CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 7, Issue 1, 2025, 26-43

CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences

International Indexed & Refereed
ISSN: 2687-2226 (Online)
https://cenraps.org/journal/

Original Article

https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14959746

Political Dynamics of the July Revolution in Bangladesh: Party Roles and

Responses

Sakir Ahmad
Associate Senior Reporter, Somoy Media Ltd, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
The July-August 2024 uprising in Bangladesh, led by Generation Z (Gen-Z), was sparked by student demands
for government job quota system reforms, particularly in civil service recruitment. The movement escalated as the
government delayed addressing these demands and responded violently. Approximately 2,000 deaths and 30,000
injuries were reported during this period. The protests evolved into a nationwide movement against authoritarian
rule, ultimately resulting in the fall of the Sheikh Hasina-led government on August 5, 2024. An interim
government, led by Nobel Laureate Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus, assumed power, signalling the start of a new
political era. This study examines major political parties’ roles during this revolution. The research investigates
how political parties reacted to the movement using qualitative methods, including document analysis and
interviews. While some parties supported the students and acknowledged the rationality of their demands, others,
particularly the Awami League and its allies, labelled the movement as anti-state and politically motivated. The
ruling party also accused protesters of being anti-liberation forces and used law enforcement agencies and political
wings to suppress the uprising. The results reveal contrasting strategies among political parties, highlighting their
varying motivations and alignments during the crisis. This discussion contributes to understanding the dynamics
of political participation in social movements. The study’s findings have implications for political reform and
accountability in Bangladesh. By documenting these events, this research provides original insights into the
interaction between political parties and youth-led movements in the context of governance and democratic
transition.

Keywords: Fascism, Generation- Z (GEN-Z), July Revolution, Quota Reformation, Rajakar.

INTRODUCTION
The Revolution, which occurred in July-August 2024, is the most vibrant event in the
contemporary history of Bangladesh. The movement began with a non-political demand under
the banner of the Anti-discrimination student movement, but it ousted the Awami League
regime. Although the government job seekers, especially university students, started the protest,
mass people extended their support and participated actively. The graduated student did not get
a job after qualifying for the exam due to the high Quota. There were 56% Posts in jobs for
quota-holder groups, including freedom fighters. The merit-based recruitment rate was only
44%. The system discriminated between quota-holders and deserving candidates.

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On the other hand, the government failed to ensure civil rights such as political
activities, voting rights, and freedom of expression. The national elections in 2014 and 2024
were held without the main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. The government
filed a considerable number of cases against the opposition leaders. A lot of political activists
were jailed. The influential leaders from the opposition parties were missing. A significant
amount of money was laundered from Bangladesh to abroad through illegal transfer methods
like hundi by government-supported politicians and business people. A significant amount of
money was laundered from Bangladesh to abroad through illegal transfer methods like hundi
by government-supported politicians and businesspeople. The Inflation rate was high, and the
prices of the daily goods increased dramatically. In that situation, men from all professions and
all ages started protesting with the students, demanding one point- the government’s
resignation.
On the other hand, the government tried to control the situation by taking action against
the protesters. A considerable number of deaths and casualties occurred by the law enforcement
agencies like- Bangladesh police. Ultimately, the government was obliged to resign. The
existing political parties in Bangladesh played a significant role in the movement. The ruling
party acted against the protesters. The opposition parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist
Party and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, primarily extended their moral support and finally
joined in the movement actively. This study will broadly analyse the role of political parties
during the movement and how they evaluate the protest with their own eyes.

METHODOLOGY
This study employs a qualitative research design to examine the roles and responses of
political parties during the July-August 2024 uprising in Bangladesh. The research investigates
the nuanced interactions between political actors and youth-led movements within the broader
context of governance, authoritarianism, and democratic transition.
The study is based on a case study approach, which allows for an in-depth analysis of
the specific socio-political context of the July-August 2024 uprising. This approach helps
capture the complexities of political dynamics and interactions during the Revolution.

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION
As this analysis has focused on the various roles of the existing political parties in
Bangladesh, it demands specific operational terms.

Revolution:
What does Revolution mean? The term ‘Revolution’ indicates the people’s uprising
from root to central, resulting in fundamental changes, especially in dictator or fascist regime
change (Ullah et al, 2020:86). A successful revolution lasts for a long time, at least for a decade.

Political Party:
The Political Party is an influential organisation in a democratic system. It contributes
directly or indirectly to conducting a government. Every party is essential to ensure the rule of
law in a country. The political parties play a significant role in ensuring a state’s culture of

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accountability. It is also a vital organisation to establish an ideology.“ A political party consists

of more or less organised citizens who aim to control the government and carry out their general
policies through voting power. It is the most elaborate and comprehensive form in which public
opinion is organised and made effective in government” (Gettle, 2002: 209).

Generation-Z (GEN-Z):
The young people born between 1997 and 2012 are generally termed Generation Z
(GEN-Z). The leading group of this generation are teenagers. The main character of this
generation is socio-political consciousness. They are more aware of social injustice than their
comfortable future and self-care. In Bangladesh, the generation played an active role in the
Safe-Road movement, Quota reformation and the movement against VAT in private
universities. “Just as superheroes find moral, personal, or ethical reasons to fight supervillains,
Gen-Zers fight, too. They might not engage in the physical confrontations or fisticuffs that
superheroes typically do. They often get involved by being physically present or vocal
regarding relevant issues, leveraging social media, videos, live events and marches. When they
align themselves with causes on social media, they join groups, chat, or follow hashtags in
online forums or with their school peers” (Luttrell and McGrath, 2021: 33).

