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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 being old and crazy, but thought better to fine him and
give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his fine,
but indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of the
jurisdiction, as he did soon after, and he went to
Acomenticus, and living there poor and despised, he died
within two years after.”[176]
Morton himself asserted that the harsh treatment he underwent in
prison, while waiting for that evidence from England which was to
convict him of some crime, broke down his health and hastened his
end. If he was indeed, as Maverick subsequently stated,[177] kept in
jail and, as he himself says, in irons, through an entire New England
winter, on the prison fare of those days, and without either fire or
bedding, this seems wholly probable.

There was about Thomas Morton nothing that was remarkable. On

the contrary he was one of a class of men common enough in the
days of Elizabeth and the Stuarts to have found their way into the
literature of the period, as well as into that more modern romance
which undertakes to deal with it. It is the Alsatian Squire and
Wildrake type. Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar
Royalist libertine, thrown by accident into the midst of a Puritan
community. He was unable or unwilling to accept the situation, or to
take himself off; and hence followed his misfortunes and his
notoriety. Had he in 1625, or even in 1629, gone to Virginia or to
New York, he would have lived in quiet and probably died in poverty,
leaving nothing behind to indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he
will receive a mention in every history of America.
More recently also certain investigators, who have approached the
subject from a Church of England point of view, have shown some
disposition to adopt Morton’s cause as their own, and to attribute his
persecution, not to his immoral life or illicit trade, but to his devotion
to the Book of Common Prayer.[178] It is another article in the long
impeachment of the founders of New England, and it has even been
alleged that “it still remains for Massachusetts to do justice to
Morton, who had his faults, though he was not the man his enemies,
and notably Bradford, declared him to be.”[179]
The New English Canaan is the best and only conclusive evidence on
this point. In its pages Morton very clearly shows what he was, and
the nature of “his faults.” He was a born Bohemian, and as he
passed on in life he became an extremely reckless but highly
amusing old debauchee and tippler. When he was writing his book,
Archbishop Laud was the head of the board of Lords Commissioners.
On the action of that board depended all the author’s hopes. In view
of this fact, there are, in the New Canaan, few more delightful or
characteristic passages than that in which, describing his arrest by
Standish, Morton announces that it was “because mine host was a
man that endeavored to advance the dignity of the Church of
England; which they, on the contrary part, would labor to vilify with
uncivil terms; envying against the sacred Book of Common Prayer,
and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his family
as a practice of piety.”[180]
The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this passage
was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an awkward piece
of work of it. The sudden tone of sanctimony which he infuses into
the words quoted, hardly covers up the leer and gusto with which he
had just been describing the drunkenness and debauchery of Merry-
Mount,—how “the good liquor” had flowed to all comers, while “the
lasses in beaver-coats” had been welcome “night and day;” how “he
that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their noses out of
joint;” and how that “barren doe” became fruitful, who is
mysteriously alluded to as a “goodly creature of incontinency” who
had “tried a camp royal in other parts.” Though, from the point of
view before alluded to, it has been asserted that the Massachusetts
magistrates “invented ... insinuations respecting [Morton’s]
treatment of [the Indian] women, whom, in reality, he had fought to
instruct in the principles of religion,”[181]—though this and other
similar assertions have been made with apparent gravity, yet it is
impossible to read the third book of the New Canaan, saturated as it
is with drunkenness, ribaldry and scoffing, without coming to the
conclusion that Don Quixote, Rabelais and the Decameron are far
more likely to have been in request at Merry-Mount than the Bible or
the Book of Common Prayer.
Not that the New Canaan is in itself an obscene or even a coarse
book. On the contrary, judged by the standard of its time, it is
singularly the reverse. Indeed it is almost wholly free from either
word or allusion which would offend the taste of the present day. Yet
the writer of the New Canaan was none the less a scoffer, a man of
undevout mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church
of England and its ritual was the cause of his arrest by the Plymouth
authorities, the answer is obvious and decisive. Blackstone was an
Episcopalian, and a devout one, retaining even in his wilderness
home the canonical coat which told of his calling.[182] Maverick and
Walford were Episcopalians; they lived and died such. The settlers at
Wessagusset were Episcopalians. In the dwellings of all these the
religious services of the times, customary among Episcopalians, were
doubtless observed, for they were all religious men. Yet not one of
them was ever in any way molested by the Plymouth people; but, on
the contrary, they one and all received aid and encouragement from
Plymouth. Episcopalians as they were, they all joined in dealing with
Morton as a common enemy and a public danger; and such he
unquestionably was. It was not, then, because he made use of the
