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Other documents randomly have
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Thus much for the chief and principal governors of this famous city;
of whose public government, with the assistance of inferior officers,
their charges for keeping of the peace, service of the prince, and
honour of this city, much might have been said, and I had thought
to have touched more at large; but being informed that a learned
gentleman (James Dalton, a citizen born), minded such a labour, and
promised to perform it, I have forborne and left the same to his
good leisure, but he being now lately deceased without finishing any
such work (a common fault to promise more than to perform), and I
hear not of any other that taketh it in hand, I have been divers times
minded to add certain chapters to this book, but being (by the good
pleasure of God) visited with sickness, such as my feet (which have
borne me many a mile) have of late years refused, once in four or
five months, to convey me from my bed to my study, and therefore
could not do as I would.
At length, remembering I had long since gathered notes to have
chaptered, am now forced to deliver them unperfected, and desire
the readers to pardon me, that want not will to pleasure them.
 ALDERMEN AND SHERIFFS OF
LONDON
There be in this city, according to the number of wards, twenty-six
aldermen; whereof yearly, on the feast day of St. Michael the
Archangel, one of them is elected to be mayor for the year following,
to begin on the 28th of October: the other aldermen, his brethren,
are to him assistants in councils, courts, etc.
More, there is a recorder of London, a grave and learned lawyer,
skilful in the customs of this city, also assistant to the lord mayor: he
taketh place in councils and in courts before any man that hath not
been mayor, and learnedly delivereth the sentences of the whole
court.
The sheriffs of London, of old time chosen out of the commonalty,
commoners, and oftentimes never came to be aldermen, as many
aldermen were never sheriffs, and yet advanced to be mayor, but of
late (by occasion) the sheriffs have been made aldermen before or
presently after their election.
Nicholas Faringdon was never sheriff, yet four times mayor of this
city, and so of other, which reproveth a bye word, such a one will be
mayor, or he be sheriff, etc.
Then is there a chamberlain of London. A common clerk, or town
clerk. A common sergeant.
OFFICERS BELONGING TO THE
LORD MAYOR’S HOUSE
Sword-bearer,
Common hunt,
esquires, four.
Common crier,
Water bailiff.
Coroner of London.
Sergeant carvers, three.
Sergeants of the chamber, three.
Sergeant of the channel.
Yeoman of the channel.
Yeomen of the water side, four.
Under water-bailiff.
Yeomen of the chamber, two.
Meal weighers, three.
Yeomen of the wood wharfs, two.
The sword-bearer’s man.
Common hunt’s men, two.
Common crier’s man. gentlemen’s men, seven.
Water-bailiffs’ men, two.
The carver’s man.
Whereof nine of these have liveries of the lord mayor, viz., the
sword-bearer, and his man, the three carvers, and the four yeomen
of the water side; all the rest have their liveries from the chamber of
London.
Thus far after my notes delivered by an officer of the lord mayor’s
house, but unperfected; for I remember a crowner, an under-
chamberlain, and four clerks of the mayor’s court, and others.
 THE SHERIFFS OF LONDON; THEIR
OFFICERS
The sheriffs of London, in the year 1471, were appointed each of
them to have sixteen sergeants, every sergeant to have his yeoman,
and six clerks; to wit, a secondary, a clerk of the papers, and four
other clerks, besides the under sheriffs’ clerks, their stewards,
butlers, porters, and other in household many.
 OF THE MAYOR’S AND SHERIFFS’
LIVERIES SOMEWHAT
To follow precedent of former time, the clerks of companies were to
inquire for them of their companies that would have the mayor’s
livery, their money as a benevolence given, which must be twenty
shillings at the least put in a purse, with their names that gave it,
and the wardens to deliver it to the mayor by the first of December;
for the which every man had then sent him four yards of broad
cloth, rowed or striped athwart, with a different colour to make him
a gown, and these were called ray gowns, which was then the livery
of the mayor, and also of the sheriffs, but each differing from others
in the colours.
Of older times I read, that the officers of this city wore gowns of
party colours, as the right side of one colour and the left side of
another; as, for example, I read in books of accounts in the
Guildhall, that in the 19th year of Henry VI. there was bought for an
officer’s gown two yards of cloth, coloured mustard villars (a colour
now out of use), and two yards of cloth, coloured blue, price two
shillings the yard, in all eight shillings. More, paid to John Pope,
draper, for two gown cloths, eight yards of two colours, eux ombo
deux de rouge (or red), medle bune, and porre (or purple) colour,
price the yard two shillings. These gowns were for Piers Rider and
John Bukles, clerks of the chamber.
More, I read that in the year 1516, in the 7th of Henry VIII., it was
agreed by a common council in the Guildhall that the sheriffs of
London should (as they had been accustomed) give yearly rayed
gowns to the recorder, chamberlain, common sergeant, and common
clerk, the sword-bearer, common hunt, water-bailiff, common crier,
like as to their own offices, etc.
1525. More, in the 16th of Henry VIII., Sir William Bayly, then being
mayor, made a request, for that clothes of ray (as he alleged) were
evil wrought, his officers might be permitted (contrary to custom) for
that year to wear gowns of one colour; to the which, in a common
council, one answered and said, “Yea, it might be permitted,” and no
man said, “Nay,” and so it passed. Thus much for party coloured and
ray gowns have I read: but for benevolence to the mayor, I find that
of later time that each man giving forty shillings towards his charges,
received four yards of broad cloth to make him a gown, for Thomas
White performed it in the 1st of Queen Mary; but Sir Thomas Lodge
gave instead of four yards of broad cloth, three yards of satin to
make them doublets, and since that the three yards of satin is
turned into a silver spoon, and so it holdeth.