Fascism:
The word ‘Fascism’ is derived from the Italian word ‘Fascism’ and ‘fascio’. The word
‘fascia’ is derived from the Latin word- Fasces. Fasces means- a bundle of sticks or rods. The
autocratic rule is the central theme of Fascism. Benito Mussolini, Leader of Italy from 1922 to
1942, is the father of Fascism. The term was introduced in Italy after the World War I. After
the war, it spread to Germany and other countries in Europe. Nazism, a form of Fascism, was
introduced by Adolf Hitler in Germany. “A single-party political system that used terror, a
secret police, and a strong military established a dictatorship controlled by a social elite
representative of the party” (Darity,2008:103).

Quota:
A quota is a system where a specific number of posts or positions in a job have to be
reserved for the unprivileged and marginalised people. Before 1934, the Quota system was
inaugurated in the South Asian region. In British India, the Quota system in the Indian Civil
Service- ICS for the minority was introduced in 1943.
In British- India, the Quota system in the Indian Civil Service- ICS for the minority
was introduced in 1943. In Pakistan, quotas were reserved for government jobs in some regions
from 1948. The civil service experts described this quota threat to meritocracy and advised the
government to reform it. “Quota or a variant of affirmative action has been in vogue in many
developing and developed countries. Nonetheless, the quota system in Bangladesh is
exceptional in two ways. First, with 64 vertical, four horizontal quotas and a separate merit
quota (total 257 types of Quota), Bangladesh has one of the most complex quota systems in the
world”(Khan Ali Akbor, 2022: 155).

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Rajakar:
The word ‘Razakar’ originated from the Urdu word- Rezakar. Razakar means volunteer
or helper. The auxiliary forces, Who collaborated with the Pakistan army against Bangladesh
in 1971, is called Razakar. In Bangladesh, the word is used to humiliate someone. The
government unveiled the list of Razakars in 2019. The total number of collaborators was
10,789. However, the list was not accepted by all because it included many freedom fighters
like Razakar.

THE CONTEXT OF JULY REVOLUTION

Bangladesh, which has 18 crore people, has unemployment problems (Chowdury,
2024). The alarming picture of unemployment is clear to all based on the results of many
surveys. The alarming picture of unemployment is clear to all based on the results of many
surveys. A finding from an Online Survey conducted by a prominent research organisation-
Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies-BIDS, has shown that the unemployment rate
among educated youth is 33.2% in Bangladesh. According to the QUARTERLY LABOUR
FORCE SURVEY-2024, conducted by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 3.65% of the
qualified workforce is unemployed. Despite this dangerous unemployment rate in Bangladesh,
most recruitment was based on quotas. Meritocracy was denied in all recruitment. After the
independence of Bangladesh, the new government introduced an 80% quota and 20% merit-
based recruitment in jobs. The 30% quota was reserved for freedom fighters, 40% for the
underrepresented districts and 10% quota for women. In 1976, the Quota for the
underrepresented districts was reduced from 40% to 20%. In 1985, the Quota was also
rearranged to 55%. During the first regime of Sheikh Hasina, freedom fighters’ quotas were
extended to their ancestors. In 2018, there was a 56% quota for government jobs in Bangladesh.
The ratio was divided into 30% for Freedom Fighters, 10% for Women, 10% for
Underrepresented district quota, 5% for Indigenous and 1% for physically challenged people.
The matter of concern was that a 30% quota for freedom fighters was extended to their
sons, daughters, grandsons, and granddaughters.
With such a decision, discrimination in public service recruitment was carried out from
age to age. As a result of the Quota reformation movement, Ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
abolished all kinds of quotas by executive order in 2018. However, the job seekers demanded
the reformation of the quota system. In 2024, the quota system was revived by an apex court
order. On the other hand, job seekers wanted a permanent solution from the executive. The
university students started their agitation with the demand to reform the discriminatory quota
system.
The ruling party, Awami League, ordered their political forces, youth and student wing
to defend the protestors. In Dhaka University campus, the Leading educational institution of
the country, a brutal attack with arms was conducted by the ruling party student wing-
Bangladesh Chatraleague. The ruling party supporters attacked the students all over the country.
A lot of deaths and casualties have occurred. In addition to that, the government tried to control
the youth uprising by taking action on the protesters with law enforcement agencies like the
police. As a result, many students like- Abu Sayed and Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdho were
killed. Six movement coordinators were picked up by the detective branch of the police from
hospitals during the movement. They were beaten up seriously and forced to give false

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statements. As a result, students from various educational institutions like schools, colleges,
madrasahs and universities joined the protest.
2009-2024, The opposition political parties were barred from regular activities. The
general elections of 2024 and 2024 were held without the main opposition party. The
transparency of the Election Commission was widely questioned. Many politically motivated
cases were filed against the opposition and jailed from year to year, including the main
opposition party- Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s chairperson and ex-prime minister Begum
Khaleda Zia and the acting chairman Tareque Rahman.
On the other hand, there was a lack of freedom of speech and right to vote. The
opposition parties termed the ruling period of the Awami League as fascist rule. The political
parties and the masses were fed up with irregularities, crimes, and corruption—the high price
of all daily goods concerned people from all classes. The reserve of dollars in a central bank,
Bangladesh Bank, decreased daily. The government’s supporters laundered significant amounts
of money from the country abroad through illegal channels, such as hundi. The inflation rate
was high, and it crossed the single digits. A notable number of citizens from the opposition
party had to face extra-judicial killing. Law-enforcing agencies picked up many people. In that
situation, people of all ages and professions continued the demand for one point- the
government’s resignation. In that situation, people of all ages and professions continued the
demand for one point- the government’s resignation. On August 5, people from around the
country marched to Dhaka, especially to the residence of the prime minister Sheikh Hasina-
Gonobhban.
On August 5, the people from around the country marched to Dhaka, especially to the
residence of the prime minister Sheikh Hasina-Gonobhban. Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled to
Neighbouring country- India. This movement is known as the July Revolution.
Noble Laureate professor Muhammad Yunus formed an interim government. The
students assigned the reformations in all sectors of the country to the new government. The
government is walking towards arranging a fair, accessible and credible election. This study
will analyse the role of the existing political parties in the July movement and how the
stakeholders treated the parties’s roles.