Common Prayer that he was first driven from the Massachusetts
Bay; it was because he was a nuisance and a source of danger. That
subsequently, and by the Massachusetts authorities, he was dealt
with in a way at once high-handed and oppressive, has been
sufficiently shown in these pages. Yet it is by no means clear that,
under similar circumstances, he would not have been far more
severely and summarily dealt with at a later period, when the
dangers of a frontier life had brought into use an unwritten code,
which evinced even a less regard for life than, in Morton’s case, the
Puritans evinced for property.[183]
As a literary performance the New Canaan, it is unnecessary to say,
has survived through no merits of its own. While it is, on the whole,
a better written book than the Wonder-Working Providence, it is not
so well written as Wood’s Prospect; and it cannot compare with what
we have from the pens of Smith or Gorges,—much less from those
of Winslow, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is amazing
how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of events and places
now full of interest, could have sat down to write about them at all,
and then, after writing so much, have told so little. Rarely stating
anything quite correctly,—the most careless and slipshod of authors,
—he took a positive pleasure in concealing what he meant to say
under a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the New
Canaan fell still-born from the press, the only contemporaneous
trace of it which can be found in English literature being Butler’s
often quoted passage in Hudibras, in which the Wessagusset
hanging is alluded to.[184] It is even open to question whether this
reference was due to Butler’s having read the book. The passage
referred to is in the second part of Hudibras, which was not
published until 1664, twenty-seven years after the publication of the
New Canaan. It is perfectly possible that Butler may have known
Morton; for in 1637 the future author of Hudibras was already
twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London for six or
seven years after that. There are indications that he knew Ben
Jonson;[185] and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that with his sense of
humor and convivial tastes Morton should not often have met the
poets and playwrights of the day at the Mermaid. If he and the
author of Hudibras ever did chance to meet, they must have proved
congenial spirits, for there is much that is Hudibrastic in the New
Canaan. Not impossibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New
England hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the
reminiscence of a passage he had read in some forgotten book, but
as a vague recollection of an amusing story which he had once
heard Morton tell.
It is, indeed, the author’s sense of humor, just alluded to, which
gives to the New Canaan its only real distinction among the early
works relating to New England. In this respect it stands by itself. In
all the rest of those works, one often meets with passages of
simplicity, of pathos and of great descriptive power,—never with
anything which was both meant to raise a smile, and does it. The
writers seemed to have no sense of humor, no perception of the
ludicrous. Bradford, for instance, as a passage “rather of mirth than
of weight,” describes how he put a stop to the Christmas games at
Plymouth in 1621. There is a grim solemnity in his very chuckle.
Winthrop gives a long account of the penance of Captain John
Underhill, as he stood upon a stool in the church, “without a band, in
a foul linen cap pulled close to his eyes,” and “blubbering,” confessed
his adultery with the cooper’s wife.[186] Yet he evidently recorded it
with unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that “two of our
ministers’ sons, being students in the college, robbed two dwelling-
houses, in the night, of some 15 pounds. Being found out, they were
ordered by the governors of the college to be there whipped, which
was performed by the president himself—yet they were about
twenty years of age.”[187] If Morton had recorded this incident, he
could not have helped seeing a ludicrous side to it, and he would
have expressed it in some humorous, or at least in some grotesque
way. Winthrop saw the serious side of everything, and the serious
side only. In this he was like all the rest. Such solemnity, such
everlasting consciousness of responsibility to God and man, is grand
and perhaps impressive; but it grows wearisome. It is pleasant to
have it broken at last, even though that which breaks it is in some
respects not to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes
bearable. Among what are called Americana, therefore, the New
Canaan is and will always remain a refreshing book. It is a
connecting link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have to remind us
that in literature, also, Bradford and Winthrop and Cotton were
Englishmen of the time of Shakespeare and Jonson and Butler.
It remains only to speak of the bibliography of the New Canaan,
which at one time excited some discussion, and of the present
edition. Written before the close of 1635, the New Canaan was
printed at Amsterdam in 1637. It has been reprinted but once,—by
Force, in the second volume of his American Tracts. The present is,
therefore, the second reprint, and the first annotated edition. For a
number of years it was supposed that copies of the book were in
existence with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of
Charles Greene, and the date of 1632.[188] This supposition was,
however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winsor in the Harvard
University Literary Bulletins (Nos. 9 and 10, 1878-9, pp. 196, 244),
and found to be partially, at least, groundless. It was due to the fact
that Force made his reprint from a copy of the book in his collection,