The days of attendance that the fellowships do give to the mayor at
his going to Paules were seven, as followeth:—
1. Alhallowen day.
2. Christmasse day.
3. St. Stephen’s day.
4. St. John’s day.
5. New Year’s day.
6. Twelfth day.
7. Candlemasse day.
The 23rd of Henry VIII., these companies had place at the mayor’s
feast in the Guildhall, in order as followeth; I speak by precedent, for
I was never feast-follower:—
1. Mercers, the wardens, and seventeen persons, five messes.
2. Grocers, the wardens, and sixteen persons, four messes.
3. Drapers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
4. Fishmongers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
5. Goldsmiths, the wardens, and ten persons, three messes.
6. Skinners, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
7. Merchant-tailors, the wardens, and nine persons, three messes.
8. Vintners, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
9. Ironmongers, the wardens, and four persons, four messes and a
half.
10. Merchant-haberdashers, the wardens, and fourteen persons, four
messes and a half.
11. Salters, the wardens, and eight persons, two messes and a half.
12. Dyers, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
13. Leathersellers, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
14. Pewterers, the wardens, and five persons, two messes.
15. Cutlers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
16. Armourers, the wardens and three persons, one mess.
17. Waxchandlers, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
18. Tallow-chandlers, the wardens and three persons, two messes.
19. Shiremen, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
20. Fullers, the wardens and nine persons, two messes.
21. Sadlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
22. Brewers, the wardens and twelve persons, four messes.
23. Scriveners, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
24. Butchers, the wardens and seven persons, three messes.
25. Bakers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
26. Poulterers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
27. Stationers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
28. Inholders, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
29. Girdlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
30. Chirurgeons, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
31. Founders, the wardens and one person, one mess.
32. Barbers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
No Clothing. Upholders, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
34. Broiderers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
35. Bowyers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
36. Fletchers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Turners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
38. Cordwainers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
39. Painters-stainers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
40. Masons, the wardens and one person, one mess.
41. Plumbers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
42. Carpenters, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
43. Pouch-makers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
44. Joiners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
45. Coopers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
No Clothing. Glaziers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Linendrapers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Woodmongers, the wardens and two persons, one
mess.
49. Curriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Foystors, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Grey Tanners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
52. Tilers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
53. Weavers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
54. Blacksmiths, the wardens, and one mess.
No Clothing. Lorimars, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
56. Spurriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
57. Wiresellers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Fruiterers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Farriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
60. Bladesmiths, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
These companies severally, at sundry times, purchased the king’s
favour and license by his letters patents, to associate themselves in
brotherhoods, with master and wardens for their government: many
also have procured corporations, with privileges, etc.; but I read not
of license by them procured for liveries to be worn, but at their
governor’s discretion to appoint, as occasion asketh, some time in
triumphant manner, some time more mourning like, and such liveries
have they taken upon them, as well before, as since they were by
license associated into brotherhoods, or corporations. For the first of
these companies that I read of to be a guild, brotherhood, or
fraternity, in this city, were the weavers, whose guild was confirmed
by Henry II. The next fraternity, which was of St. John Baptist, time
out of mind, called of tailors and linen-armourers of London; I find
that King Edward I., in the 28th of his reign, confirmed that guild by
the name of tailors and linen-armourers, and gave to the brethren
there of authority yearly to choose unto them a governor, or master,
with wardens, etc. The other companies have since purchased
license of societies, brotherhoods, or corporations, in the reigns of
Edward III., Richard II., Henry IV., Henry V., Henry VI., and Edward
IV., etc.
SOMEWHAT OF LIVERIES WORN BY
CITIZENS OF LONDON, IN TIME OF
TRIUMPHS AND OTHERWAYS
1236. The 20th of Henry III., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and
citizens of London, rode out to meet the king and his new wife,
Queen Elianor, daughter to Reymond Beringarius of Aragon, earl of
Provence and Narbone. The citizens were clothed in long garments,
embroidered about with gold, and silk in divers colours, their horses
finely trapped, to the number of three hundred and sixty, every man
bearing a golden or silver cup in his hand, the king’s trumpets before
them sounding, etc., as ye may read in my Annales.
1300. The 29th of Edward I., the said king took to wife Margaret,
sister to Philip Le Beau, king of France; they were married at
Canterbury. The queen was conveyed to London, against whom the
citizens to the number of six hundred rode in one livery of red and
white, with the cognizances of their mysteries embroidered upon
their sleeves, they received her four miles out of London, and so
conveyed her to Westminster.
1415. The 3rd of Henry V., the said king arriving at Dover, the mayor
of London with the aldermen and crafts-men riding in red, with
hoods red and white, met with the king on the Blacke hith, coming
from Eltham with his prisoners out of France.
1432. The 10th of Henry VI., he being crowned in France, returning
into England, came to Eltham towards London, and the mayor of
London, John Welles, the aldermen, with the commonalty, rode
against him on horseback, the mayor in crimson velvet, a great
velvet hat furred, a girdle of gold about his middle, and a bawdrike
of gold about his neck trilling down behind him, his three henxemen,
on three great coursers following him, in one suit of red, all spangled
in silver, then the aldermen in gowns of scarlet, with sanguine
hoods, and all the commonality of the city clothed in white gowns,
and scarlet hoods, with divers cognizances embroidered on their
sleeves, etc.