POLITICAL PARTIES’S VIEWS ON JULY REVOLUTION

A political party is one of the most vibrant components of democracy. Political parties
always play a significant role in the election and formation of government. According to the
Election Commission of Bangladesh, there are 53 registered political parties in Bangladesh. In
the political history of Bangladesh, three political parties- Bangladesh Awami League,
Bangladesh Nationalist Party-BNP and Jatiya Party formed the government at different times.
The other parties, like Bangladesh Jamat-e-Islami, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal, and Workers Party,
were part of various governments as an allay party.

BANGLADESH AWAMI LEAGUE:

The Bangladesh Awami League was one of Bangladesh’s prominent and popular
political parties. Its political position is centre to centre left. The party was founded by Moulana
Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani (President) and Shamsul Hoque ( General Secretary) in Dhaka on
June 23 1949. In 1955, the word ‘Muslim’ was deleted from the full name- East-Pkistan Awami

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Muslim League. The party played a vital role in the liberation war of Bangladesh under the
leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1971. 1973, the party won the first election with a
73.20% vote and 293 seats out of 300. In 1973, the party won the first election with a 73.20%
vote and 293 seats out of 300.
A dangerous famine occurred in 1974 due to different types of crime and corruption.
The freedom of the press was limited to only four government-owned newspapers. One party
role named- BAKsal was introduced in the newly independent country. The freedom of the
press was limited to only four government-owned newspapers. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was
killed on August 15, 1975. “The exact number of secret political killings during that period is
not known. One government estimate put the figure at over 6000, including four Awami League
MPs.
Along with secret killings, there was a sharp rise in armed robberies from private houses,
looting of banks and shops, and attacks on police stations” (Ahamed 1980:157). Sheikh Hasina
became the President of the party in 1981. Awami League won the general elections of 1996
and 2008. “The election of 2014 was a shambles: they took place after a chaotic period of
nationwide strikes, violence, shutting down of media, the ban of the largest Islamist party
(Jamaat-e-Islami) and a crackdown on other opposition parties. As a result, the BNP boycotted
the elections, allowing the Awami League to sweep back into power with questionable
legitimacy” (Riaz,2014:119-130). “The elections of 2018- marred by violence, voter
intimidation, accusations of vote-rigging and other irregularities- resulted in the Awami League
winning 96 per cent of parliamentary seats amid, once again, serious concerns about the validity
of the results and the growth of civilian autocracy” (Schendel,2020:227). Although the party
won the general elections of 2024, its legitimacy was widely questioned due to the boycott of
the main opposition party- Bangladesh Nationalist Party -BNP.
On June 5, 2024, the Court revived the 30% quota for the freedom fighters in all first
and second-class government jobs by making the 2018 circular dormant. It was alleged that the
Awami League government used the Court to reinstate the quota system. The Awami League
marked the issue of quota reformation as the jurisdiction of the apex court’s decision. When the
students demanded a solution to a quota from the executive division, the party termed the
activities of the students as illogical and a waste of study time. The President of Awami League
and Ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, ‘There was no logic to staging such a movement
against the apex court verdict regarding the restoration of the quota system in the public services
leaving the study. What is now going on in the name of movement [against Quota] is to waste
study time. I do not think it has any logic’’ (The Daily New Age: 2024, July 8).
Bangladesh Awami League treated the quota reformation movement as an anti-state
attempt by oppositions like BNP and Jamaat. On July 12, the general secretary of Awami Jubo
League, Mainul Hossain Khan, said that the Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP and
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami have fielded their children in the name of the quota reform
movement. “They have fielded their children in the name of quota reform. They could not
achieve success waging movements under the party banner for so long. Now they are trying to
destabilise the country in the name of reforming the quota system” (The Daily Prothom
Alo:2024, July 12).
The agitators alleged that Sheikh Hasina, Ex-prime Minister and President of the Awami
League, had slandered them as Razakars (collaborators of the Pakistani army). Although she

