e-ISSN: 2789-5661

2024: Vol 4, pp 1-12. https://doi.org/10.38140/ijss-2024.vol4.21

Interdisciplinary Journal of Sociality Studies

Tongue-tied: Language-Based Exclusion at a South African

University
Abstract: The post-apartheid government in South Africa
Sive Makeleni1* adopted a multilingual education policy to provide education
AFFILIATIONS
in learners' home languages as a foundation for learning while
1School of General and Continuing promoting proficiency in at least two additional official lan-
Education, University of Fort Hare, guages. This marked a paradigm shift from the apartheid re-
East London, South Africa.
gime, which was characterised by racial segregation and dis-
CORRESPONDENCE crimination, prioritising Afrikaans and English at the expense
Email: [email protected]* of indigenous African languages. Although widely celebrated,
EDITORIAL INFORMATION achieving the multilingual promise ushered in by the demo-
Received: 10 July 2024 cratic dispensation remains a challenge for post-apartheid
Revised: 28 October 2024
Accepted: 30 October 2024 South African higher education. This study explored students'
Published: 24 November 2024 experiences of language-based discrimination at a selected
Copyright: South African university. Using a qualitative approach, data
© The Author(s) 2024. were collected from 20 purposively sampled final-year stu-
Published by ERRCD Forum and
distributed under Creative dents through an open-ended questionnaire that was distrib-
Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) uted electronically to students in the Education faculty and an-
licence.
alysed thematically. The findings revealed that minority lan-
guage speakers grappled with feelings of invisibility, aliena-
DOI: 10.38140/ijss-2024.vol4.21 tion, frustration, and exclusion in their academic and social
lives, making it difficult for them to engage fully in university
life. Various coping mechanisms were also reported, demon-
strating the agency of these minority groups; however, these were found to be insufficient. The study
thus recommended prioritising inclusive language policies and training that foster lingua-cultural em-
pathy among students and staff, among other things.
Keywords: Exclusion, higher education, Indigeneity, language, multilingualism.

1. Introduction
Language is integral to all aspects of student life—from academic settings to personal relationships—
because it is the basis for communication, culture, and expression (Wang et al., 2019; Asghari, 2022).
According to Xu et al. (2022), language proficiency is essential for students to express their thoughts,
ideas, and opinions effectively. This proficiency allows them to articulate their views clearly and
concisely, which is particularly important in writing assignments and classroom discussions
(Mulvey, 2021; Weber & van Mol, 2023). Moreover, a strong command of language enables students
to understand and interpret complex concepts and instructions, which is vital for academic success
(Mayaba et al., 2018). It also facilitates critical thinking, analysis, and meaningful academic and
personal growth. Language proficiency is also crucial for social interactions, enabling students to
communicate and collaborate effectively with their peers (Asghari, 2022; Mkhize & Balfour, 2017). It
has been reported that students proficient in language are more likely to engage in meaningful
discussions, share their perspectives, and contribute to group projects (Mulvey, 2021; Wang et al.,
2019). This engagement not only enhances their academic performance but also improves their
interpersonal skills, which are valuable in both personal and professional contexts. Studies such as
Bekiyeva (2022) and Berger and Packard (2022) argue that language is an essential tool for cultural
understanding and appreciation. Students proficient in multiple languages are more likely to grasp
and respect diverse perspectives and ideas, thereby increasing empathy, tolerance, and cultural
awareness—skills that are essential in a globalised world.

How to cite this article:

Makeleni, S. (2024). Tongue-tied: Language-based exclusion at a South African university. Interdisciplinary Journal of Sociality Studies, 4, 1–12.
https://doi.org/10.38140/ijss-2024.vol4.21
Interdiscip. j. Sociality stud.

