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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
pleased to use towards me on Sunday last, shall never be defaced
out of my memory; for you were pleased so to interlace terror and
comfort, as that I knew not whether joy or fear possessed me most,
or whether you showed more justice or clemency; but at last a
tender fatherly affection appeared to steer your words and deeds
which shall be, God willing, answered with a filial duty and
tenderness, and your unparalleled goodness shall not, with God
Almighty’s grace, undo, but strengthen me in my duty to God and
your Lordship, with as much zeal and true-hearted devotion as can
be witnessed, with the uttermost endeavours of thought, word, and
deed, lying in the power and uttermost abilities which I can at any
time attain unto, whose ambition is not greater to anything in this
world than really and entirely to appear, my Lord,
“Your Lordship’s most dutifully obedient son,
“and most devoted servant,

“This 13th of August, 1644.”

His military career in Wales appears to have terminated late in

1644, at which time the Parliament having protested against the
cessation made by the Marquis of Ormond with the Irish rebels, by
the King’s express orders, his Majesty determined not only on a
speedy peace in Ireland, but also on the raising of troops there to be
sent over to England. Difficulties, however, arising consequent on
the demands made by the Irish Roman Catholics, the King devised
the expedient of engaging the services of the Earl of Glamorgan in
that hazardous negotiation. Adopting his customary narrow policy,
he planned and plotted alike with friends and foes. Ormond was to
be flattered and deceived, next Glamorgan, and in succession all his
ministers, council and court, yea, the very Parliament and the public
were to be hood-winked by a master-stroke of double-dealing. Such
a net-work of intrigue had he woven, before the least of his
measures could be finally executed, that Charles the First’s course of
conduct throughout this affair, has confounded early as well as later
and most dispassionate politicians. That the King was wavering and
uncertain, at least in his decisions, is admitted by all, and it is very
evident that expediency was with him a sufficient plea for the most
perfidious treachery, without distinction of parties. He first wrote to
the Marquis of Ormond that well-known letter, in which he says:[25]

“Ormond,
“My Lord Herbert having business of his own in Ireland
(wherein I desire you to do him all lawful favour and furtherance), I
have thought good to use the power I have, both in his affection
and duty, to engage him in all possible ways to further the peace
there; which he hath promised to do. Wherefore, as you find
occasion, you may confidently use and trust him in this, or any other
thing he shall propound to you for my service; there being none in
whose honesty and zeal to my person and crown I have more
confidence. So I rest,
“Your most assured constant friend,
“Charles R.
“Oxford, 27 Decemb. 1644.

[F]
“His honesty or affection to my service will not deceive you; but
I will not answer for his judgment.”

In this letter we detect the artful arrangement of its matter,

making Lord Herbert’s real mission secondary to some private
business of his own, to the forwarding of which the wily monarch
solicits the kind offices of his minister. Yet, secondary as was his
mission apparently, he is much lauded for his “honesty and zeal” to
the royal person and crown; while the same hand adds a postscript
in cipher,—“but I will not answer for his judgment.”
Yet he was not so insufficient in “judgment,” but that the royal
adept in deception could purpose his eventually superseding the
Lord Lieutenant, whom he was thus cajoling meanwhile.
On the 12th of January, 1644, his Lordship received a Commission
under the Great Seal from the King, empowering him to levy any
number of men in Ireland and elsewhere, with other considerable
powers, requiring for their exercise a man of no ordinary “judgment.”
So that when the King wrote one thing, he meant another, for his
acts reversed his own statement, and offer the best proofs of the
want of truth, although he might consider himself obliged to adopt
this shallow species of subterfuge, in such an emergency.
The Commission is as follows:—[13]
“Charles R.
“Whereas we have had sufficient and ample testimony of your
approved wisdom and fidelity, so great is the confidence we repose
in you, as that whatsoever you shall perform, as warranted under
our sign-manual, pocket signet, or private mark, or even by word of
mouth, without further ceremony, we do on the word of a King and
a Christian, promise to make good to all intents and purposes, as
effectually as if your authority from us had been under the Great
Seal of England, with this advantage, that we shall esteem ourself
the more obliged to you for your gallantry, in not standing upon such
nice terms to do us service, which we shall, God willing, reward. And
although you exceed what law can warrant, or any powers of ours
reach unto, as not knowing what you have need of; yet it being for
our service, we oblige ourself, not only to give you our pardon, but
to maintain the same with all our might and power; and though
either by accident, or by any other occasion, you shall deem it
necessary to deposit any of our warrants, and so want them at your
return, we faithfully promise to make them good at your return; and
to supply anything wherein they shall be found defective, it not
being convenient for us at this time to dispute upon them; for of
what we have here set down you may rest confident, if there be
faith and trust in men. Proceed, therefore, cheerfully, speedily, and
boldly; and for your so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant.
“Given at our Court at Oxford under our sign-manual and private
signet, this 12th of January, 1644.”
The Warrant his Lordship received from his Majesty, to treat and
conclude with the Irish confederates, dated 12th of March, 1644,
proceeds as follows:—[13]

“Charles R.
“Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and right well-
beloved cousin, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing
great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom
and fidelity, do by these (as firmly as under our Great Seal, to all
intents and purposes) authorise and give you power, to treat and
conclude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our kingdom of
Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be condescended unto, wherein
our Lieutenant cannot so well be seen in, as not fit for us at present
publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to
this our warrant, with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever you
shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as you in
your judgment shall deem fit, we promise on the word of a King and
a Christian, to ratify and perform the same, that shall be granted by
you, and under your hand and seal; the said confederate Catholics
having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service. And this
shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant.
“Given at our Court at Oxford, under our signet and royal
signature, the 12th of March, in the twentieth year of our reign,
1644.”