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denied the accusation by saying she did not term the protesters as Rajakars, the protesters
termed themselves Rajakars on their own. He said that her statement was intentionally distorted.
On the night of July 14, the students of Dhaka University chanted “Who are you? Who am I?
Rajakar! Rajakar!” slogan in protest of Sheikh Hasina’s speech.
On July 15, The General Secretary of Bangladesh Awami League, Obaidul Quader,
ordered their student wing to face the protesters with a fitting reply on campus. On July 16, the
Bangladesh Chatra League gathered workers from different parts of the capital city on the
Dhaka University campus. When the Protesters started their program under the banner of the
Anti-discrimination Student Movement, then the activists of Bangladesh Chatra League
launched a brutal attack on the protesters, including female students from different renowned
educational institutions at the Dhaka University campus. As a result, 350 quota protesters were
injured by the BCL’s attacks. Also, the ministers and parliamentarians from the ruling party
made many undesirable comments about the agitators. Also, the ministers and parliamentarians
from the ruling party made many undesirable comments about the agitators. For example, the
state minister for information and broadcasting, Mohammad Ali Arafat, termed the protesters
as drugged. The former state minister for ICT, Zunaid Ahmed Palak, turned off the internet
entirely for over five days.
An order, shoot on sight, was given by issuing a curfew order after the meeting of 14
parties led by the ruling party- Bangladesh Awami League, on July 19. “In extreme cases, police
officers have been granted powers to open fire on those violating the curfew, confirmed Obaidul
Quader, the general secretary of the ruling Awami League party” (The Gurdian:2024, July 20).
After the Revolution, many victims and their relatives filed cases against the Awami
League leaders in connection with participation in student killings. Nationalist Democratic
Movement, a political party, filed a case at the International Crimes Tribunal against Awami
League and its 14-party allies like- Samyabadi Dal, Democratic Labor Party, Jasad (INU),
Workers Party of Bangladesh (Menon), Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal, Tarikat Federation,
Gonotrantri Party, National Awami Party (NAP), Ganazadi League, Communist Kendra, Basad
and Jatiya Party-JP on charges of genocide in the anti-discrimination student movement.
Around 100 cases have been filed against the central and local leaders of the Awami League,
including the party president and former prime minister Sheikh Hasina and Secretary General
Obaidul Qader, accusing them of disappearances, murders and killings during the movement
by the Victims and their relatives. On October 17, The International Crimes Tribunal- ICT
issued an arrest order for 44 Awami League leaders, including the party chief, Sheikh Hasina
and second in command, Obaidul Qader, in their connection with genocide during the
Revolution. Many social organisations and non-political platforms seem to believe that the role
of the Awami League during the movement was not only questionable but also against the
desire of the majority. Many political parties like Islami andolon Bangladesh demanded that
the Awami League be barred from the national election for their questionable activities in the
July movement. Many political parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami, Liberal Democratic Party-
LDP, and Gonoodhikar Parishad, demanded that the Awami League be banned. “The AL has
carried out continuous acts of terrorism, killed thousands of opposition party members without
trial and looted billions of taka. The party should be banned immediately” (The Business
Standard: 2024, August 15).

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The six critical coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement were picked
up by the law-enforcing agencies from the hospital. They were forced to read an announcement,
directed and written by the detective branch of the police, about the withdrawal of the
movement. The coordinators said in a statement after release from custody that the Awami
League leaders and government ministers were behind it. “We were unjustly detained on the
orders of the home minister. The government has put the law enforcers face to face with the
students and citizens” (The Daily Star: 2024, August 2). A lot of pictures and videos of an open
fire and brutal attacks on the protesting students by the Awami league leaders were published
in many newspapers and on television.
The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, Inqilab Monch, and Daily Amar Desh
editor Mahmudur Rahman demanded that the Bangladesh Chatraleague, the student wing of
Bangladesh Awami League, should be banned for their terrorist activities like genocide during
the uprising. The organisations requested the interim government to issue a ban notification for
Bangladesh Chatraleague. According to the Home Ministry gazette notification published on
October 23 2024, Bangladesh Chatraleague was involved in terrorist and destructive activities
like- general student killings during the July revolution. According to the Anti-Terrorism Act-
2009, The interim government issued a ban notification for Bangladesh Chatraleague in their
connection with murder, rape and sexual harassment. “Since the start of the Anti-
Discrimination Student Movement on July 15, leaders and activists of the Bangladesh Chhatra
League have violently and recklessly attacked protesting students and the general public,
resulting in the deaths of hundreds of innocent students and individuals and endangering the
lives of many others” (The Daily Prothom Alo: 2024, October 23)

BANGLDESH NATIONALIST PARTY- BNP

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party is one of the most popular political parties in the
country. The party believes in Bangladeshi Nationalism. General Ziaur Rahman founded the
party in 1978. He announced the declaration of independence of Bangladesh from the Kalurghat
radio station in Chittagong. The party chief was elected as the President of Bangladesh in 1978.
“He (Ziaur Rahman) also initiated several participatory programs such as canal digging and
eradicating illiteracy through literacy squads established in early 1979. He introduced a multi-
party system in the country” (Ahmed: 2004, 101-118). In 1981, Ziaur Rahman was assassinated
in Chittagong. After the death of Ziaur Rahman, his wife, Begum Khaleda Zia, became the
party’s chairperson in 1982. In 1990, The authoritarian rule of General Hussain Muhammad
Ershad ended with an uprising led by Begum Khaleda Zia. The party won the general elections
of 1991 and 2001. Begum Khaleda Zia ascended the throne of Prime Minister of Bangladesh
for two times.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s leader, workers and supporters engaged in the
movement. The senior members of the party’s standing committee, Nazrul Islam Khan and
Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury were also arrested and sent to jail. The opposition leaders
like- BNP senior joint secretary general Advocate Ruhul Kabir Rizvi Ahmed, member secretary
of Dhaka North & prominent footballer- Aminul Haque, Former President of the student wing,
central publicity secretary Sultan Salauddin Tuku and organising Secretary Qazi Sayedul Alam
Babul were arrested and granted for remand alleging their involvement with the movement.