1485. The 1st of Henry VII., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and
commonality, all clothed in violet (as in a mourning colour), met the
king at Shorditch, and conveyed him to Powles church, where he
offered his banners.
Thus much for liveries of citizens in ancient times, both in triumphs
and otherwise, may suffice, whereby may be observed, that the
coverture of men’s heads was then hoods, for neither cap nor hat is
spoken of, except that John Welles mayor of London to wear a hat in
time of triumph, but differing from the hats lately taken in use, and
now commonly worn for noblemen’s liveries. I read that Thomas earl
of Lancaster in the reign of Edward II. gave at Christmas in liveries,
to such as served him, a hundred and fifty-nine broad cloaths,
allowing to every garment furs to fur their hoods: more near our
time, there yet remaineth the counterfeits and pictures of aldermen,
and others that lived in the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV.,
namely alderman Darby dwelling in Fenchurch street, over against
the parish church of St. Diones, left his picture, as of an alderman, in
a gown of scarlet on his back, a hood on his head, etc., as is in that
house (and elsewhere) to be seen: for a further monument of those
late times, men may behold the glass windows of the mayor’s court
in the Guildhall above the stairs, the mayor is there pictured sitting
in habit, party-coloured, and a hood on his head, his swordbearer
before him with a hat or cap of maintenance: the common clerk, and
other officers bare-headed, their hoods on their shoulders; and
therefore I take it, that the use of square bonnets worn by
noblemen, gentlemen, citizens, and others, took beginning in this
realm by Henry VII. and in his time, and of further antiquity, I can
see no counterfeit or other proof of use. Henry VIII. (towards his
latter reign) wore a round flat cap of scarlet or of velvet, with a
bruch or jewel, and a feather; divers gentlemen, courtiers, and
others, did the like. The youthful citizens also took them to the new
fashion of flat caps, knit of woollen yarn black, but so light, that they
were obliged to tie them under their chins, for else the wind would
be master over them. The use of these flat round caps so far
increased (being of less price than the French bonnet) that in short
time young aldermen took the wearing of them; Sir John White wore
it in his mayoralty, and was the first that left example to his
followers; but now the Spanish felt, or the like counterfeit, is most
commonly of all men both spiritual and temporal taken to use, so
that the French bonnet or square cap, and also the round or flat cap,
have for the most part given place to the Spanish felt; but yet in
London amongst the graver sort (I mean the liveries of companies),
remaineth a memory of the hoods of old time worn by their
predecessors: these hoods were worn, the roundlets upon their
heads, the skirts to hang behind in their necks to keep them warm,
the tippet to lie on their shoulder, or to wind about their necks, these
hoods were of old time made in colours according to their gowns,
which were of two colours, as red and blue, or red and purple,
murrey, or as it pleased their masters and wardens to appoint to the
companies; but now of late time, they have used their gowns to be
all of one colour, and those of the saddest, but their hoods being
made the one half of the same cloth their gowns be of, the other
half remaineth red as of old time. And so I end, as wanting time to
travel further in this work.
Now since that I have given you an outward view of this city, it shall
not be impertinent to let you take an insight also of the same, such
as a Londoner born discoursed about twenty years gone, for answer
(as it seemeth) to some objections that then were made against the
growing greatness thereof. The author gave it me, and therefore,
howsoever I conceal his name (which itself pretendeth not), I think I
may without his offence impart it to others, that they may take
pleasure in the reading, as I doubt not but he did in the writing.
Long may they (that list) envy, and long may we and our posterity
enjoy the good estate of this city.
 A DISCOURSE OF THE NAMES AND
FIRST CAUSES OF THE
INSTITUTION OF CITIES AND
PEOPLED TOWNS AND OF THE
COMMODITIES THAT DO GROW BY
THE SAME; AND, NAMELY, OF THE
CITY OF LONDON
WRITTEN BY WAY OF AN APOLOGY (OR DEFENCE)
AGAINST THE OPINION OF SOME MEN, WHICH THINK
THAT THE GREATNESS OF THAT CITY STANDETH NOT
WITH THE PROFIT AND SECURITY OF THIS REALM
Cities and well-peopled places be called Oppida, in Latin; either ab
ope danda, or ab opibus, or ab opponendo se hostibus. They be
named also Civitates a cöeundo, and urbes, either of the word
urbare, because the first inclosure of them was described with the
draught of a plough, or else ab orbe, for the round compass that
they at the first had.
In the Greek a city is termed πόλις, either of the word πολὺς,
multus, or of πολεῖνω πολένεον,[306] id est, habitare, alere,
gubernare.
In the Saxon (or old English) sometimes Tun, which we now call
town, derived of the word Tynan, to inclose or tyne, as some yet
speak. But forasmuch as that word was proper to every village and
inclosed dwelling, therefore our ancestors called their walled towns
Burh or Byrg, and we now Bury and Borough, of the Greek word
πύργος (as I think), which signifieth a tower or a high building.
The walls of these towns had their name of vallum, because at the
first they were but of that earth which was cast out of the trench, or
ditch, wherewith they were environed. But afterward, being made of
matter more fit for defence, they were named a muniendo mœnia.