It is generally asserted that the visit of the Earl of Glamorgan to

Ireland was of a personal nature, having by his marriage become
allied to some of the first Irish families; but no one can doubt that
the important commission he had received from the monarch
swayed all other considerations. He was then about 43 years of age.
His royal master was profuse in the professions of the most sincere
attachment to the person of his Lordship; his acts and words being
such as were best calculated to ensnare an honourable man quite
incapable of insincerity. But the King, after his own fashion, had
sound reasons for his conduct; the Marquis of Worcester was still
rich, and might continue his liberality; and, as belonging to the
Roman Catholic faith, the son might promote his measures in
Ireland. He only felt it necessary to flatter without serious meaning,
and to promise without feeling the duty of performing, should
expediency cause him to change his views.
To Ormond, however, from whom he was not seeking any favour,
yet whose suspicion he desired not to awaken, the royal diplomatist
made light of this visit to Ireland—“having business of his own”
there; spoke sneeringly of the Earl—“I will not answer for his
judgment;” and yet employed him on matters of such vital
importance for the success of his own measures, that we at once
detect the sophistry of such language.
The Earl of Glamorgan, it would appear, went to Ireland at the end
of 1644 or commencement of 1645, as his Majesty addressed the
following letters to him in 1645;[G] the first in February:—

“Herbert,
“I am confident that this honest trusty bearer will give you
good satisfaction why I have not in every thing done as you desired,
the want of confidence in you being so far from being the cause
thereof that I am every day more and more confirmed in the trust
that I have of you, for believe me it is not in the power of any to
make you suffer in my opinion by ill offices, but of this and divers
other things I have given so full instructions that I will say no more,
but that I am
“Your most assured constant friend,
“Charles R.
“Oxford, 26th Feb. 1645.”[H]

The next in June following:—

 “Glamorgan,
“I am glad to hear that you are gone to Ireland, and assure
you that as myself is no wise disheartened by our late misfortune so
neither this country; for I could not have expected more from them,
than they have now freely undertaken, though I had come hither
absolute victorious, which makes me hope well of the neighbouring
Shires. So that (by the grace of God) I hope shortly to recover my
late loss with advantage, if such succours come to me from that
kingdom which I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of
time is that of the greatest consequence, being that which is
chiefliest and earnestliest recommended you by
“Your most assured, real constant friend,
“Charles R.
“Hereford, 23rd June, 1645.”

The Earl wrote the annexed letter to the Marquis of Ormond,

dated from Kilkenny in February, 1645:—[I]

“May Excellency,
it please your
“I need not give you a relation of the public audience given to
the Nuncio yesterday by the Assembly, nor of his addresses
thereunto; all which (I am confident) will be at Dublin before this
can have the happiness to arrive with your Excellency. Neither need
I use many words to persuade your Lordship, that the expectance of
a more advantageous peace, wrought by the powerful hand of her
Majesty, soon wipes out the clandestine hopes of my endeavours to
serve this nation, to which any professions of mine have never been
other, and always in order to the King my master’s service, which my
duty commands me ever to have before mine eyes. And my zeal
unto that transports me beyond all other considerations. Neither was
ever anything of vanity in me to be esteemed the person that should
contribute to the satisfaction of this kingdom, which I have ever
aimed more to do than to seem to do (as the private way of my
proceedings may well testify for me). But the saying is, a burnt child
dreads the fire; and, therefore, if I be contented to withdraw my
hands from meddling with concessions, I conceive it is your
Excellency’s own dictamen, not only as you are so great a public
Minister of State, but likewise as your Excellency is pleased in all
things to express yourself my noble friend. And sure I am in all
things you will find me a devoted servant unto you; and according
unto the freedom that your Excellency is pleased to give me in order
to his Majesty’s service, I must needs deal so plainly with your
Excellency, as to put you in mind how absolutely necessary it is not
to disgust the Nuncio, since that the supplies out of this kingdom
unto the King can be but men. And certainly, before I can put myself
into a handsome posture to serve the King my master by sea and
land, and in some kind to supply his Majesty’s private purse, I think
it will stand me in little less than £100,000, within three months; all
which whence can I have it but out of Catholic countries; and how
cold I shall find Catholics bent to this service, if the Pope be irritated,
I humbly submit to your Excellency’s better judgment. And here am
I constrained, to your friends and mine here, absolutely to profess
not to be capable to do the King that service which he expects at my
hands, unless the Nuncio here be civilly complied with, and carried
along with us in our proceedings. Besides (if there be understanding
or reality in me), it is impossible to carry this nation, and make them
do any notable service for the King my master, against the hair, and
contrary to the Nuncio’s satisfaction. And (pardon me to tell you) he
is not a friend to your Excellency that will persuade to the contrary,
knowing very well that you place your happiness and contentment in
serving his Majesty and this kingdom, as far as any great and public
Minister of State and real Protestant can attain unto. According to
which conditions I confess it is not fit for your Excellency to appear
in it yourself; but if you please to interest myself and some others of
your chief assured friends and servants here (even with whom your
Excellency must give me leave to vie in reality and zeal to serve
you), to deal with the Nuncio, I am most confident in a few days (if
not in a few hours), we shall bring him so far to comply in order to
his Majesty’s service, as may give your Excellency satisfaction. And
for the present I alone have dealt with him so efficaciously, as that
he hath not only given his consent and approbation for the 3000
men to go for Chester (for the transporting whereof I shall find
shipping sufficient ready); and if that will not serve, he means to-
morrow or the next day to make it his absolute business. And I
beseech your Excellency to take what I have said here into your
serious and speedy consideration, as proceeding from me, who am
not only transported with zeal to the King my master’s service
herein, but also to manifest myself how much I am
“Your Excellency’s, &c.
“Glamorgan.
“Kilkenny, the 8th of February, 1645.”