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Before the Quota Reformation movement, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s Acting
Chairman, Tareque Rahman, called the student’s demands fair and just. On June 15, in a speech
to the nation, he said, “Many of you will remember that during the quota-reform movement in
2018, the autocratic Hasina promised to abolish the quota system. Now, she has used the courts
to reinstate it. This is a betrayal of the students. Hasina, being a deceiver, repeatedly cheats the
people. ‘Quota’ can never be a substitute for merit. I believe that the demands of the students
and young people regarding job quota reform are fair and just. If the BNP is elected to form the
government, it will certainly implement any reasonable and just demands of the students and
young people. The state will also consider the issues of disabled individuals with due
importance” (Tareque Rahman’s speech: 2024, June 15).
Not only that, during the quota reform movement in 2018, Tarique Rahman marked the
movement as genuine and the students as brilliant. The party’s acting chairman claimed that
Awami League is liable for depriving the brilliants of the misuse of the quota system in
government jobs. He asked the Dhaka University teacher, Professor Mamun Ahmed, to support
the agitating students. “Their (agitators) demand is genuine. The majority of the brilliant
students have joined the movement. Haven’t they? I think common people have also expressed
solidarity with the movement. The Awami League government abused Quota for the last couple
of years. The white (BNP-Jamaat) panel teacher like you should support the agitators in an
organised way” (The Daily Sun: 2018, April 11).
The party requested that all the people of the country continue the movement. Mirza
Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, Secretary General of BNP, said, “The demand for the resignation of the
government is being voiced from house to house today” (The Daily New Age: 2024, August
2). When the Anti-discrimination Student Movement announced their one-point demand for the
government’s resignation, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party aligned with the needs of the
students. The Secretary General of the BNP also said in a statement that Democracy-loving
people and the leaders, workers, supporters, and well-wishers of the BNP and its affiliated
bodies at all levels should take to the streets and unite with the students to accelerate the fall of
the government in the more significant interest of the country and the nation” (The Financial
Express: 2024, August, 4). The Bangladesh Nationalist Party said that the government should
apologise to the mass people for genocide during the movement and resign immediately. The
party alleged that the ruling party leaders were destroying the signs of the massacres. He also
said that the violence against the students has surpassed the brutality of the Pakistani occupation
forces.
According to a formal statement of the secretary general of the party, “a total of 875
people had been martyred across the country in the July-August massacre. At least 422 of them
were involved in politics of the BNP” (The Daily Prothom Alo: 2024, September 15).
Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chatra Dal, the student wing of BNP, was actively engaged in the
movement. The student organisation claimed with a list that at least 49 Chatra Dal activists
from the different units of the organisation sacrificed their lives during the July Revolution.
“During the movement, around 2,100 Chhatra Dal leaders and activists were arrested, all of
whom suffered torture in police custody” (Dhaka Tribune: 2024, August 21). BNP’s publicity
secretary, Sultan Salahuddin Tuku, said there is no opportunity to underestimate the
contribution
of members and associates of Bangladesh Nationalist Party-BNP in the anti-discrimination

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movement. A social movement becomes successful when it secures the support and
participation of a political party. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party claimed that the second man,
who sacrificed his life during the movement in Chattogram, was from Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi
Chatra Dal. Chattogram City BNP former committee’s office secretary Idris Ali said: “Wasim
Akram, joint convener of Chittagong College Chhatra Dal, was shot dead by the Chhatra
League. His body is at Chittagong Medical College Hospital. He was a third-year honours
student in the Political Science Department of Chittagong College and lived in Bahaddarhat.” (
The Dhaka Tribune: 2024, July 16).
According to some leaders of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-BNP, the party’s acting
chairman, Tarique Rahman, was the mastermind behind the Revolution. They claimed that the
Revolution was not a matter of short-term movement but the result of the BNP’s relentless
effort over the 16 years against the Awami League government. Shamsuzzaman Dudu, BNP’s
vice chairman, said, “The sole mastermind behind this movement is Tarique Rahman. He has
done everything necessary to build an effective movement. Nothing happens in just one month.
It takes nine months to give birth to a child. If a child is born in one month, it is stillborn. For
16 years, the people of this country have shed blood. For 16 years, students, workers, and
farmers have disappeared or are missing. For 16 years, people have been imprisoned. If you
consider the movement of one month, that is not right” (The Daily Dhaka Tribune: 2014,
October 12).
Another group of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP leaders, the July Revolution
is not the achievement of any single group; it is the result of the combined sacrifice of the
country’s democracy-loving people like- political party leaders, students, teachers and
professionals from all classes. According to Zainul Abedin Faruk, adviser to the party’s
chairperson, said, “We, the leaders of the anti-discrimination movement, were on the streets.
The masterminds were Tarique Rahman, BNP and the 12-party alliance” (Barta24: 2024,
October 27)

BANGLADESH JAMAAT -E- ISLAMI

The party was founded by Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi in 1941. The most
prominent Islamist party, Bangladesh Jamaat e Islami (BJI), is said to be the third most
influential party (Hasan:2012, 61). The party wanted a united Pakistan and supported the
Pakistan army against the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. “The ideology of the Jamaat is
all-inclusive Islam, the content of it is specific, and their beauty, the explanation of its rules and
it is laws so that men would accept its rationality and take it into the depths of their hearts”
(Binder:1963, 87). After the liberation war, the party was banned. When General Ziaur Rahman,
the founder of BNP, introduced multi-party democracy in the country, the Jamaat-e-Islami re-
started their political activities publicly in 1979. The party, including all other political parties,
joined the anti-Ershad movement and forced the government to resign. The BJI played a role
in introducing the caretaker government. The system operated comparatively fair, free and
credible elections in 1991. “The BJI received 12.13% and 8.63% of votes during the 1991 and
1996 parliamentary elections. In the 2001 election, the BJI won seventeen seats as part of the
centre-right coalition of four-party alliances headed by the BNP” (Ahmad: 2008, 61). When the
BNP formed a government with the BJI in 2001, the Islamist BJI, once banned after
independence, was granted two ministries. (Hasan:2012, 66). The registration and election sign

