families, who have always been loyal to the United
States government.

Article V.
Every freedman who purchases a farm and settles upon the same,
shall be an honorary member of this association, until he shall have
paid for the same and obtained his deed, when he shall be admitted
to full membership.

Article VI.
The officers of the Principia Club shall act as officers of this
association, until an act of incorporation shall be obtained, or until
other officers shall be elected.
 APPENDIX.
If any proof were needed of the truth of our positions in the
editorial, the preamble, the resolutions, or the necessity of the
transfer of the freedmen from Southern rule and the barbarism of
slavery, to the more civilized portions of the land, it may be found in
the Appendix. The testimony of the Southern press is absolutely
overwhelming. We might print a large volume of the same kind, but
we content ourself with only specimens enough to answer our
purpose, from both the Northern and Southern press, leaving the
mass of testimony still in our drawer.
We begin this catalogue of witnesses with an article from the Boston
"Traveller," which quotes and comments upon Southern testimony
with so much truthfulness, that we give the article entire.

NEGROES AND THEIR RIGHTS.

The recent Democratic Convention of Edgefield County, South
Carolina,—the home of "Hamburg" Butler,—adopted the following
resolution:—
"We regard the issues between the white and the colored people of
this State, and of the entire South, as an antagonism of race, not a
difference of political parties. This State and the United States were
settled by the white race; the lands now belong to the white race;
the white race are responsible for its government and civilization,
and white supremacy is essential to our continued existence as a
people. We are willing to accord to the colored race equal and exact
justice, and we recognize all of their rights and privileges under the
laws of this land."
Rightly interpreted this means—"We will give the niggers all their
rights, but really they have no rights." That is the old doctrine of the
Democratic party, which changes its principles only when the leopard
changes its spots, and a more truthful declaration of its principles
than is often presented. Some of the Southern Democrats, who just
now are endeavoring to secure negro votes for their party, deprecate
these declarations, and the resolution has given rise to some
discussion in the South Carolina press.
The Spartansburg "Spartan" says:—
"Unfortunately there are too many who, thinking they can
manipulate the negro vote, wish to bring it into the Democratic
party. If this is done it will not only destroy the controlling influences
of the white man and endanger his institutions and civilization, but
will put the up country of South Carolina under the control of the
low country, where the great negro vote lies."
The Charleston "News," taking a different view of the case, says:—
"If colored people are willing to become Democrats in good faith, it
will require grave deliberation to determine whether it is not wiser to
let them in, and give them a voice in the party, than to leave them
outside as a bait for Independent Democrats. The Independent, not
the colored Democrat, is the rock ahead in South Carolina politics."
The "News" is willing to allow negroes to act in the Democratic party,
it seems, solely because the colored vote may thereby be controlled.
It does not concede their right to vote, and to vote as they may
choose, but it realizes that some of them will vote, notwithstanding
the opposition of the Spartan school of Democracy, and seeking to
have that vote controlled in the interests of the party, it is willing to
have it understood by the negroes that they will find no obstacles in
the way of their voting, if they unite with the Democratic party. The
same end is sought by the "Spartan" and by the "News." The first-
named wishes to secure the supremacy of a race by preventing the
negroes from voting, while the "News" thinks it a better policy to
adopt measures for the control of their votes. The "News" is no
more friendly to the colored men than its contemporary, and the
policy it proposes is as dangerous to their rights, as that of those
who, in an outspoken manner, tell the negroes they are entitled to
no political privileges.
Plain Talk.—The Providence "Journal" says: "The stipulations to
which the Southern States solemnly pledged themselves, as the
conditions of restoration to their forfeited rights in the Union, and to
their readmission to a share in the government which they had
attempted to overthrow, have been shamelessly violated. The negro
is not permitted to vote unless he is frightened into voting the
Democratic ticket. He has practically 'no rights which a white man is
bound to respect.' In some of these States a sort of peonage has
been established, which differs from slavery mainly in the exemption
of the master from the care of the slave in sickness and old age, and
in all of them disqualifying laws, and still more disqualifying practices
under the laws, prevail. History presents no parallel to the
forbearance shown by the conquering party in the rebellion, and
none to the perfidy of the party that was overcome."
A leading paper in the State of Senator Gordon—the Columbus
"Enquirer-Sun,"—thus favors the lynch law: "A good, able-bodied,
healthy corpse, or even a slightly damaged one, dangling from the
limb of a tree on a public highway, strikes more terror into the heart
of a criminal, and creates more respect for the fiat of justice, than
the inside of a thousand jails, or the presence of an army of judges
and jurymen. There is an appalling grandeur, a horrifying sublimity in
the spectacle of a ghastly, half-devoured human form suspended in
mid-air, receiving alike unconsciously the refreshing drops of the
nocturnal dew that gives life to the violets, or the glowing rays of the
morning sun as it ascends the eastern horizon and beams smilingly
down on a busy world."
Which is correct? Here is Representative Waddell of North Carolina,
formerly a rebel general, telling an organization of Union veterans,
that not one person in one hundred thousand in the South expects
or desires compensation for property destroyed by the Union armies,
and here is ex-editor Cheney of Lebanon, who has travelled through
the South and sojourned in Florida, saying: "You meet with no man
in the South who does not either earnestly assert the justice of
these claims, or leave with you the impression that he hopes they
will be paid, because such payment means more money and greater
prosperity for the South. Even the negroes, when it comes to the
test, will be found co-operating with their masters to secure
compensation for their own freedom." We repeat our question,
Which is correct?—Concord Monitor.