To which the Marquis replied from Dublin Castle on the 11th of

February:—[25]

“I hope the supplies your Lordship labours for with so much

diligence will yet come seasonably for the relief of Chester,
notwithstanding the rumours raised here of the taking of it; but of
this and the rest of the 10,000 men I can say no more than I lately
have done, in a letter commended to Mr. Browne’s conveyance.”
And in a letter of the 26th of March, he observes:—
“By intercepted letters of the 16th (Feb.) of this month out of the
North, I find it confirmed that Chester held out, and was not
delivered on the second, as was confidently written hither out of
North Wales by some that desired it should not be relieved; but it
will infallibly be lost if the succours be not speedily sent.”
And also writes desiring to be informed when the shipping and
men will be in readiness.

Again the Earl addressed the Lord Lieutenant on the 24th:—[J]

“May Excellency,
it please your
“I am now setting foot in stirrup for Waterford, having made
an embargo of all the shipping there, at Wexford, and all other
places of that coast, towards the exportation of six thousand men,
and have likewise sent an express to St. Ives and Falmouth for
shipping, either to convoy or to help to transport these men. And if
your Excellency please to inform yourself what may be done to
forward this business out of Dublin, I shall not fail to see performed
any agreement your Excellency shall make, whose zeal to the service
I know to be such as that it were vanity in me to recommend it unto
you. I will, therefore, only desire to know your Excellency’s pleasure
as soon as may be, and as it is my part, so it is my affection always
to obey you, and ever to remain,
“Your Excellency’s, &c.
“Glamorgan.
“Kilkenny, the 24th Feb. 1645.”

These letters seem at variance with the statement made by Dr.