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 CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 7, Issue 1, 2025, 26-43

for Jamat-e-Islami was cancelled. Also, the party was again banned during the rule of Awami
League in 2024. The interim government lifted the order of ban after the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s
government in the same year.
The party extended their moral support to the movement. The activists and supporters
of the party actively engaged themselves in the protest. During the movement, the party’s
General Secretary, Professor Mia Golam Parwar, was arrested, and the Court granted a three-
day remand for him in connection with the Bridge Building (Setu Bhaban) vandalisation in
Banani.
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami’s central executive council member and the Amir of Dhaka
Metropolitan North, Mohammad Salim Uddin, claimed that the party played an important role
in this movement. The party extended their financial assistance to the martyr’s family, who
sacrificed their life in the Anti-discrimination Student Movement. Each family got 1 to 2 lak
taka from the Jamaat-e-Islami’s party fund. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur
Rahman demanded that “The names and stories of all those who fought and sacrificed their
lives against fascism between 2006 and 2024 must be included in the textbooks for students so
that the next generation can learn about their contributions” (The Daily Business
Standard:2024. October 27).
The Bangladesh Islami ChatraShibir, the student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami,
played a vital role in the movement. On July 9, Bangladesh Islami ChhatraShibir’s President
and secretary general issued a joint statement demanding the immediate reformation of the
quota system in government jobs. In the statement, the organisation said that the reinstatement
of the quota system is absurd and a farce with deserving students. They noted that Chhatra
Shibir raised the demand for quota reformation for the first time in 1996. Then, in 2008 and
2013, Chhatra Shibir protested on various country campuses. Because of this, numerous leaders
and workers of Chhatra Shibir were subjected to torture by police and the Chhatra League. In
that continuation, this demand for quota reform in 2018 became popular among ordinary
students. They said that Chhatra Shibir raised the demand for quota reformation for the first
time in 1996.
The Dhaka University chapter of this student organisation led the movement from the
back—the Dhaka University chapter’s President of Bangladesh Islami ChatraShibir. Md Abu
Sadik Kayem was a vital coordinator of the Anti-discrimination Student Movement (Mahmud
& Al Mahmud, 2024). “Shadik Kayem, whom general students identified as an organiser of the
anti-discrimination student movement, was the president of the DU unit of Islami Chhatra
Shibir, the student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami” (The Daily New Age: 2024,
September 23). According to Abdul Kader, one of the vital coordinators of the Anti-
discrimination Student Movement, the 9-point demands of the anti-discrimination student
movement, which paved the way for one point of Hasina’s resignation, were prepared with the
consultation of the secretary of the Dhaka University unit of ChatraShibir. In a Facebook post,
coordinator Kader shared the backstory of creating the ‘nine demands,’ writing: “Shibir played
an important role in spreading the nine demands. Since there was no internet and amid gunfire
and curfews, they risked their lives to deliver the demands house to house. They also arranged
for them to reach foreign journalists” (bdnews24.com:2024, September 23).

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JATIYA PARTY
The Jatiya Party is a known political party in Bangladesh. The party was founded by
General Hussain Muhammad Ershad in 1986. It is a conservative party by nature. “In May
1986, despite a boycott by the BNP, parliamentary elections were held, and Ershad’s Jatiya
party won a majority” (Sahoo & Vishwanathan:2023),65-83). The Jatiya Party formed a
government after the elections in 1986 by securing 153 out of 300 seats. The chief of the party,
Hussain Muhammad Ershad, became the President of Bangladesh. In 1988, the party won the
national elections. However, the election was widely questionable due to a boycott by the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP& Awami League and mass-scale vote rigging. However,
the election was widely questionable due to a boycott by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-
BNP& Awami League and mass-scale vote rigging. BNP& Awami League and mass scale
vote riging. The uprising of 1990 led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP and Awami
League ousted Hussain Muhammad Ershad. Hussain Muhammad Ershad was the party’s chief
until he died in 2019. His brother, Golam Muhammad Qader, became the chairman after the
death of Ershad.
The Jatiya Party played a mysterious role during the movement. The party claimed that
they had extended their support to the movement. However, the coordinators of the movement
alleged that the Jatiya Party was a collaborator of the ousted fascist government. The party did
not get any invitation for dialogue from the newly formed interim government after the
Revolution. The Special Assistant to the Chief Adviser, Mahfuz Alam, disclosed the reasons
for this. He said: “Jatiya Party was a silent supporter of Awami Fascism. They had given it
some form of legitimacy by participating in the illegal election. That is why we are not
considering Jatiya Party now” (The Daily Bangladesh Pratidin: 2024, October 20).
The party played a double role in the 10, 11, 12th parliament. Although the party termed
itself opposition, they joined the government and became cabinet members. As a result, the
party was termed as a domestic opposition party. Many political platforms demanded that the
party should be banned for their silent support of fascism. The Anti-Discrimination Student
Movement’s chief organiser- Abdul Hannan Masud, said: “We believe a ban will come through
a judicial process. But before that, we have urged the government to suspend the activities of
the Jatiya Party” (The Daily Dhaka Tribune: 2024, November 3). A case was filed against the
Party Chairman, Golam Mohammed Quader, and praesidium member Sharifa Quader. It is
mentioned in the case file that these two leaders of the party were involved in the murder of a
child in the Capital at Jatrabari during the anti-discrimination student movement.

COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH- CPB

The Communist Party of India was established in 1948. After Bangladesh’s
independence, the party’s name was changed from the Communist Party of East Pakistan to the
communist Party of Bangladesh. Its political position is Far-left. The party belongs to the
ideology of Marxist and Leninist communism. The party played a vital role in the liberation
war of Bangladesh in 1971. Moni Sing, a prominent leader of the communist party, became a
member of the advisory council of foreign government during the liberation war. The party got
five seats by participating in the General Elections of 1986 and 1991.

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On July 7, the CPB Leaders Urged, by issuing a statement, to take necessary steps to
reform the discriminatory quota system. They alleged that reserving a 30 per cent quota till the
third generation of freedom fighters does not increase the honour of the freedom fighters.
They strongly condemned the attacks on the students. In the statement, the party leaders
demanded to stop the attacks on the students and arrest the culprits after being identified. CPB
demanded the withdrawal of false cases filed in the name of anti-quota students and Chatra
Union leaders. On August 3, CPB called on Sheikh Hasina to resign immediately for not being
able to prevent the commemorative massacre and the destruction of state property.