By the etymology of these names, it may appear that common
weals, cities, and towns, were at the first invented, to the end that
men might lead a civil life amongst themselves, and be saved
harmless against their enemies; whereupon Plato saith, “Civitates ab
initio utilitatis causa constitutæ sunt.” Aristotle, 1. Politicorum, 2.
saith, “Civitas a natura profecta est: homo enim animal aptum est ad
cœtus, et proinde civitatis origo ad viuendum, institutio ad bene
viuendum refertur.” And Cicero, lib. primo de Inventione, in the
beginning, saith, “Fuit quoddam tempus cum in agris homines
passim bestiarum more vagabantur, etc. quo quidem tempore,
quidam (magnus, viz. vir et sapiens) dispersos homines in agris, et
tectis silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam compulit in unum locum,
atque eos in unamquamq; rem induxit utilem et honestam. Urbibus
vero constitutis fidem colere, et justitiam retinere discebant, et aliis
parere sua voluntate consuescebant,” etc. The same man
discourseth notably to the same effect in his Oration Pro Sestio, a
little after the midst thereof, showing that in the life of men
dispersed, vis, beareth all the sway; but in the civil life, ars is better
maintained, etc. This thing well saw King William the Conqueror,
who in his laws, fol. 125, saith, “Burgi et civitates fundata, et
edificata sunt, ad tuitionem gentium et populorum Regni, et idcirco
observari debent cum omni libertate, integritate et ratione.” And his
predecessors, King Ethelstane and King Canutus, in their laws, fol.
62 and 106, had commanded thus: “Oppida instaurantur,” etc.
Seeing, therefore, that as Cicero, 2. Officior. saith, “Proxime et
secundum Deos, homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt;”
and that men are congregated into cities and commonwealths for
honesty and utility’s sake, these shortly be the commodities that do
come by cities, commonalties, and corporations. First, men by this
nearness of conversation are withdrawn from barbarous feritie and
force to a certain mildness of manners, and to humanity and justice;
whereby they are contented to give and take right, to and from their
equals and inferiors, and to hear and obey their heads and
superiors. Also the doctrine of God is more fitly delivered, and the
discipline thereof more aptly to be executed, in peopled towns than
abroad, by reason of the facility of common and often assembling;
and consequently such inhabitants be better managed in order, and
better instructed in wisdom: whereof it came to pass, that at the
first, they that excelled others this way, were called astuti, of the
Greek word ἄστυ, which signifieth a city, although the term be now
declined to the worst part, and do betoken evil, even as tyrannus,
sophista, and some such other originally good words are fallen; and
hereof also good behaviour is yet called urbanitas, because it is
rather found in cities than elsewhere. In some, by often hearing men
be better persuaded in religion, and for that they live in the eyes of
others, they be by example the more easily trained to justice, and by
shamefastness restrained from injury.
And whereas commonwealths and kingdoms cannot have, next after
God, any surer foundation than the love and goodwill of one man
towards another, that also is closely bred and maintained in cities,
where men by mutual society and companying together, do grow to
alliances, commonalties, and corporations.
The liberal sciences and learnings of all sorts, which be lumina
reipublicæ, do flourish only in peopled towns; without the which a
realm is in no better case than a man that lacketh both his eyes.
Manual arts, or handicrafts, as they have for the most part been
invented in towns and cities, so they cannot anywhere else be either
maintained or amended. The like is to be said of merchandise, under
which name I comprehend all manner of buying, selling, bartering,
exchanging, communicating of things that men need to and fro.
Wealth and riches, which are truly called subsidia belli, et ornamenta
pacis, are increased chiefly in towns and cities both to the prince
and people.
The necessity of the poor and needy is in such places both sooner to
be espied, and hath means to be more charitably relieved.
The places themselves be surer refuges in all extremities of foreign
invasion, and the inhabitants be a ready hand and strength of men,
with munition to oppress intestine sedition.
Moreover, forasmuch as the force of the wars of our time consisteth
chiefly in shot, all other soldiers being either horsemen or footmen,
armed on land, or mariners at the sea, it seemeth to me that citizens
and townsmen be as fit to be employed in any of these services,
that on horseback only excepted, as the inhabitants that be drawn
out of the country.
Furthermore, even as these societies and assemblies of men in cities
and great towns are a continual bridle against tyranny, which was
the cause that Tarquin, Nero, Dionysius, and such others, have
always sought to weaken them: so, being well tempered, they are a
strong fort and bulwark, not only in the aristocracy, but also in the
lawful kingdom or just royalty.
At once the propagation of religion, the execution of good policy, the
exercise of charity, and the defence of the country, is best performed
by towns and cities; and this civil life approacheth nearest to the
shape of that mystical body whereof Christ is the head, and men be
the members; whereupon both at the first, that man of God Moses,
in the commonwealth of the Israelites, and the governors of all
countries, in all ages since, have continually maintained the same;
and to change it were nothing else but to metamorphose the world,
and to make wild beasts of reasonable men. To stand longer upon
this it were, in re non dubia, uti oratione non necessaria; and
therefore I will come to London.
 THE SINGULARITIES OF THE CITY
OF LONDON
Whatsoever is said of cities generally, maketh also for London
specially; howbeit, these things are particularly for our purpose to be
considered in it. The situation; the former estimation that it hath
had; the service that it hath done; the present estate and
government of it, and such benefits as do grow to the realm by the
maintenance thereof.
This realm hath only three principal rivers, whereon a royal city may
well be situated: Trent, in the north, Severn in the south-west, and
Thames in the south-east; of the which Thames, both for the
straight course in length reacheth furthest into the belly of the land,
and for the breadth and stillness of the water is most navigable up
and down the stream; by reason whereof London, standing almost
in the middle of that course, is more commodiously served with
provision of necessaries than any town standing upon the other two
rivers can be, and doth also more easily communicate to the rest of
the realm the commodities of her own intercourse and traffic.