During South Africa's apartheid era, language-based discrimination was a significant issue that
further exacerbated racial segregation (Dlamini & Tesfamichael, 2021; Thobejane, 2013). The
apartheid policies implemented by the National Party government sought to divide the population
based on race, with Whites, Coloureds, Indians, and Blacks occupying different social, economic, and
political spheres (Maylam, 2017). According to Giliomee (2009) and Ndimande (2013), this division
was achieved through the privileging of Afrikaans and English, which were viewed as the languages
of power, at the expense of indigenous African languages. The apartheid government-enforced
policies aimed at suppressing the use of African languages in education, government, and other areas
of public life (Christie & Collins, 1982; Worden, 2011). So ruthless was this approach that Indigenous
learners were forced to learn in Afrikaans, a foreign language, and were often punished for speaking
their home languages (Clark & Worger, 2022; Brown, 2016). This policy met with widespread
resistance, eventually culminating in the 1976 Soweto Uprising, where learners protested against the
imposition of Afrikaans—widely seen as the language of the oppressor—as a medium of instruction
(Ndlovu, 2017; O'Halloran, 2017). Language was also employed to further divide and separate
different racial groups (Shoole & Adeyemo, 2016). The government perpetuated the notion of racial
superiority, with Afrikaans and English regarded as superior languages (Simbao, 2007; Thobejane,
2013).
Since the transition to democracy in 1994, attempts have been made by successive democratic
governments to amend higher education policies (Makoni et al., 2023; Rudwick, 2021). However,
these policy amendments have not translated into material benefits in equitable access for most
previously disadvantaged Black people in South African society (Madadzhe, 2019; Posel et al., 2022).
A glimpse at the curricula of South African universities reveals a heavy bias against Indigeneity,
manifesting in both the content taught and the languages used to deliver it (Mutongoza et al., 2023a;
Manathunga, 2020; Meda et al., 2019). According to Cloete (2014), access, participation rates, and
equity issues for Indigenous students remain prominent in debates about the South African higher
education system. In the context of specific South African universities, which have diverse student
populations representing various linguistic backgrounds, there is a need to explore the impact of
language-based exclusion on these institutions (Hlatshwayo & Fomunyam, 2019; Robertson &
Graven, 2020). Despite progress in addressing historical inequalities, language policies and practices
in South African universities sometimes result in exclusionary outcomes for minority student groups
(Madadzhe, 2019; Rudwick, 2021). This necessitates exploring how language-based exclusion
manifests within South African universities and its implications for student access, participation, and
success. While some studies have focused on broader issues of transformation and decolonisation in
higher education (Makeleni et al., 2023; Makoni et al., 2023; Mutongoza et al., 2023b), the researcher
found that more context-specific research is needed to examine the role of language as a potential
barrier to equal educational opportunities.
1.1 The concept of discrimination
When discussing discrimination, it is essential to differentiate the concept from prejudice and
stereotypes. Although these concepts are closely related, psychologists define prejudice as
unjustifiable negative attitudes towards a group and its members (Stangor, 2016; Nelson, 2006), while
stereotypes are generally defined as beliefs about the personal attributes of a group of people, which
consist of overly generalised, inaccurate, and resistant to facts (Bhatia, 2017; Al Ramiah et al., 2010).
On the other hand, discrimination is behaviour – directed toward category members – that has an
impact on their outcomes and is done so without regard for their qualities or reciprocity, but instead
just because they happen to fall into that group (Dhanani et al., 2018; Correll et al., 2010). This means
that discrimination, in effect, denies victims the ability to enjoy their rights and freedoms simply
because of an unjustifiable distinction expressed in policies, laws, or treatment. Examples of this can
be drawn from the apartheid era in South Africa, where discrimination was entrenched and
perpetuated through the means of laws (Clark & Worger, 2022). Al Ramiah et al. (2010) add that the