now in the Library of Congress. That copy lacked a portion or the
whole of the titlepage; and the missing parts seem to have been
supplied, without mention of the fact being made, from the entry of
the book under 1632 in White Kennet’s Bibliothecæ Americanæ
Primordia. Apparently the error originated in the following way. The
New Canaan was entered for copyright in the Stationers’ Registers in
London, November 18, 1633, in behalf of Charles Greene, the
printer. There is no reason to suppose that it was then completed, as
it may have been entered by its title alone. If it was, however,
completed in part in 1633, the internal evidence is conclusive that it
was both revised[189] and added to[190] as late as 1634; and,
indeed, the Board of Lords Commissioners for regulating Plantations,
to which it is formally dedicated, was not created until April 10th of
that year. Greene did not print the book; though, as will presently be
seen, a certain number of copies may possibly have been struck off
for him with titlepages of their own. The entry in the Stationers’
Registers was, however, afterwards discovered, and seems then to
have supplied by inference the date of publication, which could not
be learned from certain copies, the titlepages to which were
defective or wanting. The dates given in Lowndes’s Manual would
seem to be simply incorrect.[191] Meanwhile, for reasons probably of
economy, though notice of publication had been given in London,
the book was actually printed in Holland, and the regular titlepage
reads: “Printed at Amsterdam by Jacob Frederick Stam, in the year
1637.” There are copies, however, the titlepages of which read:
“Printed for Charles Greene, and are sold in Pauls Churchyard,” no
date being given.[192] It is not known that these copies differ in any
other respect from those bearing the usual imprint. The conclusion,
therefore, would seem to be that, as already stated, a number of
copies may have been struck off for Greene with a distinct titlepage.
Properly speaking, however, there seems to have been but one
edition of the book. With the exception of the Force titlepage, which
has been shown to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy
being in existence bearing an earlier date than the usual one of
Amsterdam, 1637.
Copies of the New Canaan are extremely rare. Savage, in his notes
to Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had then, before 1825,
never heard of but one copy, “which was owned by his Excellency
John Q. Adams.” It is from that copy that the present edition is
printed. Mr. Adams purchased it while in Europe prior to the year
1801. It was that copy also which was temporarily deposited in the
Boston Athenæum in 1810, as mentioned in the Monthly Anthology
of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the Harvard University
Library Bulletin, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. George Whitney, in his
History of Quincy written in 1826, says (p. 11) that another “copy
was lately presented to the Adams Library of the town of Quincy by
the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris.”[193] In addition to these, some
dozen or twenty other copies in all are known to exist in various
public and private collections in America and Europe, several of
which are enumerated in the Literary Bulletin just referred to.
Very many of the errors both in typography and punctuation, with
which the New Canaan abounds, are obviously due to the fact that it
was printed in Amsterdam. The original manuscript it would seem
was no more legible than the manuscript of that period, as it has
come down to us, is usually found to be. At best it was not easy to
decipher. The copy of the New Canaan was then put in the hands of
a compositor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with English; and, if
the proof-sheets were ever corrected by any one, they certainly
were not corrected by the author or by a proof-reader really familiar
with his writing, or even with the tongue in which he wrote.
Accordingly pen flourishes were mistaken for punctuation marks, and
these were inserted without any regard to the context; familiar
words appeared in unintelligible shapes;[194] small letters were
mistaken for capitals, and capitals for small letters, and one letter
was confounded with another. In addition to these numerous
mistakes in deciphering and following the manuscript, ordinary
typographical errors are not uncommon; though in this respect the
New Canaan is less marked by blemishes than under the
circumstances would naturally be supposed.
Neither is this explanation of the curiously bad press-work of the
New Canaan a mere conjecture. One other composition of Morton’s
has come down to us in the letter to Jeffreys, preserved by
Winthrop.[195] Let any one compare this letter with a chapter from
the New Canaan, and he will see at once that, while both are
manifestly productions from the same pen, they have been
preserved under wholly different circumstances. Take, for instance,
the following identical passages,—the one from the New Canaan and
the other from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will sufficiently
illustrate this point.
 NEW CANAAN. LETTER TO JEFFREYS.
Book iii. Chapter 31. Savage’s Winthrop, vol.
II. p. *190.
And now mine Host
being merrily disposed, So that now Jonas
haveing past many being set ashore may
perillous adventures in safely cry, repent you
that desperat Whales cruel separatists,
belly, beganne in a repent, there are as yet
posture like Ionas, and but forty days. If Jove
cryed Repent you cruell vouchsafe to thunder,
Seperatists repent, the charter and
there are as yet but 40. kingdom of the
dayes if Iove vouchsafe separatists will fall
to thunder, Charter and asunder. Repent you
the Kingdome of the cruel schismatics,
Seperatists will fall a repent.
sunder: Repent you
cruell Schismaticks
repent.