Birch and others, that “the Earl left Oxford, in March, 1644–5, in
company with Sir Brian O’Neile and some Romish Priests, and went
to Wales;” [K] [22] unless we suppose he went to Ireland in December
or January, and returned to England sometime in February or March,
which, although not impossible, yet was a matter not so easily
accomplished in those times and under existing circumstances.
It is possible, however, that his own private, and the urgency of
public affairs, might induce his setting out early to arrange the one,
and to settle preliminaries in the other; for this latter purpose he
would certainly require his commissions of the 6th and 12th of
January, 1644–5.
Then in March, 1644–5, being returned from Ireland, he waits on
his Majesty at Oxford, and receives from him his Warrant of the 12th
of March, and on the 1st of April his extraordinary and ever-
memorable patent; than which nothing could possibly show more
convincingly his Majesty’s surpassing confidence in the newly-
created Earl, and his determination to “answer for his judgment.”
But this last favour had to be sent to him, as we find from his
instructions to Edward Bosdon, accompanied by a letter to his
Majesty, dated the 21st of March, 1644.
We are here enabled to clear up a mystery which has hitherto
hung over this portion of his personal history, through a very humble
source, fortunately preserved in the Letter Book of Sir William
Brereton, now in the British Museum, wherein is the copy of a letter
from John Bythell, apparently the commander of the “Peter,” bound
for Dublin. The circumstance is too interesting to epitomise, and
might suffer in graphic description by any attempt to curtail its
minute particulars intended to interest his father and family.
From this document we learn that the party left Carnarvon for
Dublin on the 25th of March, 1645:—
[L]
“John Bythell his letter to his father Rich: Bythell, in Wyre
hall. Wherein the much admired Providence of God is to be
observed in commanding the seas, &c.
“Loving Father and Mother,—
“My duty remembered unto you, and my love to my brother
Peter and my sister. These are to certify you that I am in health, but
am very sorry that I have such an occasion as this to write to you of.
But I pray you be not dismayed nor discouraged, for I trust that that
God that hath preserved me from my child-hood, and brought me
into these troubles, will in his good time deliver me from them again.
For when I went into a place into Wales, called Carnarvon, with a
small barque laden with corn, intending to go for Dublin, which
[where] it was my fortune to stay some six weeks for a wind; in the
interim there came some great men from Oxford, and pressed the
barque for the King’s service to carry them to Dublin, and said if I
did deny they would throw my corn overboard; and they being of
that power forced the barque to go out with them. There was the
Lord Herbert, and the Lord John Somerset, the Lord Herbert’s
brother, and many knights and colonels and captains, all being
strangers to me. But as it seemed, and so it fell out, God was not
pleased to grant them a passage, for we left Carnarvon upon the
25th day of March, being our Ladyday, with a very fair wind,
although north-east, and as fair a day as possibly could be. But
when we came over the bar of Carnarvon the wind began to calm,
and to come to the south and south-east. And when we had not
sailed past three or four leagues, but the wind came to the south-
west, and began to blow very hard about two or three of the clock in
the next morning, so that we could not possibly get the Holyhead;
and it increased more and more still, insomuch that when we came
to the Skerries the storm grew to that [remorselessness?] that the
barque had much ado to recover for being swallowed up in those
great waves. But when we had passed the Skerries the wind grew
greater and greater, and with much ado we recovered the shore with
the [ship], but could not possibly gain any harbour, but were driven
to the main sea. And seeing the danger we were now in, the
passengers threw over some of my corn and cheese, so we lay on
the sea Tuesday and Wednesday; and on Thursday we could not
gain any land but in the North of England, at a place called Pillen;
there we came to anchor on Thursday about five of the clock in the
afternoon. But Lord Herbert would not go on shore, nor suffer any
that was in the barque to land before him. But on the Friday the
storm increased more and more, insomuch that no man did expect
life, but every man prepared himself for death. But God (out of his
great mercy) was pleased to spare our lives for that time most
miraculously; for about ten of the clock in the morning, about one
hour before full sea, the barque not being able to ride, we were
forced to cast our main-mast overboard, and presently after cut both
her cables, and committed ourselves to God’s mercy. But it pleased
God we run on a part of the sand called Cockram Sand, near to
Pillen, but she struck many times before she came near any shore;
but at the last we recovered shore, but had neither anchor nor cable
to hold her, so she did [lie] all a-dry, and as soon as she did ebb a-
dry all the great men went away that were papists, and are got to
some garrison under the king’s command. But one Mr. Nutterfield
and his wife, and one Mr. Argent and his daughter, and one Mr.
Collour and his wife, and myself, went to Pillen with some few men
more, to comfort ourselves with the fire and to refresh ourselves.
And the next morning being Saturday, Mr. Collour and one Mr.
Hambleton and myself hired horses from Pillen to go to the governor
of that place to make him acquainted with our landing. His name is
Colonel George Doddinge, and when we came to him and told him
our cause, he said he could not do any less than commit us to
Lancaster, where now I am, at a very good place, one Capt.
Rippendshoupe’s. The Colonel was pleased to remove me out of the
Castle to his house, a very good place, where I am well used; but it
has pleased the Colonel to seize on all my corn, and to take it from
me, so that I cannot tell what course to take; for all our names are
sent up to the Parliament, and the Colonel cannot release any till he