This river openeth indifferently upon France and Flanders, our
mightiest neighbours, to whose doings we ought to have a bent eye
and special regard; and this city standeth thereon in such convenient
distance from the sea, as it is not only near enough for intelligence
of the affairs of those princes, and for the resistance of their
attempts, but also sufficiently removed from the fear of any sudden
dangers that may be offered by them; whereas for the prince of this
realm to dwell upon Trent were to turn his back or blind side to his
most dangerous borderers; and for him to rest and dwell upon
Severn were to be shut up in a cumbersome corner, which openeth
but upon Ireland only, a place of much less importance.
Neither could London be pitched so commodiously upon any other
part of the same river of Thames as where it now standeth; for if it
were removed more to the west it should lose the benefit of the
ebbing and flowing, and if it were seated more towards the east it
should be nearer to danger of the enemy, and further both from the
good air and from doing good to the inner parts of the realm;
neither may I omit that none other place is so plentifully watered
with springs as London is.
And whereas, amongst other things, corn and cattle, hay and fuel,
be of great necessity; of the which cattle may be driven from afar,
and corn may easily be transported. But hay and fuel, being of
greater bulk and burthen, must be at hand: only London, by the
benefit of this situation and river, may be sufficiently served
therewith. In which respect an alderman of London reasonably (as
me thought) affirmed, that although London received great
nourishment by the residence of the prince, the repair of the
parliament and courts of justice, yet it stood principally by the
advantage of the situation upon the river; for when, as on a time, it
was told him by a courtier that Queen Mary, in her displeasure
against London, had appointed to remove with the parliament and
term to Oxford, this plain man demanded whether she meant also to
divert the river of Thames from London, or no? and when the
gentleman had answered “No,” “Then,” quoth the alderman, “by
God’s grace, we shall do well enough at London, whatsoever become
of the term and parliament.” I myself being then a young scholar at
Oxford, did see great preparation made towards that term and
parliament, and do well remember that the common opinion and
voice was, that they were not holden there, because provision of hay
could not be made in all the country to serve for ten whole days
together, and yet is that quarter plentifully stored with hay for the
proportion of the shire itself.
For proof of the ancient estimation of London, I will not use the
authority of the British history, nor of such as follow it (although
some hold it credible enough that London was first Trinobantum
civitas, or Troja nova, that famous city in our histories, and then
Ludstoune, and by corruption London, as they report), because they
be not of sufficient force to draw the gainsayers. Neither will I stand
much upon that honourable testimony which Gervas. Tilburiens.
giveth to London in his book, De Otiis Imperialibus, saying thus,
concerning the blessing of God towards it:—“In Urbe London.
exceptione habet divulgatum id per omnes æquè gentes Lucani
proverbium:

Invida fatorum series summisque negatum

Stare diu.

“Nam ea annis 354 ante Romam condita nunquam amisit

principatum, nec bello consumpta est.”
But I will rather use the credit of one or two ancient foreign writers,
and then descend to later histories. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 4. Annal.,
saith, “Londinum copia negociatorum, et comeatu maxime celebris,”
and Herodian, in the Life of Severus the emperor, saith, “Londinum
urbs magna et opulenta.” Beda, lib. Ecclesiastic. 10. chap. 29,
showeth that Pope Gregory appointed two archbishops’ sees in
England, the one at London, the other at York. King Ethelstane, in
his laws, appointing how many mint-masters should be in each city,
allotteth eight to London, and not so many to any other city. The
penner of those laws, that are said to be made by Edward the
Confessor, and confirmed by William the Conqueror, saith, “London
est caput Regni, et Legum.” King Henry I., in the third chapter of his
Laws, commandeth that no citizen of London should be amerced
above one hundred shillings for any pecuniary pain. The great
charter of England, that Helena for which there was so long and so
great war and contention, in the ninth chapter, saith, “Civitas
London. habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas,” etc. About the time
of King John London was reputed “regni firmata Columna,” as
Alexander Neckham writeth; and in the beginning of the reign of
Richard II. it was called “Camera regis,” as Thomas Walsingham
reporteth. I pass over the recital of the Saxon charter of King William
the Conqueror, the Latin charter of Henry I. and II., of Richard I., of
John, and of Edward I., all which gave unto the citizens of London
great privileges, and of Edward III., who reciting all the grants of his
predecessors, not only confirmed but also increased the same, and
of the latter kings, who have likewise added many things thereunto.
Only I wish to be noted by them, that during all this time, all those
wise and politic princes have thought it fit, not only to maintain
London in such plight as they found it, but also to adorn, increase,
and amplify it with singular tokens of their liberal favour and good
liking. And whether there be not now the same or greater causes to
draw the like, or better estimation and cherishing, let any man be
judge, that will take the pains to compare the present estate of
London, yet still growing to better, with the former condition of the
same.
It were too much to recite particularly the martial services that this
city hath done from time to time; neither do I think that they be all
committed to writing; only for a taste, as it were, I will note these
few following.
Almost sixty years before the Conquest a huge army of the Danes
(whereof King Sweyne was the leader) besieged King Etheldred in
London (than the which, as the story saith, then he had none other
refuge), but they were manfully repulsed, and a great number of
them slain.
After the death of this Sweyne, his son Canutus (afterward king of
England) besieged London, both by land and water; but after much
labour, finding it impregnable, he departed; and in the same year
repairing his forces, he girded it with a new siege, in the which the
citizens so defended themselves, and offended him, that in the end
he went away with shame.