The letter to Jeffreys is curiously characteristic of Morton. It is

written in the same inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic style as the
New Canaan. It is, however, perfectly intelligible and even energetic.
The reason is obvious. It was correctly copied by a man who
understood what the writer was saying. Accordingly it is as clear as
Winthrop’s own text. The New Canaan would have been equally
clear had it been deciphered at the compositor’s form by a man with
Winthrop’s familiarity with English.
There is some reason to think that the fancy for exact reproduction
in typography has of late years been carried to an extreme. Not only
have peculiarities of spelling, capitalization and type, which were
really characteristic of the past, been carefully followed, but
abbreviations and figures have been reproduced in type, which
formerly were confined to manuscripts, and are certainly never
found in the better printed books of the same period. It is certainly
desirable in reprinting quaint works, which it is not supposed will
ever pass into the hands of general readers, to have them appear in
the dress of the time to which they belong. Indeed they cannot be
modernized in spelling, the use of capitals, or even, altogether, in
punctuation, without losing something of their flavor. Yet, this
notwithstanding, there is no good reason why gross and manifest
blunders, due to the ignorance of compositors and the carelessness
of proof-readers, should be jealously perpetuated as if they were
sacred things. This assuredly is carrying the spirit of faithful
reproduction to fanaticism. It is Chinese.
The rule followed, therefore, in the present edition has been to
reproduce the New Canaan as it appeared in the Amsterdam edition
of 1637, correcting only the punctuation, and such errors of the
press as are manifest and unmistakable. Very few changes have
been made in the use of capitals, and those only where it is obvious
that a letter of one kind in the copy was mistaken by the compositor
for a letter of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of
page *14, where “Captaine Davis’ fate,” in the author’s manuscript,
is made to appear as “Captain Davis Fate,” in the original text. The
compositor evidently mistook the small f, written with the old-
fashioned flourish, for an initial capital. The spelling has in no case
been changed except where the error, as in the case already cited of
“muit” for “mint,” is manifestly due to printers’ blunders. Mistakes of
the press, such as “legg” for “logg” (p. *77) and “vies” for “eies” (p.
*152), have been made right wherever they could be certainly
detected.
No conjectural readings whatever have been inserted in the text.
The few passages, not more than four or five in number, in which,
owing probably to the failure of the compositor to decipher
manuscript, the meaning of the original is not clear, are reproduced
exactly. No liberties whatever have been taken with the original
edition in these cases, and all guesses which are indulged in as to
the author’s meaning, whether by the editor or others, are confined
to the notes. In a few places the text is obviously deficient. Words
necessary to the meaning are omitted in printing. Wherever these
have been conjecturally inserted, the inserted words are in brackets.
In a very few cases, words, which could clearly have found their way
into the original only through inadvertence, have been omitted.
Attention is called in the notes to every such omission.
The effort in the present edition has, in short, been to make it a
reproduction of the New Canaan; but the reproduction was to be an
intelligent, and not a servile one.
 NEW ENGLISH CANAAN
OR
NEW CANAAN.

Containing an Abstract of New England,

Composed in three Bookes.

The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their
Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and
Love towards the English.

The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the

Country, and what staple Commodities it yealdeth.

The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, their
prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first
planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise of their
Church.

Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, upon tenne yeares

knowledge and experiment of the Country.
 Printed at AMSTERDAM,
By JACOB FREDERICK STAM.
In the Yeare 1637.
 To the right honorable, the Lords and others of his Majesties most
honorable privy Councell, Commissioners, for the Government of all
his Majesties forraigne Provinces.[196]
Right honorable,
HE zeale which I beare to the advauncement of the
glory of God, the honor of his Majesty, and the
good of the weale publike hath incouraged mee to
compose this abstract, being the modell of a Rich,
hopefull and very beautifull Country worthy the
Title of Natures Masterpeece, and may be lost by
too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet
{4} all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence,
where I have indevoured my best, bound by my allegeance, to doe
his Majesty service. This in all humility I present as an offering,
wherewith I prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole. If you
please to vouchsafe it may receave a blessing from the Luster of
your gracious Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that
hee yet doth live to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to
sacrifice his dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for the
honor of his native Country. Being
your humors humble vassaile
Thomas Morton.
 The Epistle to the Reader.
GENTLE READER,
present to the publike view an abstract of New
England, which I have undertaken to compose by
the incouragment of such genious spirits as have
been studious of the inlargment of his Majesties
Territories; being not formerly satisfied by the
relations of such as, through haste, have taken but
a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time hath
enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to give a
more exact accompt of what hath been required. I have therefore
beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge
which I have gained and collected together, by mine owne
observation in the time of my many yeares residence in those parts,
to my loving Country men: For the better information of all such as
are desirous to be made partakers of the blessings of God in that
fertile Soyle, as well as those {8} that, out of Curiosity onely, have
bin inquisitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I have
observed how divers persons (not so well affected to the weale
publike in mine opinion), out of respect to their owne private ends,
have laboured to keepe both the practise of the people there, and
the Reall worth of that eminent Country concealed from publike
knowledge; both which I have abundantly in this discourse layd
open: yet if it be well accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently
rewardded for my undertaking, and rest,
Your Wellwisher.

Thomas Morton.
 In laudem Authoris.
T’ Excuse the Author ere the worke be shewne
Is accusation in it selfe alone;
And to commend him might seeme oversight;
So divers are th’ opinions of this age,
So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne stage,
That hard his taske is that must please in all:
Example have wee from great Cæsars fall.
But is the sonne to be dislik’d and blam’d,
Because the mole is of his face asham’d?
The fault is in the beast, not in the sonne;
Give sicke mouthes sweete meates, fy! they relish none.
But to the sound in censure, he commends
His love unto his Country; his true ends,
To modell out a Land of so much worth
As untill now noe traveller setteth[197] forth;
Faire Canaans second selfe, second to none,
Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne.
Then here survay what nature hath in store,
And graunt him love for this. He craves no more.

R. O. Gen.
Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.[198]
In laudem Authoris.
This worke a matchles mirror is, that shewes
The Humors of the seperatiste, and those
So truely personated by thy pen.
I was amaz’d to see’t; herein all men
May plainely see, as in an inter-lude,
Each actor figure; and the scæne well view’d
In Comick,[199] Tragick, and in a pastorall strife,[200]
For tyth of mint[201] and Cummin, shewes their life
Nothing but opposition gainst the right
Of sacred Majestie: men full of spight,
Goodnes abuseing, turning vertue out
Of Dores, to whipping, stocking, and full bent
To plotting mischeife gainst the innocent,
Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate,
In spight of Lawe, to be made ruinate.
This taske is well perform’d, and patience be
Thy present comfort, and thy constancy
Thine honor; and this glasse, where it shall come,
Shall sing thy praises till the day of doome.

Sir C. G.
 In laudem Authoris.
Bvt that I rather pitty, I confesse,
The practise of their Church, I could expresse
Myselfe a Satyrist, whose smarting fanges
Should strike it with a palsy, and the panges
Beget a feare to tempt the Majesty
Of those, or mortall Gods. Will they defie
The Thundring Jove? Like children they desire,
Such is their zeale, to sport themselves with fire:
So have I seene an angry Fly presume
To strike a burning taper, and consume
His feeble wings. Why, in an aire so milde,
Are they so monstrous growne up, and so vilde,
That Salvages can of themselves espy
Their errors, brand their names with infamy?
What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirst?
Will they be over head and eares a curst?
A cruell way to found a Church on! noe,
T’is not their zeale but fury blinds them soe,
And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne,
And offer up the sacrifice of Kain.
Jonas, thou hast done well to call these men
Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen.

F. C. Armiger.
 NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,
OR
NEW CANAAN.

The Author’s Prologue.