LOUISIANA.
Ex-Governor Pinchbeck had an interview with the President recently,
in which he took occasion to express his views concerning the needs
of Louisiana. He represents the interview to have been pleasant and
satisfactory. Pinchbeck says the State has now the best governor of
any other within his recollection; that the people were generally
better satisfied than heretofore, with the condition of affairs,
although the people there, as elsewhere, complain of hard times.
The only thing of which Pinchbeck complains is that the few
children, nearly white, in the public schools in New Orleans, have
been required to leave them. They should, he said, have been
permitted to remain until faded out by increase of years. His own
children were included in the number removed by the school
authorities.

THE SOUTHERN POLICY.

The Principia Club of Cambridgeport has just published a pamphlet
of 160 pages with the above title, containing a history of the
President's Southern policy, so far as developed, up to the close of
the extra session of Congress. The facts and testimony were collated
by its president, and constitute a chain of evidence absolutely
overwhelming to all but the conspirators, who are determined to
ignore the facts and swear it through in the interest of the bull-
dozed Democracy. That the said policy is a failure to promote
Republicanism, can no longer be doubted. That it has put the
government of the country into the power of the conspirators is
abundantly proved by this pamphlet, which will be read with great
interest.—Traveller.
The colored people of the South are physically and socially in a
worse condition to-day than when held in the bonds of slavery, and
as citizens their badge of citizenship is a mockery, and far more
galling than the chains which bound them in involuntary servitude.
The Constitution promises them protection in equal rights before the
law as citizens, but the protecting arm of the Federal power has
been withdrawn, and the written law is not worth the parchment on
which it is inscribed. The guarantees of the Constitution are
suspended. The rights of citizenship are a baseless dream. The heel
of political oppression is planted upon their citizenship with a power
as ruthless as that which restrained their physical freedom as men.
The Constitution and its guarantees have become a mere sham.—
Washington Republican.
The grand jury of Pike County, Miss., reported that many persons
summoned before them as witnesses failed to come, because of the
fear of personal violence should they testify. "One witness," they say,
"was assassinated while en route to the seat of justice, and we have
received such information as to lead us to believe that the lives of
others would be in danger, if they came before the court to testify."
Mississippi gives a Democratic majority of fifty thousand.—Chicago
Inter-Ocean.
But what right has the "Inter-Ocean" to complain? Hasn't the policy
given Mississippi peace? Haven't the bull-dozers been informed that
they will be conciliated, regardless of expense? And what is the
importance of a murder or two, or the perversion of justice, or any
other little violation of the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution, compared with peace and reform? The "Inter-Ocean" is
an implacable newspaper, and ought to be ashamed of itself for
printing such bloody-shirt facts, and insinuating unkind things
against the President and his Democratic policy!—Traveller.
Alluding to the suggestion of a Southern paper that Mr. Garrison
should be hung, the Philadelphia "Bulletin" says: "It is difficult to say
with certainty what may not happen in a country the government of
which is now controlled by a political party which once strove to
destroy it; but we have a very strong notion that when hanging for
treason begins in this country Mr. Garrison will not be the first victim.
If such a policy should be suddenly introduced, it would vacate
about three-fourths of the Democratic seats in Congress and rob the
Democratic party of its most popular leaders."
We know what we are talking about, and we say this is the plan
which Western and Southern Democrats are now working up. Their
first purpose is to capture the government, and their next will be the
separation of the States. Mr. Voorhees's statesmanship does not
recognize any community of interest between the West and the East.
He thinks "the great West" and "the sunny South" should join hands
and let the Eastern States with their "capitalists" and "bondholders"
and "Shylocks" go. This is the new Democratic scheme, and it is one
that honest men and patriots must fight from the start.—Indianapolis
Journal.