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language and experience of discrimination revolve around the idea of 'deservingness', which is
packaged not as an objectively determined standard but rather one with roots in social standards
and historical and contemporary injustices. While the victims themselves may disagree, the
perpetrators of discrimination may believe their actions are justified by the targets' deservingness
(Palumbo & Manna, 2020; Cheung et al., 2016). As a result, writing about the context of schools in
South Africa, Hendricks (2022) confirms that the actions and behaviours that some judge as
discriminatory will not be seen as such by others.
1.2 Research questions
The following questions guided this research:
• How do students perceive and describe language-based exclusion at their university?
• What are the consequences of language-based exclusion?
• What strategies do minority language speakers adopt to navigate language-based exclusion
at their university?
2. Methodology
To effectively explore student experiences of language-based discrimination at the selected
university, the researcher relied on the interpretive paradigm and a qualitative approach, as these
provided more detailed insights into the discrimination experiences of students. According to Leavy
(2017), the most significant benefit of the qualitative approach is that it enables researchers to better
understand human behaviour, attitudes, and beliefs. The study was framed within a
phenomenological design due to its ability to explore the essence of human experiences and the
meanings people attribute to their lived experiences (Leavy, 2017). In the qualitative phase, a
purposive sampling technique was used to select 20 final-year Bachelor of Education students based
on their reported experiences of language-based exclusion at the university. Below is Table 1,
presenting the biographical data of the participants.
Table 1: Participants' demographics
Pseudonym Home language Age Gender
Sipho SiSwati speaker 23 Male
Lerato Setswana speaker 25 Non-binary
Ntsako Xitsonga speaker 23 Female
Palesa Sesotho speaker 28 Female
Jaco Afrikaans speaker 25 Male
Annelie Afrikaans speaker 22 Female
Tshepo Sepedi speaker 25 Male
Lungile SiSwati speaker 23 Male
Mpho Sepedi speaker 22 Non-binary
Zanele SiSwati speaker 25 Female
Karabo Setswana speaker 24 Female
Refilwe Sesotho speaker 28 Female
Lebogang Sepedi speaker 27 Female
Hlaysiseka Xitsonga speaker 29 Male
Thandiwe Setswana speaker 31 Female
Dineo Setswana speaker 27 Female
Kelebogile Sesotho speaker 23 Female
Charlene Afrikaans speaker 26 Non-binary
Gugu SiSwati speaker 23 Female
Pieter Afrikaans speaker 23 Male
After obtaining ethical clearance (MAK001-23) and requisite gatekeeper permissions, data were
collected using an open-ended questionnaire that the researcher generated to answer the research

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questions. The researcher piloted the questionnaire with five students in the third year of the same
programme and adjusted the questions that were unclear to the students. The questionnaire was
designed to be answered anonymously, and participants were encouraged to provide as much detail
as possible about their experiences. It was designed using Google Forms and distributed in student
WhatsApp groups and online learning platforms. The questionnaire settings were configured to limit
respondents to one response to avoid getting more than one response from a participant. After this,
the data were analysed using thematic analysis as follows:
• Familiarising with the data
• Generating initial codes
• Generating themes
• Reviewing themes
• Defining and naming themes
• The writing of the narrative.
3. Presentation of Results
This section seeks to present and discuss the findings of this study. The section is arranged according
to the themes of the study, and after the presentation of findings, the discussion was used to make
sense of the findings. The following themes that were drawn to respond to the research questions
that guided the study will inform the presentation and discussion:
• Indicators of language-based exclusion
• Consequences of language-based exclusion, and
• Coping mechanisms utilised by linguistic minorities
3.1. Indicators of language-based exclusion
When the participants were asked about their perceptions of what constituted language-based
exclusion, their responses revealed that they felt their languages were not being acknowledged and
that linguistic diversity was not being celebrated. These views were echoed by students who
indicated that being speakers of minority languages made it difficult in both social and academic
settings. This was illustrated by Karabo, who lamented:
I often get the impression that IsiXhosa is seen as the 'default' language here. It is as though if you
do not speak IsiXhosa, you do not belong to the university community – you are made to feel like
you are not enough. It makes it difficult to participate fully in group discussions or even casual
conversations on campus (Karabo, Setswana speaker).
It is also essential to consider the sentiments offered by Palesa, who said:
I was having a conversation with my friend in our home language in one of the buildings, and the
security passing by stopped and rudely said, "Don't be speaking funny things we don't understand
here. Speak so we can understand; don't bore us" in IsiXhosa and mind you we were talking amongst
ourselves and not with anyone so everyone around us laughed. Yoh, I was so embarrassed (Palesa,
SiSwati speaker).
More sentiments were offered by students who revealed difficulties within the classroom space
where other African languages were seemingly overlooked. One can draw from Lebogang, who
noted:
Every day, I feel excluded…the language barrier makes it difficult for students to find their ground
in a new environment. There is this unspoken rule that if you do not speak IsiXhosa, you are not
considered important. And you need to speak the language eloquently. It is frustrating during
lectures because sometimes the lecturers switch to IsiXhosa without thinking, leaving those of us
who do not understand behind (Lebogang, Sepedi speaker).
This was supported by Ntsako, who believed:

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I have noticed that IsiXhosa dominates everything, even in student societies and events. It is like a
barrier for us who do not speak it fluently. When we try to contribute to our languages, people either
ignore us or respond in IsiXhosa (Ntsako, Xitsonga speaker).
Pieter added:
I often feel out of place. English is everywhere, but even that is better than how IsiXhosa dominates
social interactions. As an Afrikaans speaker, it sometimes feels like there is no space for me, not
even during discussions with classmates (Pieter, Afrikaans speaker).
Other students pointed out that there was blatant exclusion of other African languages, and being
from other provinces, they felt disregarded and alienated. Refilwe noted:
You can definitely feel the exclusion when lecturers and peers assume everyone understands
IsiXhosa. When lecturers make isiXhosa examples while teaching it is easy for me to get lost.
Sometimes they code switch between English and isiXhosa. This results in me not only reviewing
my slides when I am alone but literally studying it as if it is the first time that I see it. It is like our
languages, like Sesotho, do not exist here. It limits how much we can engage or ask for help when
we are struggling with something (Refilwe, SiSwati speaker).
3.2. Consequences of language-based exclusion
When asked about the consequences of language-based exclusion on their student lives, the
participants revealed that such experiences left students isolated from both the learning and social
environments, thereby affecting their well-being. For instance, Zanele commented that:
It affects my confidence a lot. Due to the language barrier, I feel it is much better to isolate myself at
times and be in my own space. Academically, the language barrier is not much of an issue until we
are placed in groups whereby some refuse to speak English and opt to communicate in IsiXhosa.
When I do not understand something, I just stay quiet. It is isolating because you end up feeling
like an outsider in your own university. (Zanele, SiSwati speaker)
The problems with collaborative work with other students were also emphasised by Lerato, who
commented,
When group members are chosen for us in group assignments, I hardly voice out my opinions. I
mostly just follow my group members' opinions as most of them usually have their discussions in
IsiXhosa. I do not have a problem with them doing that as I understand the language, I just have a
hard time speaking it especially due to my troubles with pronunciation and them laughing when I
pronounce something incorrectly. Some people make unnecessary comments when you only speak
English, such as "Haibo! Islungu manje?" [Wow! Why the use of English?], so I always avoid
that (Lerato, Setswana speaker).
Other students also noted that this exclusion was evident in classrooms where lecturers further
alienated linguistic minorities. The sentiments offered by Hlaysiseka were telling in this regard:
It [language-based exclusion] has impacted my academic performance. Sometimes I miss out on
important discussions and explanations because they are done in IsiXhosa. In most cases, I have to
refer to a friend to understand what is being spoken to fully comprehend what is being taught. It is
tiring to constantly ask for translations or explanations, so I just stop asking (Hlaysiseka,
Xitsonga speaker).
This was supported by Kelebogile, who added the social cost of language-based discrimination by
noting:
I feel invisible. It is hard to make connections with peers or lecturers, and that has affected my
academic success. I often feel like I am not being heard, which leads to frustration and a lack of
participation. It affects my academic performance because this exclusion means I first have to learn