receives an answer, how we must be disposed of. The best course
that you can take to have me released will be to make some friends
to Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More, and to procure their answer
to Colonel Doddinge, and to inform him where I lived, and that I
never took up any arms on either side, but have lived in Ireland this
ten years. And so I hope that will be answer to procure my
enlargement, for here I am a stranger, and am not known by
anybody, so I desire this truly may be certified, and by the hands of
Sir Wm. Brereton and Colonel More; and I hope that will give
satisfaction. I desire my brother Peter to use his best endeavour
herein for my liberty, and to come to see me. The Colonel hath
granted Mr. Collour and me the favour [and me sic] to send to his
friends, being at Namptwich, and the same messing [messenger?] to
come down from thence to you with my letter for fear [if] ours were
sent before [they] should miscarry, so we sent letters by the
Colonel’s directions to Namptwich from hence on Wednesday, being
the first of April; my letters were inclosed in Mr. Collour’s letters, and
he desired his father-in-law, Lieut.-Col. Jones, Sir Wm. Brereton,
Lieut. Coa, that as soon as his letters came to his hands, to send my
letters down to you. But for fear these should miscarry, we have sent
the bearer to you with this letter. I had all my money taken from me,
therefore I pray you to make shift to procure me four or five pounds,
for I have not a penny but what I do borrow. I pray you to send a
shirt and two or three bands, for I have none left me. I hope my
brother Peter will not fail to come and to bring these things along
with him, that I have written for; so desiring you to remember my
love to all our friends, especially to Mr. Glegg and Mrs. Gregg, to
Capt. Edw. and Capt. John Glegg, and to Capt. Robert, and to Mr.
Wm. and Mrs. Elizabeth and Miss Jones, and all the rest; so desiring
a happy meeting, I rest,
“Your loving and obedient son, till death,
“Jo. Bythell.
“Lancaster, 6 April, 1645.
 “I pray you give the bearer hereof, Mary Goadfine, 2s and 6d, and
make much of her. But let her make what haste she can back again
to me.”
We have next:—[M]
“A list of their names that were aboard the ‘Peter,’ bound for
Dublin and distressed by storms, and cast upon the coast of
Lancashire, and [who] afterwards escaped to Skipton Castle.”
(The name of the Prisoners taken at Lancaster, 1st April,
1645.)
The Earl of Glamorgan, the Lord Herbert.
The Lord John his brother.
Sir Brian, uncle of Sir Francis Edmonds.
Sir Charles Hayward, the Duke of Norfolk’s grandchild.
Lieut. Vivian Mouelex, a man who was very decrepid.
Col. Cave, Col. Mitchell (Irish).
Mr. F. Flemmia, a Lancashire man.
Captain Mulbrian, Captain Bacon.
Mr. Peters, the Lord Peters’ brother, Mr. Poynes.
Mr. Hutton, Col. Pristoe, Captain Butler.
“Some two or three more whose names are not known to any
passenger, but they were men of ordinary quality.
“The Protestants that are now prisoners at Lancaster, and went of
their own voluntary will, and not taken by force, and hired horses.
“Mr. Collham, Mr. Jones, James Hambleton, Jo. Bythell, Mr. Rob.
Noterfield, his wife and children and three servants; not siding with
the papists, Mr. Argent a gentleman, his daughter, and Boyes, and
his maid; Mr. Barker, Mr. Floyde, a minister.
“Two of the Lord Herbert’s men who were taken in their escape
after their Lordship; two poor sailors.”
Mr. Carte, in his Life of the Duke of Ormond,[22] and Dr. Birch,[19]
following the same authority, assert that—“The Earl of Glamorgan,
having embarked on board a small vessel, was near being taken by a
Parliament ship, which pursued him till he took refuge in a port of
Cumberland.” This, however, must refer to his second, and not to his
first, attempt to set sail from Wales.
We can now understand the occasion of delay previously
unaccounted for; thus, Dr. Birch, after informing us through Mr.
Trevor’s letter of the 9th of April, 1645,[N] that the Earl has actually
“gone into Ireland,” proceeds in the next page to quote a passage
from Lord Digby’s letter, dated Dublin, 8th of May, 1645:—“Though I
have no full knowledge of what Lord Herbert was to bring with him;
yet by his letter to me out of Wales, I guess his missing this place
(Dublin) was a great misfortune to the King’s service, even in
relation to the credit I found the Irish were apt to give to his
services and undertakings; and therefore if he be where he can get
once more to the water’s edge, and will venture over, I am very
confident the little frigate I now send to stay the return of the
bearer, will land him in some safe port of Ireland.”
In consequence of this arrangement he at length arrived at Dublin
about the end of July or beginning of August,[22] 1645, being a space
of about six months from the time of his leaving Oxford.
An incident with which the Earl of Glamorgan was connected
occurred during his stay in Wales, affords an amusing episode
illustrating the prevailing superstition of the age, against which his
Lordship was by no means proof. Dr. Bayly states that: “The Earl,
accompanied by officers, knights, and gentlemen of high rank, all of
the red letter, as they were in their journey for Ireland, quartered in
the town of Carnarvon, a sea-port in North Wales, where they were
entertained with discourse at their table by some of the gentlemen
of the country, who informed them of the fulfilling of an old Welsh
prophecy, at that very time and place.” The legend related to the
building of nests in the crown on the head of King Edward I., over
the gate of Carnarvon Castle, and was interpreted as significant of
the times. “Dinner being ended, they all went to the castle gate.”
Thereon the Earl of Glamorgan “commanded the nest to be pulled
down, which was done accordingly; and being thrown down, they
found the materials of the nest to be such, as wherewith never any
bird did build her nest, viz. with white thorn, which, for a
memorandum or rarity, every one of them stuck a thorn in his hat-
band, and wore it.”[7]
But we must now, however, revert to Raglan Castle, to keep in
view what had been passing there in the interim.