The Atlanta "Constitution" objects to the roasting of negroes alive in
Alabama, especially those who have not been convicted of crime.
Alluding to a recent affair in that State, it says: "No immigrant,
looking for a new home, will for a moment think of settling in a State
or section that permits mobs to supersede courts. The senseless
burning of Owen Wright may cost the cotton State a million of
dollars, coming as it did at a time when immigrants were looking this
way from the Northern States."
The Meriden, Miss., "Mercury," supports the policy by declaring that
"no man should be tolerated as an independent candidate for any
cause and under any circumstances, who attempts to procure his
election by solidly arraying the black voters in his favor," and the
Okolona, Miss., "Southern States," supplements this with the
following: "The real, simon-pure Democracy of Mississippi, have
never made the negro any promises—none whatever. We have,
therefore, no pledges to redeem. Remember that. We will see that
he is protected in his life, limb, and property as far as in us lies; but
at the same time we will take precious pains to nip any of his
political aspirations in the bud. 'This is a white man's government,
made for white men and their posterity forever.'" We congratulate
the administration on the progress of the policy.
There are strong Republican districts in South Carolina, Mississippi,
and Louisiana. Let Matthews, Hoar, Foster, and the other
distinguished gentlemen who championed "the policy" in the Senate
and House, together with the editors who have been "writing it up,"
go down there and help the Republicans elect the right kind of men.
There is no easier and better way to secure a Republican majority in
the House.—Inter-Ocean.
At the Virginia election last week, the Republicans cast seven votes
in Petersburg and three in Richmond. The "Washington Republican"
says: "It is well known that the negro loves the franchise and is
proud to exercise it. The only reason for his not having done so at
the recent election was that he could not safely vote as he wished,
and would not vote the other ticket."
Alluding to the Atlanta speech of President Hayes, William Lloyd
Garrison says: "The mental obfuscation of the President is hard to
parallel; but his moral standard in this instance, is as flexible as 'a
reed shaken by the wind.' Such a confounding of loyalty and
treason, right and wrong, liberty and slavery, and treating them all
'with respect,' and in the same complimentary manner, is enough 'to
stir a fever in the blood of age.' Hail, Judas Iscariot! Hail, Benedict
Arnold! Your reproach shall now be taken away! You nobly acted up
to your 'convictions,' and are as much entitled to commendation as
the apostle John or the patriot George Washington! We humbly
beseech you to be 'equally liberal and generous and just' to the
apostle and patriot aforesaid, who were not less heroic and true to
their convictions. Neither party has anything to be ashamed of; but
both glory in their achievements.".
The sum total of Democratic policy in the South is the condign
punishment of venial crime committed by Republicans and negroes,
and amnesty for all crimes committed by Democrats. The
Democratic party has never been strong enough anywhere to
declare its independence of the dangerous classes.—Philadelphia
North American.
The Atlanta "Independent," in discussing the question of who saved
Georgia to the Democrats, does not give credit to Benjamin Hill, but
to the shot-guns of the Ku-Klux.—Cincinnati Gazette.

GOING TO LEAVE "OLD MISSISSIPPI."

Senator Bruce, colored, of Mississippi, is preparing to shake the dust
of that unfriendly stronghold of Democracy from his feet. He realizes
that it is not the place where a black man can safely go to grow up
with the country. His marriage to a Cleveland belle was only part of
the programme he has mapped out for himself. He has bought
considerable property in that vicinity, and when his senatorial term
has expired he will go to his farms, and let others fight it out on the
color line.

HAMPTON'S LEGION OF "CONCILIATORS."

The "Traveller" has all along maintained, in spite of the protests of
the Northern doughfaces who worship the ex-Confederate chiefs,
that the conciliatory profession of Hampton & Co. is a malicious
snare, and the fraternal disposition attributed to their followers is a
delusion. As the campaign at the South advances, the truth begins
to develop, and even the Northern conciliators begin to acknowledge
it. The following information comes in the form of a Washington
despatch to one of the most obedient newspaper servants of the
Southern chieftains:—

Terrorism in South Carolina.