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and understand IsiXhosa for me to ask for help from fellow students who understand the language
used by some lectures (Kelebogile, Sesotho speaker).
More experiences of exclusion at the university were also highlighted by students like Mpho, who
noted:
I have started to feel resentment towards this university because I do not feel seen or heard. During
classes, most lecturers prefer to use their home language, which makes it difficult for me to
participate since they expect my response to be in their language, which I cannot properly speak
(Mpho, Sepedi speaker).
Jaco also highlighted the effects of exclusion on academic and social life by saying:
There is this constant sense of exclusion that affects both my academic and social life. I have become
more withdrawn because I feel like the university is not a welcoming space for people who do not
speak the dominant language…it has been four years now, but the clicks in Xhosa still dribble me.
Eventually, what happens is that you end up with camps based on language, and the whole idea of
diversity dies (Jaco, Afrikaans speaker).
3.3. Coping mechanisms utilised by linguistic minorities
Having identified the experiences and effects of language-based exclusion at the university, it
became important to explore the agency of linguistic minorities and their coping mechanisms in the
face of exclusion. One can consider the mechanisms employed by Sipho, who noted:
I have started forming study groups with other students who speak minority languages, so at least
we can help each other understand the material. It is not ideal, but it is better than feeling lost all
the time. I have tried using online dictionaries and Google Translate; making friends is difficult,
but some people are willing to teach us their language (Sipho, SiSwati speaker).
This position was supported by Dineo, who said:
I have resorted to sticking to groups where a common language is spoken…I always gravitate more
to the people that are comfortable speaking English as I know I will not have much trouble. And
most of my friends are Sesotho and Setswana speakers so I do not have much trouble with that,
but I guess I have to settle with having only them as my friends for my whole university life It
limits my exposure, but it is a way to survive in an environment where I constantly feel excluded
(Dineo, Setswana speaker).
Other students revealed that they had taken to forging friendships regardless of the language
differences, and in these friendships, they were learning the dominant language while teaching these
friends their languages. This strategy was best presented by Gugu, who revealed:
I often rely on friends who speak IsiXhosa to translate or explain things to me, especially during
lectures or discussions. I have increasingly found myself associating with people who are willing
not only to teach me their language but also to learn mine to make communicating exciting for us.
It is not easy, but it helps me to keep up (Gugu, SiSwati speaker).
This initiative was supported by another student who said:
I have started learning basic IsiXhosa phrases to get by, but it is still difficult. I also rely heavily
on English, even though it is not my first language, to ensure I am not left out (Thandiwe,
Setswana speaker).
Other students also revealed their attempts at speaking up for themselves within classrooms. This
can be found in the responses of students such as Tshepo, who reported:
I have tried to speak up in classes, reminding lecturers and other students that not everyone
understands IsiXhosa. It is uncomfortable because you are forced to correct someone who is older
than you. I even have instances where I have been greeted with hostile attitudes, but sometimes it is
the only way to get the point across (Tshepo, Sepedi speaker).