Footnotes
[A] Synopsis of the Peerage.
[74] Nichols.
[13] Birch and others.
[67] Macaulay.
[74] Nichols.
[B] From MSS. Badminton.
[C] From MSS. Badminton.
[D] From MSS. Badminton.
[E] From MSS. Badminton.
[25] Carte, Birch and others.
[F] Several lines of numerals have been deciphered as here
given.
[13] Birch and others.
[13] Birch and others.
[G] From MSS. Badminton.
[H] Birch, p. 359, gives the date 28 Feb. 1645.
[I] Bodleian Library, MS. Vol. “Carte Papers, 1634–57,
Ireland,” No. 159.
[25] Carte, vol. vi. p. 353.
[J] Bod. Lib. MS. Vol. “Carte Papers, 1634–1657, Ireland, 63,”
Nos. 160 and 161.
 [K] Birch’s Inquiry, p. 56.
[22] Carte.
[L] Additional Manuscripts, Brit. Museum, 11,331, Plnt.
CLXXIII. E, 3 vols. folio. Lettered—“Letter-Book of Sir W. Brereton,
1645.” 3 vols. folio. Vol. I. (old page, 13; pencil page, 15.)
Indexed—“From John Bythell to his father Richard Bythell in
Wyrehall, wherein the providence of God, in commanding the
seas, is observable.”
[M] From additional MSS. Brit. Museum, 11,338–3. “Letter
Book of Sir W. Brereton, 1645.” 3 vols. folio, Vol. 1, page 69.
[22] Carte.
[19] Birch.
[N] Birch’s Inquiry, p. 58.
[7] Bayly, Ap. XIX.
 CHAPTER VII.
RAGLAN CASTLE—ROYAL VISITS.
While the Earl of Glamorgan was zealously prosecuting Charles the
First’s designs in Ireland, he had left his Countess under his father’s
protection at Raglan Castle. At the commencement of this period the
noble Marquis would be in about the 63rd year of his age, rather
feeble, and a martyr to gout, which his fondness for claret may have
aggravated; a pleasant story being related by his chaplain, that on
the physician recommending abstinence from his favourite beverage,
he declared that he would rather incur the attacks of his old enemy
than abandon his favourite claret.[7]
Between the years 1640 and 1641 Raglan Castle had been
strongly garrisoned, when much activity was evinced in providing
and securing stores, arms, and the munitions of war. It must,
therefore, have worn a very animated and impressive appearance,
occupied as it was by hundreds of soldiers, with a large number of
war-horses. The exercising of the troops would most likely take place
daily in the extensive paved or pitched court, under full view of the
drawing-room windows, a spacious upper apartment, ranging behind
the hexagonal towers of the grand entrance, all of which remain to
this day.
A contemporary writer[93] states that in the hall windows of this
princely castle might be seen the ancient arms:—Argent, a lion
rampant, sable, within a garter. Thomas Lord Morley, died 1416; and
an old carving on the outside walls, representing three lions
rampant, impaling, a fess, in chief three martlets.
In the adjoining village of Raglan the old parish church of St.
Cadocus had its large pedestal sun-dial perfect, its yew-tree
flourishing, and its burial-ground hedged in with trees. Within the
sacred edifice, the Worcester chapel possessed its funeral ornaments
in varieties of fine marble, sculptured with artistic skill. Against the
north wall was the statue of an armed knight, in parliamentary
robes, decorated with the Garter, in memory of William Somerset,
who died 21st of March, 1589, aged 61 years. Another fair
monument consisted of two statues, male and female, under an arch
between the chancel and this chapel; he in parliamentary robes,
garter, badge, sans gloire, an earl’s crown, and the privy-seal purse.
Edward Somerset died 1627–8.[93]
Dr. Bayly, in his capacity of chaplain to the then Marquis of
Worcester, appears to have resided in the Castle from 1643 to 1646.
His collection of the Marquis’s sayings and family anecdotes, under
the title of “Apophthegms,” includes some antecedent matters
related on the authority of others. He expressly remarks:—“I have
lived in Raglan Castle three years, and in all that time I never saw a
man drunk, nor heard an oath amongst any of all his servants;
neither did I ever see a better ordered family.”
He describes from hearsay, in his usual gossiping strain, the
ceremony of a mock wedding, which was conducted as a kind of
masque at the Castle some years previously, on the occasion of the
marriage of the Marquis’s fourth daughter Elizabeth to Francis
Brown, Viscount Montagu, the particulars of which graphically
illustrate the domestic manners and customs prevailing in those
times, affording also a fair example of the Marquis’s own peculiar
humour, and further offering a scene in which there can be little
doubt that the then Lord Herbert fully participated: for he would
scarcely have absented himself on so important an occasion as that
of his sister’s marriage.
Dr. Bayly expresses himself as not being sure whether the mock
ceremony happened on the occasion of Lord Herbert’s marriage, or
on that of his fourth sister Elizabeth.[23] However, it seems that no
sooner had the marriage party been seated at the feast provided for
the occasion, than, as the chaplain states, “Tom Deputy, an old
bachelor, chanced to cast his eye upon a pretty piece of waiting
woman, one of the appurtenances of this honourable bride. He, this
jovial Tom, having whetted his wits by the sides of the marriage
bowl, fixes upon her, being enabled sufficiently thereby to follow any
humour, as a fit subject to make their lordships some sport; which
happened to be so suitable to the occasion and so well performed,
that it soon captivated the ears also.” Tom, being informed he may
have the lady for asking, makes that request of the fair bride,
remarking, “I protest I will marry her, and fancy myself to be a lord,
and herself a lady. My mind to me a kingdom is, which shall make
her a sufficient jointure.”
“Tom, Tom,” said the Marquis, “such men as you and I, whose
joints are enfeebled with the strokes of many years, must not think
to win young maids, by promising to make them jointures of the
mind, but will you make her Deputy of Deputy Hall? and landlady of
all the land that is belonging to it? and mistress of all the stock that
is upon the land, and goods that are within the house, and then you
shall hear what my daughter[A] and her waiting woman will say unto
you.”
“With all my heart,” said Tom, “and all the hogs and poultry that
are about the house to boot, and she shall lie upon six feather-beds
the first night.”
Matters being arranged after some jocular preliminary promises,
Tom telling the bride that they were agreed, the lady drank to him,
he promising to marry her after dinner; the only difficulty appearing
to arise from the want of wedding clothes. The Marquis, willing to
remove that obstacle, told Tom that he thought his clothes would fit
him, and bid him go into his wardrobe, and take what he had a mind
to.
“Give me your key,” said Tom; and receiving it, went up, and
equipped himself with the Marquis’s beaver hat, satin cloak laid with
plush, daubed with a gold and silver lace, suit of the same, silk-
stockings, with roses and garters suitable, inside and outside, cap-a-