Information from Abbeville District, in South Carolina, is to the effect

that Democrats have already begun a system of terrorism to prevent
Republicans from organizing for political purposes. Several of the
local papers of that section are charging that Republicans of that
vicinity have completed a ticket, and that it is already being
circulated secretly among colored voters, and upon this curious
charge an attempt is being made to stir up white citizens to take this
matter in hand, and act in time, and vigorously. In Edgefield District,
one of the local newspapers, in commenting upon this reported
secret action on the part of the Republicans, says that something is
feared in Edgefield County, and upon this urges that two
Republicans, who are supposed to be leaders in this movement,
should, if they dared to lift their heads or fingers in political
machinations, be seized and hung. To use its own words: "Yes, we
mean exactly what we say. If those named, and others, ever dare to
inaugurate political schemes in Edgefield again, let us hang them.
Not only our own self-respect, but our safety demands it, and that
without masks or disguise."
The newspaper quoted is the Edgefield "Advertiser," which contains
a long article giving the names of those Republicans against whom it
tries to incite the mob. The Abbeville "Medium" joins in the cry
against the Republicans, who are exercising their common rights,
and advises the Democrats to "throw out pickets" in order to
suppress the movement. What all this talk means everybody knows,
and the experience of the Southern Republicans shows them what
they are to expect if they dare to exercise their privileges as citizens.
Extraordinary emphasis is given to this revival of Ku-Kluxism, by the
recollection that it is just two years since the horrors of the Hamburg
massacre were enacted, on the very ground where this movement
finds its inspiration, under the patronage of one who now holds a
seat in the United States Senate; and that it is more than one year
since the State government of South Carolina was surrendered to
Hampton with the assurance that everybody's rights would be
protected, and that fraternal relations would be maintained as a
result of the conciliatory policy. This melancholy failure of all efforts
to compromise with the perfidious ex-Confederates, in South
Carolina, is only one in a score of lessons, by which the North has
blindly failed to profit. The assassins, who slaughtered the colored
Republicans, at Hamburg, are still at large, and ready for more
bloody work: and Hampton sits calmly at the head of affairs in his
State, deluding the people of the North with promises which he
never intends to fulfil. It would seem to be about time for us to
recall the language of the Cincinnati platform, declaring it to be "the
solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of the
government" to "secure to every citizen complete liberty and exact
equality in the exercise of all civil, political, and public rights." This
language was enforced by the imperative demand for "a Congress
and a chief executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties
shall not falter until these results are placed beyond dispute or
recall." It is useless to deny that the signs are ominous in the South.
The time seems to have arrived for testing the courage and fidelity
of those whom the Republican party called to the duty of protecting
the rights of citizenship, and the capability of Republican institutions
for the plainest purposes and requirements of a government.
The Portland "Advertiser," a disgruntled sheet of Republican
antecedents, says President Hayes has effected a "permanent
settlement of the Southern question." That depends. He has secured
Democratic ascendency in every Southern State. He has wiped out
the Republican party of the South. He has rewarded bull-dozers
instead of punishing them for their crimes. He has emasculated the
United States flag so that it is no longer the symbol of protection to
the newly enfranchised race. But the one thing which would
compensate in some degree for these acts, he has not been able to
do; viz., make loyal men of the unreconstructed ex-rebels. These are
just as bitter, venomous, and implacable to-day as on the day when
Gen. Grant's term of office expired. One man, and one only, so far as
we know, has been changed by the "new departure," and that man
is now a Cabinet officer. Upon the same terms even the Chisholm
assassins might be conciliated.—Concord Monitor.
The safest thing to do with the Southern claims of all kinds is to
reject them promptly. If the entire batch should be ruled out, some
deserving persons might suffer, but the country would be saved the
cost of enriching a good many scores of rascally rebels. The claims
now on file foot up about three hundred millions of dollars, and we
venture to say that not half a million of this amount is honestly due
to the claimants.—Philadelphia Bulletin.
The lynching of the colored man, Walker Denning, in the town of
Riverside, Texas, appears to have been an unusually brutal and
unjustifiable act, even for Texas. The girl with whom he eloped