If art and industry should doe as much
As Nature hath for Canaan, not such
Another place, for benefit and rest,
In all the universe can be possest.
The more we proove it by discovery,
The more delight each object to the eye
Procures; as if the elements had here
Bin reconcil’d, and pleas’d it should appeare
Like a faire virgin, longing to be sped
And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed,
Deck’d in rich ornaments t’ advaunce her state
And excellence, being most fortunate
When most enjoy’d: so would our Canaan be
If well imploy’d by art and industry;
Whose offspring now, shewes that her fruitfull wombe,
Not being enjoy’d, is like a glorious tombe,
Admired things producing which there dye,
And ly fast bound in darck obscurity:
The worth of which, in each particuler,
Who list to know, this abstract will declare.
 NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,
OR
NEW CANAAN.

The first Booke.

Containing the originall of the Natives, their manners &
Customes, with their tractable nature and love towards
the English.

Chap. I.

Prooving New England the principall part of all America,

and most commodious and fitt for habitation.
He wise Creator of the universall Globe hath placed
a golden meane betwixt two extreames; I meane
the temperate Zones, betwixt the hote and cold;
and every Creature, that participates of Heavens
blessings with in the Compasse of that golden
meane, is made most {12} apt and fit for man to
use, who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to
be the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, to teach him how to
use moderation and discretion, both in his actions and intentions.
The wise man sayes, give mee neither riches nor poverty; why?
Riches might make him proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty
despaire like Iobs wife; but a meane betweene both. So it is likewise
in the use of Vegetatives, that which hath too Vse of vegetatives.
much Heate or too much Colde, is said to be
venenum: so in the use of sensitives, all those Animals, of what
genus or species soever they be, if they participate of heate or cold
in the superlative are said to be Inimica naturæ, as in some Fishes
about the Isle of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the
Tropickes; their participatinge of heate and cold, Fish poysonous
in the superlative, is made most manifest, one of about the Isle of
which poysoned a whole Ships company that eate Sall.
of it.[202] And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and
Snakes, that have heate or cold in the superlative degree.
Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold in a
meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse of love,
the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, and it is
therefore called Zona temperata, and is in the Zona temperata,
golden meane; and all those landes lying under the Golden meane.
that Zone, most requisite and fitt for habitation.
In Cosmography, the two extreames are called, the one Torrida
Zona, lying betweene the Tropickes, the other Frigida Zona, lying
neare the poles: all the landes lying under either of these Zones, by
reason they doe participate too {13} much of heate or cold, are very
inconvenient, and are accompanied with many evils. And allthough I
am not of opinion with Aristotle,[203] that the landes under Torrida
Zona are alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having beene so neare
the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith and
seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that it is
accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish and Flesh both
will taint in those partes, notwithstanding the use of Salt which
cannot be wanting there, ordained by natures hande-worke; And
that is a great hinderance to the settinge forth Salt aboundeth
and supply of navigation, the very Sinewes of a under the Tropicks.
florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse,
caused through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the
world it is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the
Tornathees (as the Portingals[204] phrase is, who lived there) and
then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which Raine 40. dayes
moisture serveth to fructify the earth for all the about August
yeare after, duringe which time is seene no raine betweene Cancer
and the Line.
at all: the heate and cold, and length of day and
night, being much alike, with little difference. And these raines are
caused by the turning of the windes, which else betweene the
Tropickes doe blow Trade, that is allwayes one way. For next the
Tropicke of Cancer it is constantly North-East, and next the Tropicke
of Capricorne it is Southwest; so that the windes comming from the
Poles, do keepe the aire in those partes coole, and make it
temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for those and other
inconveniences.
{14} This Torrida Zona is good for Grashoppers: and Zona Temperata
for the Ant and Bee. But Frigida Zona [is] good for neither, as by
lamentable experience of Captaine Davis fate is Capt. Davis froze to
manifest, who in his inquest of the Northwest death.
passage for the East India trade was frozen to
death.[205] And therefore, for Frigida Zona, I agree with Aristotle
that it is unfit for habitation:[206] and I know by the Course of the
cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees short of the Pole
Articke, the place is too cold, by reason of the Groene Land too
Sunns absence almost six monethes, and the land cold for habitation.
under the continuall power of the frost; which
thinge many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experience
of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. I thinke they
will not venture to winter there againe for an India mine.
And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Sir Ferdinando
Articke, so it is likewise to be found under the Gorges the originall
Antarticke Pole; yet what hazard will not an cause of plantinge
New England.
industrious minde and couragious spirit undergoe,
according to that of the Poet: Impiger extremos currit Mercator ad
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