In the dissension that arose between King Edward the Confessor and
his father-in-law, Earl Goodwin (which was the mightiest subject
within this land that ever I have read of), the earl with a great army
came to London, and was for all that by the countenance of the
citizens resisted, till such time as the nobility made reconciliation
between them. About seventy years after the Conquest, Maude, the
empress, made war upon King Stephen for the right of the crown,
and had taken his person prisoner; but, by the strength and
assistance of the Londoners and Kentishmen, Maude was put to
flight at Winchester, and her brother Robert, then earl of Gloucester,
was taken, in exchange for whom King Stephen was delivered: I
dispute not whose right was better, but I avouch the service, seeing
Stephen was in possession.
The history of William Walworth, the mayor of London, is well
known; by whose manhood and policy the person of King Richard II.
was rescued, the city saved, Wat Tiler killed, and all his straglers
discomfited; in reward of which service, the mayor and other
aldermen were knighted.
Jack Cade also having discomfited the king’s army that was sent
against him, came to London, and was there manfully and with long
fight resisted, until that by the good policy of the citizens his
company was dispersed.
Finally, in the 10th year of the reign of King Edward IV., and not
many days before the death of Henry VI., Thomas Nevill, commonly
called the bastard of Fauconbridge, armed a great company against
the king, and being denied passage through London, he assaulted it
on divers parts; but he was repulsed by the citizens, and chased as
far as Stratford, with the loss of a great many.
Thus much of certain their principal and personal services in war
only, for it were infinite to repeat the particular aids of men and
money which London hath ministered; and I had rather to leave it to
be conjectured at, by comparison to be made between it and other
cities, whereof I will give you this one note for an example. In the
12th year of the reign of King Edward II., it was ordered by
parliament that every city of the realm should make out soldiers
against the Scots; at which time London was appointed to send two
hundred men, and Canterbury, being then one of our best cities,
forty, and no more: and this proportion of five to one is now in our
age increased, at the least five to one, both in soldiers and subsidy.
As for the other services that London hath done in times of peace,
they are to be measured by consideration of the commodities,
whereof I will speak anon. In the mean season, let the estate and
government of this city be considered, to the end that it may appear
that it standeth well with the policy of the realm.
Cæsar, in his Commentaries, is witness, that in his time the cities of
Britain had large territories annexed unto them, and were several
estates of themselves, governed by particular kings, or potentates,
as in Italy and Germany yet be; and that Mandubratius was king of
the Trinobants, whose chief city London is taken to have been. And I
find not that this government was altered either by Cæsar or his
successors, notwithstanding that the country became tributary unto
them: but that it continued until at length the Britons themselves
reduced all their peoples into one monarchy; howbeit, that lasted
not any long season, for upon Vortiger their king came the Saxons
our ancestors, and they drave the Britons into Wales, Cornwall, and
Bretagne in France, and in process of war divided the country
amongst themselves into an heptarchy, or seven kingdoms; of the
which one was called the kingdom of the East Saxons, which having
in manner the same limits that the bishopric of London now
enjoyeth, contained Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hertfordshire,
and so included London. Again, it appeareth, that in course of time,
and about eight hundred years after Christ, Egbert (then king of the
West Saxons), ut pisces sæpe minutos magnus comest, overcame
the rest of the kings, and once more erected a monarchy; the which
till the coming in of the Normans, and from thence even hitherto
hath continued.
Now I doubt not (whatsoever London was in the time of Cæsar), but
that under the heptarchy and monarchy it hath been a subject, and
no free city, though happily endowed with some large privileges, for
King William the Conqueror found a portreeve there, whose name
was Godfrey (by which name he greeteth him in his Saxon Charter),
and his office was none other than the charge of a bailiff or reeve,
as by the self-same name continuing yet in Gravesend, and certain
other places, may well appear: but the Frenchmen, using their own
language, called him sometimes a provost and sometime a bailiff:
whatsoever his name and office were, he was perpetuus
magistratus, given by the prince, and not chosen by the citizens, as
it seemeth; for what time King Richard I. needed money towards his
expedition in the Holy Land, they first purchased of him the liberty to
choose yearly from amongst themselves two bailiffs; and King John,
his successor, at their like suit, changed their bailiffs into a mayor
and two sheriffs. To these Henry III. added aldermen, at the first
eligible yearly, but afterward by King Edward III. made perpetual
magistrates and justices of the peace within their wards, in which
plight of government it presently standeth. This, shortly as I could, is
the historical and outward estate of London; now come I to the
inward pith and substance.
The estate of this city is to be examined by the quantity and by the
quality.
The quantity therefore consisteth in the number of the citizens which
is very great, and far exceedeth the proportion of Hippodamus,
which appointed ten thousand, and of others which have set down
other numbers, as meet stintes in their opinions to be well
governed; but yet seeing both reason and experience have freed us
from the law of any definite number, so that other things be
observed, let that be admitted: neither is London, I fear me, so
great as populous; for well saith one, “Non idem est magna civitas et
frequens, magna est enim quæ multos habet qui arma ferre
possunt:” whatsoever the number be, it breedeth no fear of sedition;
forasmuch as the same consisteth not in the extremes, but in a very
mediocrity of wealth and riches, as it shall better appear anon.