admitted to the reporter of a Texas paper that she prompted his
course, Denning at first strongly objecting and advising her to stay
at home. The spectacle of twenty armed men firing buck-shot into a
chained and helpless victim at such close range that his clothing was
set on fire, horrifies us with its unnecessary savagery. But the
revelation is no new one. We have already had proof upon proof that
under "conciliation" there is no law, justice, nor mercy for the
unfortunate colored people of the South: and this merely adds
another to the long list of butcheries, and worse than Turkish
barbarities, of which the blood-thirsty rebel element have been
guilty.—Traveller.
Henrietta Wood, a colored woman, of Cincinnati, has recovered two
thousand five hundred dollars damages against ex-Sheriff Ward, of
Campbell County, Kentucky, for unlawful duress and abduction. In
1853, when living in Cincinnati, she was enticed over the river to
Kentucky, and delivered over to Ward, who kept her as a slave seven
months, when he disposed of her to a slave-trader. She was sold
South, and remained fifteen years in slavery. She returned to
Cincinnati after the close of the war, and commenced the action
which has just terminated in her favor.
The "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph" demands that the Southern people
shall be paid for their emancipated slaves. Next they will probably
want pay, at hotel rates, for the entertainment of Union prisoners
during the war.—Philadelphia Press.
The colored Republicans in Somerville County, South Carolina,
carried the local election recently by a large majority, but the
Democrats managed to count them out, on the ground that it
wouldn't do for the Republicans to carry the first election of the
season.—Journal.
And this right under the much-praised administrative system of
Wade Hampton, who, with Gordon, Lamar, Stephens, Hill, and the
rest of the treasonable species, constitutes the organic beau-ideal of
statesmanship. Turn the other cheek and let them slap it, Mr.
Journal.
A Sad, True Story.—A letter from New Orleans to the "Philadelphia
Press" thus refers to the native Republicans of Louisiana:—
"The leaders were beset with dangers and difficulties such as have
never even been dreamed of in the North. One by one they have
given their life's blood in the cause. They have lain down their lives,
true to the flag. They have been thinned out by assassination and
violence. Their graves—the graves of the victims of Democratic
outrage—are scattered throughout the South. There are
comparatively few of the living to tell the tale. A large proportion of
these, even, have been maimed and crippled in the fight.
"They are to-day, as a rule, none the less true to the Republican
faith. The Southern Republican leaders have nothing to offer by way
of palliation or excuse. They have fallen one by one in the enemy's
front. The Republican masses have been massacred by wholesale;
have been murdered and outraged upon every occasion and in every
manner. They have been hunted as the beasts of the jungle. Their
blood cries to Heaven from every hillside, from every by-way, and
from every bridle-path in the South. There has been more of blood—
Republican blood—that has dyed the soil of Louisiana alone than all
that has been shed in all of the Indian wars of a quarter of a
century. It has been shed, alas, in vain. The American people were
not a nation. There was not, there is not to-day, to their shame be it
said, the power within the American people, to protect the life, or
avenge the murder of an American citizen, within the American
lines."
We would crucify our extreme modesty and suggest to the above
writer the reason why "there is not to-day the power within the
American people to protect the life or avenge the murder of an
American citizen." Is it not because we, "the people," put their
political power into the hands of the commander-in-chief of our
army, in trust for four years, who betrayed that trust by the transfer
of that power into the hands of a contemptible knot of armed and
defiant rebels, thus constituting a solid South with which to rule the
nation? And is it not because the said commander-in-chief, at the
demand of the said rebels in arms, packed up his traps and
withdrew our "federal bayonets" from the South, thus giving them,
in addition to their State rule, our national supremacy, by further
giving them two States with large Republican majorities?
And furthermore, is it not because the loyal North did not arise as
one man and demand the impeachment of the traitor who bartered
their liberties for a sham peace, taking rebel promises for pay which
have since been repudiated?
But the men who assisted the President in this nefarious business
are coming to their senses. In a speech a few days ago, at Toledo,
O., the Hon. Charles Foster, M. C. from Ohio, and a member of the
political firm of Matthews, Foster & Co., renounces the Southern
policy of the administration, which that firm helped to inaugurate, as
follows:—
"I believed in and supported President Hayes in the policy of