ISLAMI ANDOLON BANGLADESH

Islami Andolan Bangladesh (Islamic Movement of Bangladesh) is a known political
party in Bangladesh. The party was founded by Syed Fazlul Karim, primarily known as
Chormonai Pir 1987. In the early stage, the party was known as Islami shasontontro andolan-
ISA (Islamic constitutional movement). “ISA has developed a sort of antipathy toward the
modem, secular, and liberal values and Clements not only because of their parochial and
inadequate knowledge vis-a-vis the modem sectors of the society, but also
Because they see that they are falling behind socially and economically” (Kobir: 2006, 92). In
the eighth national election, the party allied with the Jatiya party. The three directly nominated
candidates got 0.01% votes in the same election. The party got 1.47% votes in the general
election of 2018. “The party is led by the Ameer, who has enormous authority and power over
decision-making processes. There are three councils to steer organisational activities, they are
Majlish-e-Sadrat (Presidium Council), Majlish-e-Shura (Consultative Council), and Majlish-e-
Amela (Executive Council). The members of the Presidium Council are appointed by the
Ameer” (Riaz:2011, 56).
From the beginning, the party expressed solidarity with the Anti-discrimination Student
Movement and demanded reforming the discriminatory quota system. During the movement,
the party wanted the government’s resignation for their involvement in genocide. The party
activists and supporters actively engaged themselves in the movement. On August 4, the leaders
and activists of Islami Andolan Bangladesh participated in a protest march and rally in Dhaka,
supporting the demand of the Anti-discrimination Student Government and the cabinet’s
resignation. Islami Andolan Bangladesh’s Senior Naib Amir Mufti Syed Muhammad Faizul
Karim inspired the students by giving a speech that, carry on the movement, the victory is on
the door. The student wing of IAB, Islami Chatra Adolan, participated in the programs of the
Anti-discrimination Student Movement in many educational institution campuses. On August
5, the party announced a mass march at Baitul Mukarram North Gate of Dhaka and in the
districts and cities of the whole country with a one-point demand for Hasina’s resignation
(Chowdury, 2024). Finally, they supported the March to Dhaka program of the Anti-
discrimination Student Movement and condemned countless deaths by the terrorist attacks on
peaceful student protests. After the Revolution, the party claimed that many supporters and
workers sacrificed their lives in the movement. “At least 18 leaders and activists of Islami
Andolan Bangladesh lost their lives in the anti-discrimination student movement in July and
August. Additionally, more than a thousand have been injured, with over 150 seriously injured
and receiving treatment in various hospitals” (The Daily Dhaka Tribune: 2024, August 20).

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GONO ODHIKAR PARISHAD

The Gono Odhikar Parishad (People’s Rights Council) is Bangladesh’s newly formed
political party. Nurul Haq Nur, former vice-president of Dhaka University Central Student
union-DUCSU, is the party’s founder. In 2018, a group of students started a movement
demanding quota reformation in government jobs under the leadership of Bangladesh Sadharon
Chatra Odhkar Sonrookon Parishad. The student organisation participated in the DUCSU
election 2019 and won two posts: vice president-VP and social welfare secretary. After the
DUCSU election, the student organisation focused on national politics and formed a political
party named- Gono Odhikar Parishad in 2021. Before the 12th national election, the party
applied for formal registration, but the Bangladesh Election Commission denied the application.
The party boycotted its first election in demand of the election under a neutral government. The
Election Commission listed Gono Odhikar Parishad as a registered political party after the fall
of Sheikh Hasina’s government.
The Gono Odhikar Parishad played a remarkable role in the Anti-discrimination Student
Movement. The party’s central leaders started a movement demanding quota reformation in
2018. Asif Mahmud Sojib Bhuiyan, a key coordinator of the Anti-discrimination Student
Movement, was elected as the President of the Gono Odhikar Parishad’s student wing- Chatra
Odhikar Parishad of Dhaka University unit in 2023. One of the key coordinators of the
movement, Nahid Islam, competed in the DUCSU election from Nur-Rashed’s panel. The party
chief, Nurul Haq Nur, was picked up by the law-enforcing agency during the Anti-
discrimination Student Movement. Nur had to face extreme torture during the remand period.
The Detective Branch of Dhaka Metropolitan Police claimed in a press conference that VP Nur
was funded 4 lakh taka during the movement to help the protesters.
The investigating officer of the case filed at Banani police station and the inspector of
the cantonment zonal team of the DB Police, Abu Said Mia, mentioned that when the Court
ruled on the Quota in government jobs then Gono-Adhikari Parishad president Nurul haq Noor
contacted the coordinators- Nahid Islam, Nasanat Abdullah, Sargis Alam, Asif Mahmud,
Akhtar Hossain and Ahnaf. On the night of July 18, Nahid Islam and Sargis Alam discussed
the reform of quotas in government jobs and the overthrow of the Awami League government
on mobile phones and messages.“Detectives have found that Gono Odhikar Parishad President
Nurul Haque Nur was in close contact with at least six of the key coordinators of the quota
reform movement and suggested some political demands they should press, centring the
complete shutdown enforced on July 19. Based on his suggestions, the student leaders pressed
eight demands as preconditions to negotiate quota reforms when the government
representatives, led by Law Minister Anisul Haq, sat with them after fatal clashes across the
country on July 18” (The Dhaka Tribune: 2024, July 27).