And if the causes of English rebellions be searched out, they shall be
found in effect to be these twain, ambition and covetousness; of
which the first reigneth in the minds of high and noble personages,
or of such others as seek to be gracious and popular, and have
robbed the hearts of the multitude; whereas in London, if any where
in the world, honos vere onus est, and every man rather shunneth
than seeketh the mayoralty, which is the best mark amongst them;
neither hath there been any strong faction, nor any man more
popular than the rest, forasmuch as the government is by a pattern,
as it were, and always the same, how often soever they change their
magistrate. Covetousness, that other sire of sedition, possesseth the
miserable and needy sort, and such as be naughty packs, unthrifts,
which although it cannot be chosen, but that in a frequent city as
London is, there shall be found many, yet bear they not any great
sway, seeing the multitude and most part there is of a competent
wealth, and earnestly bent to honest labour. I confess that London is
a mighty arm and instrument to bring any great desire to effect, if it
may be known to a man’s devotion; whereof also there want not
examples in the English history. But forasmuch as the same is, by
the like reason, serviceable and meet to impeach any disloyal
attempt, let it rather be well governed than evil liked therefore; for it
shall appear anon, that as London hath adhered to some rebellions,
so hath it resisted many, and was never the author of any one. The
quality of this city consisteth either in the law and government
thereof, or in the degrees and condition of the citizens or in their
strength and riches.
It is besides the purpose to dispute, whether the estate of the
government here be a democracy or aristocracy; for whatever it be,
being considered in itself, certain it is, that in respect of the whole
realm, London is but a citizen and no city, a subject and no free
estate, an obedienciary and no place endowed with any distinct or
absolute power; for it is governed by the same law that the rest of
the realm is, both in causes criminal and civil, a few customs only
excepted, which also are to be adjudged or forejudged by the
common law. And in the assembly of the estates of our realm (which
we call parliament) they are but a member of the commonalty, and
send two burgesses for their city, as every poor borough doth, and
two knights for their county, as every other shire doth; and are as
straitly bound by such laws as any part of the realm is, for if
contribution in subsidy of money to the prince be decreed, the
Londoners have none exemption; no, not so much as to assess
themselves, for the prince doth appoint the commissioners.
If soldiers must be mustered, Londoners have no law to keep
themselves at home; if provision for the prince’s household be to be
made, their goods are not privileged. In sum, therefore, the
government of London differeth not in substance, but in ceremony,
from the rest of the realm, as, namely, in the names and choice of
their officers, and in their guilds and fraternities, established for the
maintenance of handicrafts and labourers, and for equity and good
order to be kept in buying and selling. And yet in these also are they
to be controlled by the general law; for by the statutes, 28 Edward
III. chap. 10, and 1 Henry IV. chap. 15, the points of their
misgovernment are inquirable by the inhabitants of the foreign
shires adjoining, and punishable by such justiciars as the prince shall
thereunto depute: to conclude, therefore, the estate of London, for
government, is so agreeable a symphony with the rest, that there is
no fear of dangerous discord to ensue thereby.
The multitude (or whole body) of this populous city is two ways to
be considered, generally and specially: generally, they be natural
subjects, a part of the commons of this realm, and are by birth for
the most part a mixture of all countries of the same; by blood
gentlemen, yeomen, and of the basest sort, without distinction, and
by profession busy bees, and travailers for their living in the hive of
this commonwealth; but specially considered, they consist of these
three parts,—merchants, handicraftsmen, and labourers.
Merchandise is also divided into these three sorts,—navigation, by
the which merchandizes are brought, and carried in and out over the
seas; invection, by the which commodities are gathered into the city,
and dispersed from thence into the country by land and negotiation,
which I may call the keeping of a retailing or standing shop. In
common speech, they of the first sort be called merchants, and both
the other retailers.
Handicraftsmen be those which do exercise such arts as require both
labour and cunning, as goldsmiths, tailors, and haberdashers,
skinners, etc.
Labourers and hirelings I call those quorum operæ non artes
emuntur, as Tullie saith; of which sort be porters, carmen,
watermen, etc.
Again, these three sorts may be considered, either in respect of their
wealth or number: in wealth, merchants and some of the chief
retailers have the first place; the most part of retailers and all
artificers the second or mean place; and hirelings the lowest room:
but in number they of the middle place be first, and do far exceed
both the rest; hirelings be next, and merchants be the last. Now, out
of this, that the estate of London, in the persons of the citizens, is so
friendly interlaced, and knit in league with the rest of the realm, not
only at their beginning by birth and blood, as I have showed, but
also very commonly at their ending by life and conversation, for that
merchants and rich men (being satisfied with gain) do for the most
part marry their children into the country, and convey themselves,
after Cicero’s counsel, “Veluti ex portu in agros et possessiones:” I
do infer that there is not only no danger towards the common quiet
thereby, but also great occasion and cause of good love and amity.
Out of this, that they be generally bent to travel, and do fly poverty,
“Per mare, per saxa, per ignes,” as the poet saith: I draw hope that
they shall escape the note of many vices which idle people do fall
into. And out of this, that they be a great multitude, and that yet the
greatest part of them be neither too rich nor too poor, but do live in
the mediocrity, I conclude with Aristotle, that the prince needeth not
to fear sedition by them, for thus saith he: “Magnæ urbes magis
sunt a seditione liberæ, quod in eis dominetur mediocritas; nam in
parvis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes vel pauperes vel opulenti.”
I am now to come to the strength and power of this city, which
consisteth partly in the number of the citizens themselves, whereof I
have spoken before, partly in their riches, and in their warlike
furniture; for as touching the strength of the place itself, that is
apparent to the eye, and therefore is not to be treated of.