refusing the use of force to sustain State governments. I believed in
it as a matter of principle, though his course can be sustained on the
ground of necessity. I had hoped that his policy of kindness and
conciliation would result in the formation of a public sentiment South
that would permit Republicans to exercise fully all of the political
rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution and the amendments
thereto. Knowing that there are a large number of the people South
who are tired of the Bourbon Democracy, I hoped that the
President's course would permit them the more easily to assert
themselves in some form in opposition to the Democracy. I see signs
of a realization of this hope, especially in the States of Tennessee,
North Carolina, and Texas, but in less permanent form than I had
hoped. The President's policy has lost him the sympathy of the great
mass of his party. That he has conscientiously done his duty as he
saw it, there can be no question. No matter whether the conventions
indorse him or not, no man will rejoice more than he over
Republican success—North and South. While he was beslavered with
praise from the Southern Democracy, they seemed to be laying
broad and deep the foundations for a solid South. Upon the attempt,
through the Potter resolutions, to unseat the President, they, with
bare two exceptions, voted for it. They declined even to give an
opportunity to vote upon the Hale amendment, which would have
permitted an investigation into Democratic frauds. Jeff Davis makes
as treasonable speeches as those of 1861, and he receives the
indorsement and approval of a large proportion of the press and
people. Out of one hundred newspapers in Mississippi, ninety-five
indorse and applaud Jeff Davis. Mr. Singleton, of the same State, on
the floor of the House of Representatives, declared 'his highest
allegiance to be due to his State, both in peace and in war.'
"By the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, the political power of
the South in the Electoral College and the House of Representatives,
was increased about forty per cent. The Republican party to-day can
poll, if permitted to do so, forty per cent. of the vote of the South.
Yet, in the coming elections, I do not believe that we can carry one
in five of the districts that we know to be reliably Republican. By
force and fraud the political power of forty per cent. of their people
is exercised solely by the sixty per cent., thus making a solid
Democratic South. The right of the citizens of the several States to
enjoy the privileges and immunities of all the States is not respected
in many localities. It is said, condescendingly, that a Republican can
live in the South without trouble, if he will keep a padlock on his
mouth.
"Now, my fellow-citizens, there can be no lasting peace until the
amendments to the Constitution are executed in good faith, both in
letter and spirit. A solid South is a constant menace to the peace of
the country. It means that the Constitutional amendments shall be
abrogated and repealed in spirit; it means the usurpation by the
majority of all the political power of one section of the country, and
with a fragment of the other section it enables the solid South,
inspired as it is by the spirit and the men who sought the overthrow
of the country, to now rule and control it; and yet they may be in a
large minority in the whole country. Such success, if it is submitted
to, means the payment of the rebel claims, the pensioning of rebel
soldiers, the payment for slaves lost in rebellion. I feel it my especial
duty to say that as long as the menace of the solid South threatens
the peace of the country, it is the duty of the North to be united
against it. I am desirous as any man can be that we shall get away
from sectional politics, but I cannot close my eyes to the danger of a
solid South. The advice I give is simply that ordinary prudence and
care be exercised. I repeat, that so long as the menace of a solid
South exists, it is the duty of the North to continue to meet it with
'the most Greeks.'"
The New Orleans "Times" says: "While the North, with a lavish hand,
is soothing the fevered brow of the Southern suffering, she is
building a monument of gratitude which will be luminous forever."
And the only thing the North will ask in return for what it cheerfully
gives is that the monument shall bear the inscription, "Justice to all
men."
Senator Chaffee, of Colorado, who is now at Saratoga, was asked if
he expected an early revival of business, and in response said: "Yes;
a beginning of a revival, because the excessively hard times and real
hunger have driven the lazy to work. I was at Hot Springs, Ark., not
long ago, and saw thousands of people going through to Texas. As
many as twelve hundred emigrants would go through Arkansas in a
day. I talked to many of them, and they told me that they had not
generally twenty-five dollars ahead of the railroad fare, but said that
they desired to get a piece of ground, raise potatoes, or anything,
and be independent. That is what will bring us up, and nothing else,
every idle person to do something at production.