AMAR BANGLADESH PARTY

The Amar Bangladesh Party (My Bangladesh Party), shortly known as AB Party, was
founded by a former group of Jamaat-e-Islami and Islami ChatraShibir leaders in 2020. It is
called the B team of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami because of their connection with the highly
discussed party. The AB party bears the Equality, Human Dignity and Social Justice slogan.
The party wanted to register before the General Election of 2024, but the Election Commission

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refused to register the party. The Court issued an order to register the AB party after the Hasina
government’s resignation. As a result, the party was allotted to the Eagle as its election symbol.
On July 6, when the Quota system was revived, the AB Party protested the attempt.
They proposed reserving only a 5% quota in government jobs. The party leaders claimed that
the Awami League is trying to implement its plan using the Court. The party condemned the
brutal attack on the students at Dhaka University Campus by the Bangladesh Chatra League.
They said that, due to the brutality of the Awami League, the student movement turned into a
mass movement. The ruling party should take responsibility for the loss of lives in the violence
during the quota reformation movement- The party leaders added.
The Member Secretary of the party, Mojibur Rahman Monju, was picked by the law
enforcement agencies for his role in favour of the movement. On August 10, the party leaders
met with Gwen Lewis, Resident Coordinator of the UN Mission to Bangladesh. They claimed
that, during the uprising of students in July and August, genocide and human rights violations
took place on the orders of Sheikh Hasina. They called on the United Nations to lead a fair
investigation into these incidents. AB Party demanded that the interim government prioritise
the treatment and rehabilitation of the injured during the movement.

GANATANTRA MANCHA
The Ganatantra Mancha (Stage of Democracy), a political alliance of six political
parties, was formed in 2022. The Revolutionary Workers Party, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal- JSD,
Bhasani Anusari Parishad, Nagrik Oikya, Rastro Songskar Andolon and Ganosanhati Andolan
are the members of this alliance. The alliance supported the student protest the quota system.
The President of Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal- JSD, a partner of Ganatantra Mancha, ASM Abdur
Rob, said that the ruling Awami League was leading the country towards civil war by not
fulfilling the justified demands of the quota protesters” (The Daily New Age: 2024, July 17).
On July 29, the Ganatantra Mancha demanded the government’s resignation by taking liability
for the genocide. On August 3, the Mancha called to support and participate actively in the
student movement to ensure the government’s resignation.

LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

The Liberal Democratic Party, known as LDP, was founded by Dr. Colonel (retd.) Oli
Ahmad Bir Bikram in 2006. It is a registered political party in the Election Commission. The
party is an ally of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party- BNP. LDP participated in the national
election of 2008 for the first time. The party boycotted the election of 2014 and also participated
in the election of 2018 under the banner of Jatiya Oikya Front (National Unity Front) led by
BNP.
The LDP extended full support to the anti-quota movement. The President of the party,
Dr. Colonel (retd.) Oli Ahmad Bir Bikram said in a statement on July 8 that there is no
alternative to establishing a merit-based state system. LDP agrees with the fair and logical
demands of the student quota reform movement.

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OTHER PARTIES
The Krishak Sramik Janata League criticised the decision of curfew. The party
president, Kader Siddique, said freedom fighters do not want Quotas; they want respect. He
also noted that Dropping bombs from helicopters—cannot be the behaviour of a democratic
country. The President of Bangladesh Jatiya Part- BJP, Andale eve Rahman Partho, made
various posts on social media, such as Facebook, on behalf of the protesting students demanding
quota reformation. “DB sources said Partho was arrested for allegedly inciting the quota reform
movement” (The Daily Star: 2024, July 25).
Kamal Hossain, the founder and emeritus President of Ganoforum, expressed full
support for the demands of the protesting students. He said that Excessive use of force and
lethal weapons by law enforcement forces against unarmed students participating in a peaceful
protest demanding quota reform, resulting in the loss of lives and severe injuries to many
students and ordinary people, is contrary to democracy and justice. He also said It was a clear
violation of human rights. Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis, Khelafat Majlis and Bangladesh
Suprem party Called to accept the fair demands of students in Quota reform.
As a part of 14 party alliance, the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal, Workers Party of Bangladesh,
Jatiya Party (Manju), Bangladesh Tarikat Federation and Bangladesher Samyabadi Dal
(Marksbadi-Leninbadi) supported the role of the Awami League government. The government
imposed a curfew and banned Jamaat-Shibir by following their suggestions.

CONCLUSION
The July Revolution opened the door to a new Bangladesh. Bangladesh’s existing
political parties tried to mark the movement through their lens. As a ruling party, Bangladesh
Awami League took many steps to neutralise the uprising. The party attempted to mark the
student’s demand as a matter of the apex court’s decision and fielded the party workers to face
the student protesters. The Awami League government deployed law-enforcing agencies
against the protesters. The agencies picked up the movement coordinators, which was criticised
broadly at home and abroad. A series of brutal attacks on student protesters by the ruling party’s
workers was published in the national and international mass media, including daily newspapers
and television. A stream of protests arose on social media platforms in favour of the protest and
against the ruling party’s role. The ruling party imposed a countrywide curfew and issued a
banning order to the main Islamist party- Jamaat-e -Islami, with the suggestion of their 14-party
grand alliance. They had to face criticism of the decision. Sheikh Hasina’s government was
ousted. Many cases were filed against the central leaders of the party, including Sheikh Hasina,
for their involvement in genocide. As a result, the opportunity for politics has been limited for
the Awami League. The political forces from the opposition side, like- the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party- BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, tried to make the movement successful. The
opposition parties extended their formal support to the movement. Many supporters of the
parties not only participated in the movement but also sacrificed their lives. Parties like the BNP
and Jamaat could not practice their democratic rights easily during the Awami League rule but
could do it freely after the Revolution. The people were deprived of their voting rights, and an
attempt to bring them rights was possible due to the Revolution. The state was broken during
the autocratic rule; the Revolution paved the way for reformation.

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