pie, all as brave as if he carried a lordship on his back.
“The lady bride takes her woman aside, and dresses her in one of
her richest and newest gowns, with all things answerable thereto,
not without some store of slight jewels, and brings her down as
glorious as the morn that breaks from the eastern hill, and chases
night away.
 “Tom acted this scene of mirth in the Hall, which proved to be a
thing of that convenience, as if it had been an act of some set policy
to keep the crowd out of the parlour, that the Masquers might have
room enough to dance in. At last, when the Masque was ended, and
Time had brought in supper, the Cushion led the dance out of the
Parlour into the Hall,[B] and saluted the old new-made bridgroom and
his lady, leading them into the parlour to a table which was
furnished with the same allowance that was allotted for all the
nobles; where they were soon forced to sit down,” and were
bountifully served.
“Supper being ended, the Marquis of Worcester asked the Lady,
his daughter, if she had a hundred pounds about her. No, my Lord,
she answered, but I can send for as much. I pray do, said the
Marquis, but it must be all in gold. She sent for it accordingly,
presenting it to her father, who pulled out another purse of a
hundred pieces; and put the two hundred pieces in the basin, saying
—‘Madam, if you do not give earnest, Deputy will tell you in the
morning, that he married your woman but in jest.’ Whereupon some
gave fifty, others forty, some twenty, others ten, the least gave five
pieces, who sat at the table, in all seven hundred pounds; the
apparel and other gifts amounting to no less value than one
thousand pounds, which so transported the old man, that he
protested, that now he was in the humour, he would marry all the
waiting gentlewomen they had; one every day in the week, as long
as the wedding lasted.”
Thomas, however, was at that period of the entertainment
overcome with the potent effects of the good wine of which he had
freely partaken. The Marquis, desirous of making the practical
experiment of trying whether Thomas could be persuaded that the
past was all a dream; had him carried to his old lodging in the
Porter’s Lodge, and disrobed of his fine clothes, which was done
accordingly. Next morning the experiment realized all their
expectations; and the Marquis, after many good exhortations to both
parties, delivered unto them the money that had been collected.
 During the troubles preceding the civil war, a circumstance
occurred at the castle which establishes the early attachment of the
Earl of Glamorgan to scientific and mechanical pursuits, whilst it
affords tolerably conclusive proof of his having actually constructed
the identical invention which has immortalized his name.
Dr. Bayly informs us, to quote his own words, that “At the
beginning of this Parliament (Nov. 1640), there were certain rustics
who came into Raglan Castle to search for arms, his Lordship being
a Papist.” The Marquis met them at the castle gate, desiring to know
whether they came to take away his money, seeing they intended to
disarm him. They stated that they made the application merely in
consequence of his being a recusant. To which he replied, “he was a
peer of the realm, and no convict recusant, therefore the law could
not in reason take notice of any such things.” Finding some sharp
and dubious expressions coming from the Marquis, they were at last
willing to take his word; but he, not wishing to part with them on
such easy terms, had before resolved to return them one fright for
another. With that view he conveyed them up and down the castle,
until at length he “brought them over a high bridge that arched over
the moat, that was between the castle and the great tower,[C]
wherein the Lord Herbert had newly contrived certain water-works,
which, when the several engines and wheels were to be set a-going,
much quantity of water, through the hollow conveyances of the
aqueducts, was to be let down from the top of the high tower;
which, upon the first entrance of these wonderful asinegoes, the
Marquis had given order that these cataracts should begin to fall,
which made such a fearful and hideous noise, by reason of the
hollowness of the tower, and neighbouring echoes of the castle, and
the waters that were between, and round about, that there was
such a roaring as if the mouth of hell had been wide open, and all
the devils conjured up, occasioning the poor silly men to stand so
amazed, as if they had been half dead; and yet they saw nothing. At
last, as the plot was laid, up came a man staring and running, crying
out, Look to yourselves, my masters, for the lions are got loose.
Whereupon the searchers tumbled so over one another escaping
down the stairs, that it was thought one half of them would break
their necks, never looking behind them until out of sight of the
castle.”[23]
It was probably not long after the commencement of the civil war
that the occurrence we have next to notice happened at the castle,
affecting the then Lord Herbert, which is related by the family
chronicler in his 48th Apophthegm thus:—“My Lord Herbert of
Raglan (eldest son of the Marquis) came into Raglan Castle,
attended with 40 or 50 officers and commanders; and his business
with his father being about procuring from the old man more money
for the King, the Lord Herbert in his request unto his father
(unhappily and unawares) chanced to use the word must; which his
father (the Marquis) laying hold on, asked him, Must you? I pray
take it; and threw him the keys of his treasury, out of his pocket;
whereat his son was wonderfully out of countenance, and abashed
(being otherwise ever a dutiful and respectful son to his father)
replied: ‘Sir, the word was out before I was aware, I do not intend to
put it in force; I pray will you put up your key again?’
“To which the Marquis returned his son these words. ‘Truly, son, I
shall think my keys not safe in my pocket, whilst you have so many
swords by your side; nor that I have the command of my house
whilst you have so many officers in it; nor that I am at my own
disposal, whilst you have so many commanders.’
“My Lord (replied the son), I do not intend that they shall stay in
the castle, I mean they shall be gone.
“I pray let them (said the Marquis), and have care that must do
not stay behind.
“Whereat, after my Lord Herbert was gone out of the room, there
were some who, as mannerly as they could, blamed the Marquis for
his too much severity to his son, after that he had seen him express
so much of sorrow for that over-slip; whereupon the Marquis replied:
—‘Hark ye, if my son be dejected, I can raise him when I please; but
it is a question, if he should once take a head, whether I could bring
him lower when I list. Ned was not wont to use such courtship to
me, and I believe he intended a better word for his father; but must
was for the King.’”[23]
In August, 1644, Charles the First wrote to the Marquis, in the
following gracious and flattering terms:[D]