RECENT BULL-DOZING IN LOUISIANA.

The Pointe Coupee, La., "Record," a Democratic paper, on the 17th
inst., said:—
"It is rumored that several men from Bayou Fordoche came to the
court house this morning to make affidavits against certain parties
from that section of the parish. The complaint is shooting and
whipping."
Commenting on this, the New Orleans "Observer" of the 24th said:—
"From sources absolutely reliable, affecting affairs in Pointe Coupee
parish, we learn that since the hanging of four black men in the
Racourcee settlement by the bull-dozers of that section, the colored
people thereabouts have sought to leave the locality, going to
Fordoche, a bayou neighborhood where is a large colored settlement
of small farmers.
"Determined to stop this migration of colored people, and at the
same time terrorize the Fordoche farmers, on the night of the 14th
inst., Wednesday, a crowd of bull-dozers, some sixty odd men from
Racourcee, came to this colored settlement, and for no known
cause, save that which we have expressed, outraged several
inoffensive and hard-working colored people. Lucy Allain, a colored
woman, was stripped and whipped unmercifully, and the same
treatment was given William Abraham. Levi Sherman was shot three
times. All three of these victims are now confined, by reason of this
outrage, to their beds. Others of the colored people would have
received like treatment, but they got out of the way. A prisoner in
the jail there was hung for sport. Fortunately, he was cut down in
time to save his life. Some colored people were outraged, and
atrocities and indignities practised generally befitting the lawless
character of the Democratic party-workers and bull-dozers. The good
citizens (white) of the locality have called a mass meeting to express
their indignation and to attempt to redress these wrongs, or at least
put a stop to further outrages. The meeting was to have had place
on Wednesday, the 21st inst. A similar meeting was also called for
the same day at New Roads. The information furnished us of these
horrible crimes is from purely Democratic sources, gentlemen and
decent citizens who abhor the partisan atrocities of their party-
workers. So far as we can learn, Republicans of Pointe Coupee are
so terrorized that even prominent gentlemen there will say nothing
of this act of atrocity, the information in fact reaching this city and
our office from responsible Democratic citizens. We are informed
that the plantation visited was one of the New York Warehouse and
Security Company's places, and of which Mr. Bradish Johnson is the
agent.
The Macon, Ga., "Telegraph" is only a little in advance of the ex-
Confederate "conservatives" when it demands the repeal of the
fourteenth amendment, that the Southern people may extort
payment for their liberated slaves. That will soon be one of the
regular planks in the Southern Democratic platform.
In Jasper County, Georgia, since the war (reports a local paper),
there have been sixty-nine men killed, and not a single hanging.
The Augusta (Ga.) "Chronicle" suggests that the proper place for
Congressman Rainey (the man whose sobriety enabled Congress to
adjourn on the day appointed) is the chain-gang. Perhaps his
consignment to a slave-gang would suit the "Chronicle" better.
The Democrats claim that white and colored school children have
equal school privileges in Georgia, but this is far from being true. In
Atlanta, there are fine houses for the white scholars; the colored
scholars are sent to cellars and other unfit places, and are limited in
accommodation at that.
The Charleston "News and Courier" is Wade Hampton's organ, and it
is leading his campaign in South Carolina. Alarmed because the
Republicans threatened to exercise their right to talk politics and
vote, the organ says: "Seceders and malcontents will be treated as
public enemies, and made political outcasts. The Democratic party
will not lay down the sceptre of authority in South Carolina, nor shall
the sceptre be wrested from the strong hands by which it is
grasped." That is, Wade Hampton says, in substance, "I am for
conciliating those who vote for me, but death to all who oppose!"
Truly, as Gov. Boutwell said in his Maine speech, the Southern
question is given the greater importance in this campaign by the
action of the ex-rebels.
In North Carolina, the Republican leaders are trying to induce the
negroes to vote by telling them that the coming election will be a fair
and free one. The deception is not justifiable, and will cost the men
who resort to it the confidence of the colored voters.
The vote for the Democratic State ticket last week was about eighty
thousand. There was no opposition. The legislature will be almost
entirely Democratic.—Despatch from Alabama.
And where, pray, is that new Independent party; where are the old
Whigs, the administration Democrats, not to say anything about the
resuscitated Republicans, who were to arise from the policy of
conciliation? Alabama is pretty solid.
To deprive man of the fruit of his labors is to cut the sinews of
industry. Who will care to labor if another is to appropriate the
results of his toil? He is deprived of an inalienable right, the
enjoyment of which alone can induce him to exercise the self-denial
implied in labor and economy. To distribute the products of his
industry to the community, as some social theorists would teach us,
is to destroy individual enterprise, and to reduce society to a great
almshouse.—Zion's Herald.
[Despatch to the Traveller.]

FREEDOM OF SPEECH NOT TOLERATED IN SOUTH

CAROLINA.