The wealth and warlike furniture of London is either public or
private, and no doubt the common treasure cannot be much there,
seeing that the revenue which they have hardly sufficeth to maintain
their bridge and conduits, and to pay their officers and servants.
Their toll doth not any more than pay their fee farm, that they pay
to the prince. Their issues for default of appearances be never
levied, and the profits of their courts of justice do go to particular
men’s hands. Arguments hereof be these two: one, that they can do
nothing of extraordinary charge without a general contribution;
another, that they have suffered such as have borne the chief office
amongst them, and were become bankrupt, to depart the city
without relief, which I think they neither would nor could have done,
if the common treasure had sufficed to cover their shame; hereof
therefore we need not be afraid. The public armour and munition of
this city remaineth in the halls of the companies, as it doth
throughout the whole realm, for a great part in the parish churches;
neither is that kept together, but only for obedience to the law,
which commandeth it, and therefore if that threaten danger to the
estate, it may by another law be taken from them, and committed to
a more safe armoury.
The private riches of London resteth chiefly in the hands of the
merchants and retailers, for artificers have not much to spare, and
labourers have need that it were given unto them. Now how
necessary and serviceable the estate of merchandise is to this realm,
it may partly appear by the practice of that peaceable, politic, and
rich prince, King Henry VII., of whom Polidore (writing his life)
sayeth thus: “Mercatores ille sæpenumero pecunia multa data
gratuite juvabat, ut mercatura ars una omnium cunctis æque
mortalibus tum commoda, tum necessaria, in suo regno copiosior
esset.” But chiefly by the inestimable commodities that grow
thereby: for who knoweth not that we have extreme need of many
things, whereof foreign countries have great store, and that we may
spare many things whereof they have need: or who is ignorant of
this, that we have no mines of silver or gold within our realm, so
that the increase of our coin and bullion cometh from elsewhere;
and yet nevertheless we be both fed, clad, and otherwise served
with foreign commodities and delights, as plentiful as with our
domestical; which thing cometh to pass by the mean of merchandise
only, which importeth necessaries from other countries, and
exporteth the superfluities of our own.
For seeing we have no way to increase our treasure by mines of gold
or silver at home, and can have nothing without money or ware from
other countries abroad, it followeth necessarily, that if we follow the
counsel of that good old husband, Marcus Cato, saying, “Oportet
patrem familias vendacem esse, non emacem,” and do carry more
commodities in value over the seas than we bring hither from
thence, that then the realm shall receive that overplus in money; but
if we bring from beyond the seas merchandise of more value than
that which we do send over may countervail, then the realm payeth
for that overplus in ready money, and consequently is a loser by that
ill husbandry; and therefore in this part great and heedful regard
must be had that symmetry and due proportion be kept, lest
otherwise either the realm be defrauded of her treasure, or the
subjects corrupted in vanity, by excessive importation of superfluous
and needless merchandise, or else that we feel penury, even in our
greatest plenty and store, by immoderate exportation of our own
needful commodities.
Other the benefits that merchandise bringeth shall hereafter appear
in the general recital of the commodities that come by London; and
therefore it resteth that I speak a word of retailers, and finally show
that much good groweth by them both. The chief part of retailing is
but a handmaid to merchandise, dispersing by piecemeal that which
the merchant bringeth in gross; of which trade be mercers, vintners,
haberdashers, ironmongers, milliners, and all such as sell wares
growing or made beyond the seas; and therefore so long as
merchandise itself shall be profitable, and such proportion kept as
neither we lose our treasure thereby, nor be cloyed with
unnecessary foreign wares, this kind of retailing is to be retained
also.
Now that merchants and retailers of London be very rich and great,
it is so far from any harm, that it is a thing both praiseworthy and
profitable; for “Mercatura (saith Cicero), si tenuis est, sordida
putanda est; sin magna est et copiosa, non est vituperanda.” And
truly merchants and retailers do not altogether intus canere, and
profit themselves only, for the prince and realm both are enriched by
their riches: the realm winneth treasure, if their trade be so
moderated by authority that it break not proportion, and they
besides bear a good fleece, which the prince may shear when he
seeth good.
But here, before I conclude this part, I have shortly to answer the
accusation of those men, which charge London with the loss and
decay of many (or most) of the ancient cities, corporate towns, and
markets within this realm, by drawing from them to herself alone,
say they, both all trade of traffic by sea, and the retailing of wares
and exercise of manual arts also. Touching navigation, which I must
confess is apparently decayed in many port towns, and flourisheth
only or chiefly at London, I impute that partly to the fall of the
Staple, the which being long since a great trade, and bestowed
sometimes at one town and sometimes at another within the realm,
did much enrich the place where it was, and being now not only
diminished in force, but also translated over the seas, cannot but
bring some decay with it, partly to the impairing of havens, which in
many places have impoverished those towns, whose estate doth ebb
and flow with them, and partly to the dissolution of religious houses,
by whose wealth and haunt many of those places were chiefly fed
and nourished. I mean not to rehearse particular examples of every
sort, for the thing itself speaketh, and I haste to an end.
As for retailers, therefore, and handicraftsmen, it is no marvel if they
abandon country towns, and resort to London; for not only the
court, which is now-a-days much greater and more gallant than in
former times, and which was wont to be contented to remain with a
small company, sometimes at an abbey or priory, sometimes at a
bishop’s house, and sometimes at some mean manor of the king’s
own, is now for the most part either abiding at London, or else so
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