“Worcester,
“I am sensible of the great affection which you and your son
have expressed unto me, by eminent services, and of the means he
may have of doing me more in that way wherein he is now engaging
himself, that I cannot choose, before his going, but express unto
you, in a very particular manner, the value I have of you both, and
to assure you, that if God bless me, I will not be behind-hand with
either of you. In the meantime, finding your son so much more
desirous that there should be placed upon you some mark of my
favour, rather than upon himself, I have thought fit to let you know
that as soon as I shall confer the Order of the Garter upon any, you
shall receive it as a testimony of my being,
“Your assured constant friend,
“Charles R.
“Liskeard, Aug. 2nd, 1644.”

And again, the same month, he further assured and promised him
as follows:—[E]

“Worcester,
“Yours and your son’s daily endeavours to serve me, makes
me think which way to give you assurance of my gracious
acceptance. And, therefore, as a further testimony, I have sent you
this enclosed, only known to him and me, and fit, for several reasons
of importance to you and me, to be kept private, until I shall esteem
the time convenient, when, as God shall enable me, I will show my
tender care of you and yours; as, by a match propounded for your
grandchild, you will easily judge; the particulars I leave to your son,
Glamorgan his relation, which I have commanded him to make to
you only; and you may be confident that I so much esteem your
merits, and your upholding your son in my service (wherein no
subject I have equals either of you), as that I cannot think anything
too much that lies in my power; though, as yet, some considerations
hinder me from doing all I would towards you and yours. But, by
your son’s endeavours, I make no question but in short time to pass
them so over, as that I shall make good the intentions I have, to
manifest that I esteem your services such as my words cannot
express them; nor I, but by showing myself at all occasions, and in
all things to be,
“Your assured friend,
“Charles R.
“For the Marquis of Worcester.”

Which communication conveyed the following enclosure, prepared

some time previously.[F]

“Charles R.
“Our will and pleasure is, that you prepare a bill for our
signature, for creating our right trusty and entirely-beloved cousin,
Henry, Marquis of Worcester, Duke of Somerset, to him and the heirs
male of his body issuing, with all the privileges and immunities
thereunto belonging, and with a grant of an annuity of fifty pounds
yearly, to be paid to him and them, out of our customs of Swansea,
in our county of Glamorgan, for the support of the said dignity, for
which this shall be your sufficient warrant. Given at our Court in
Oxford, the sixth day of January, in the twentieth year of our reign.
“To our Attorney or Solicitor-General
“for the time being.”

After the fatal battle of Naseby, 14th June, 1645, the position of
Charles the First becoming desperate, he early sought the repose
and security afforded by Raglan Castle, with the equally or more
important purpose of stimulating a further drain on the fast
diminishing resources of its munificent proprietor. It will be requisite
to relate some particulars in reference to these royal visits from their
connection with this memoir, incidentally proving the position and
prospects of the Earl of Glamorgan; while they account for much of
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