"New York, Oct. 15.—A Washington despatch says that Congressmen

Smalls and Rainey have been obliged to flee from South Carolina on
account of their activity in organizing Republican meetings, and they
were yesterday promised protection by the President."
Protection where? in Washington or South Carolina? It cannot be in
the latter, for the President has put his "Federal bayonets" into the
hands of Gov. (?) Hampton, and voluntarily shut himself out of that
State. Nay, more, he has driven the bolts through his military power
as commander-in-chief of the nation, and the last Congress screwed
on the nut, which leaves the President powerless, and the Governor
all-powerful. Let us see how he is using that power. The Democratic
paper of Sumter County, edited by one of the aids of Wade
Hampton, calls upon the Democrats to turn out and break up the
Republican meetings in such appeals as the following:—
"Men with mothers and wives; men with sisters dear; men who
expect to raise families in Sumter County,—let your sons and
daughters turn out on Saturday and meet the thieves whom Sam
Lee is gathering together and attempting to fasten on us as our
rulers and masters in this county. Let everything be conducted on
Saturday with military order, promptness, and decision. In 1861 our
Southern braves left their homes and firesides and encountered
every conceivable bodily privation, every danger, for a cause that
dwarfs into perfect insignificance in comparison with the Democratic
cause in this county to-day, and yet are there men who are so ease-
loving and unpatriotic that they will not turn out on Saturday to
meet the Republican thieves? If such there be, go mark them well.
"Let Northern speakers come; we intend to carry Sumter County
Democratic, at the next election, in spite of the world, flesh, and the
devil.
"Democrats should rally as one, on Saturday. He who dallies is
dastard. He who doubts is damned.
"Surely, no one, who is worthy of the name of man, can hesitate,
under such conditions, to take a hand on Saturday."
The following, to the rifle clubs, is given as the programme for the
Democrats, on Saturday, Oct. 19, the day the Republican meetings
are called for nominations:—
"Presidents of clubs are requested to report to county chairman, who
can be found at the rooms of the executive committee, in the rear of
the town hall, up stairs. The clubs will be earnestly enjoined, by
those in authority, to remain in line and under command of their
respective presidents until they are turned over to some higher
officer, from whom they will receive orders during the day."
Ex-Senator Swails, of Williamsburg County, and also deputy United
States marshal, has committed the unpardonable sin against the
Wade-Hampton, Hamburg-Butler, shot-gun Democracy, by speaking
at Republican meetings, for which offence he has been twice shot at,
and finally driven from the county, having been visited by the
Democratic Executive Committee, accompanied by a band of Red
Shirts or Rifle Clubs, and presented with these good Democratic
resolutions:—
Resolved, That S. A. Swails be required to leave Williamsburg in ten
days.
Resolved, That he is a high-handed robber.
Resolved, That he and his rioters be held responsible for all
incendiarism which may happen.
Resolved, That unless the above be complied with, he must forfeit
his life.
These facts were yesterday brought to the attention of the President
by Congressman Rainey and Mr. Swails, and it is reported that he
thinks something ought to be done about it, and says just what the
man whom he made Governor of South Carolina said: "Tell the
people they shall have all the protection the law can give." Wade
Hampton has the power to fulfil his promise, and it is apparent he
never intended to give the Republicans the protection they asked,
and we fear that President Hayes is putting them off with a promise
of the protection he is well aware he cannot give.
These South Carolinians come to Washington and claim government
protection to their persons and property while in the exercise of their
constitutional political rights. The President "thinks something ought
to be done about it"! Wonderful! So does an old hen when the
hawks are after her chickens. But the difference between the two is
this: the hen blusters about and immediately calls her subjects under
her wings, thus giving them all the protection in her power. But the
President thinks something ought to be done, but does nothing
worthy of the occasion.
Wade Hampton promises "all the protection the law can give," and
that was none at all while in his hands to administer, for the reason
that the theory of the shot-gun Democracy is, that the negro has no
rights that the white man is bound to protect.
While the South is entitled to the palm of victory for shot-gun
Democracy, the North is a fair competitor for doughface flunkyism.
Ex-Senator Swails, by the testimony of his personal friends in
Boston, bears a character the direct opposite of that given him in the
following paragraph from the Philadelphia "Times." While despotism
is the rule in the South, owing to the natural soil in which it is
nurtured, we are happy to believe that flunkyism in the superlative
degree at the North is the exception.
"If State Senator Swails of South Carolina, had lived in any Northern
State and prostituted his senatorial office as openly and recklessly as
is clearly proven he did in that State, he would be in the
penitentiary; but having resigned his seat to escape dismissal and
fled to escape punishment, he has settled down in Washington,
where a few carpet-bag thieves yet linger, and is telegraphing over
the country how the Hampton rifle clubs have driven him from the
State. As the South Carolina penitentiary evidently haunts his
dreams, he should hie himself to the Massachusetts Botany Bay of
public thieves, and put himself under the protecting wing of
Governor Rice. He will find Kimpton there, and a fellow feeling will
make Kimpton wondrous kind to Swails."—Philadelphia Times.
[Special Despatch to the Boston Traveller.]
Washington, D. C., Oct. 21.—The statement made to the President,
last week, by State Senator Swails, that he was forced to leave
South Carolina in consequence of receiving a notice that his life
would pay the penalty if he remained, is fully confirmed by the
Charleston "News and Courier" received here to-day.
That paper admits that such a notice was served on Swails, and says
it was done because he was a dangerous man, and disturbing the
peace of the country where he resided. Instead of lynching him the
Democrats gave him the opportunity of leaving the State.
The "News and Courier" contains an account of the capture of a
Republican meeting at Lawtonville on Friday last, showing that the
Democrats are determined to carry out their policy regardless of the
instructions sent out by Attorney-General Devens to the U. S.
officials.
The meeting was called by the Republicans in the interest of Smalls,
the Republican candidate for re-election to Congress. The despatch
to the "News and Courier," from Lawtonville, says:
"This morning the negroes began pouring in, attired in the recently-
adopted radical uniform of blue shirts, several mounted clubs and
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