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Other students noted that they had taken to only using English in order to fit into the university
community. One can draw from Charlene, who explained:
I have become more used to English, even though it is not my preferred language. It is a way to
bridge the gap, but I still feel like I am compromising part of my identity just to fit in. (Charlene,
Afrikaans speaker).
4. Discussion of Findings
The findings from the study reveal a deep sense of marginalisation among the participants due to
the dominance of IsiXhosa within the university context. Due to its privilege as a majority language
in the province, Matshikiza et al. (2021) indicate that minority languages are inadvertently and
systematically marginalised, leading to both academic and social exclusion. The experiences of
exclusion reported here are supported by studies such as Drożdżowicz and Peled (2024), who
describe feelings of invisibility and alienation that arise from experiences of exclusion. The findings
indicate that the lack of acknowledgement of their home languages often results in emotional
consequences such as embarrassment, isolation, and diminished self-worth. This is further supported
by Kumar (2021), who highlights that the hierarchical positioning of languages in South Africa
underscores the broader issue of linguistic inequality, where access to participation in both academic
and social spaces is restricted based on proficiency in the dominant languages. While the use of
Indigenous languages in classes may dismantle English-dominant instruction in higher education,
practitioners must guard against fostering exclusion by undermining students' sense of belonging
and creating barriers to academic success (Lasagabaster & van der Walt, 2024). The invisibility of
minority languages reflects a failure by the institution to celebrate and embrace linguistic diversity,
further reinforcing a culture of exclusion. These findings demonstrate the need for inclusive language
policies that recognise and respect linguistic diversity in a way that ensures inclusivity, regardless of
linguistic background.
The findings reveal the emotional and academic consequences of language-based exclusion on
students who speak minority languages at the university. In line with studies on segregation, such
as Mutongoza (2024), participants expressed how this exclusion isolates them from the academic
environment and affects their well-being and social engagement. Students reported feeling alienated
in group settings where IsiXhosa dominates, often choosing to remain silent due to difficulties with
pronunciation or fear of ridicule. These findings concur with studies highlighting how language
exclusion impacts confidence and one’s ability to contribute meaningfully to learning and social
activities (Malik, Guzmán, & Vo, 2024). Furthermore, some students noted their academic
disadvantages when lecturers switched from English to IsiXhosa to simplify explanations of
concepts, leaving them reliant on peers for translations. According to Hlas, Neyers, and Molitor
(2019), this continuous need for clarification contributes to fatigue and frustration, as students
struggle to keep up with content not delivered in a language they fully understand. Socially, the
exclusion has led to feelings of invisibility and a lack of connection with peers and lecturers, further
undermining students' participation and success. Over time, as Palardy, Rumberger, and Butler
(2015) note, this linguistic segregation fosters resentment and withdrawal, as students feel they do
not belong to the learning community. These findings thus point to the cumulative effects of
exclusion, where academic performance and social well-being are compromised, leading to student
divisions and eroding the institution's potential for championing diversity.
The findings reveal that minority language speakers at the university adopt various strategies to cope
with exclusion in academic and social contexts. Some students form study groups with peers who
share similar minority languages, providing academic support but limiting their interaction with the
broader student body. As Hwang, Castle, and Karunakaran (2022) suggest, while these adaptations
help students navigate academic challenges, they also reinforce linguistic silos—hard language-
based boundaries that lead to growing differences in cultures and norms. Others rely on translation

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tools and online dictionaries to compensate for the dominance of majority languages in the
classroom. Masala (2023) highlights that while technology can aid participation, it underscores the
deep isolation felt by minority speakers. Social groupings based on shared language preferences,
especially English, serve as neutral spaces; however, this approach deepens divisions, excluding
students from interactions where IsiXhosa dominates. Some students attempt to learn the dominant
language to adapt, forging friendships that involve mutual language learning. This strategy, argued
by Lockley and Yoshida (2016), fosters cultural exchange but exposes the unequal power dynamics
between languages. These coping mechanisms reflect resilience but also demand sacrifices, as
students often forgo aspects of their cultural and linguistic identity to function within an
exclusionary environment.
5. Conclusions and Recommendations
This study sought to explore the university experiences of linguistic minorities at a selected
university in South Africa. The findings revealed significant social justice implications tied to
language-based exclusion in the university setting. Minority language speakers consistently
described feelings of marginalisation and invisibility, reflecting a failure of the institution to uphold
inclusivity and equal treatment for all linguistic groups. The widespread use of IsiXhosa, while
intended to dismantle the hegemony of English, was found to reinforce systemic inequalities, leading
to social isolation and academic challenges for students from other language backgrounds. These
students not only perceived the exclusion as a form of discrimination but also experienced its effects
on their confidence, well-being, and ability to participate in the university community. The study
highlighted the need for institutional responsibility to ensure that all students, regardless of linguistic
background, have equitable access to academic resources, social participation, and a sense of
belonging.
Based on these findings, the study recommends that the university prioritise developing and
implementing inclusive language policies that promote linguistic diversity and equal representation.
First, implementing multilingual teaching practices and providing multilingual academic resources
will be essential in supporting minority language speakers academically. Language support
programmes offering peer tutoring and translation services should also be established to reduce
academic disadvantages for students from minority linguistic groups. To engender lingua-cultural
empathy, staff and students must undergo cultural sensitivity training to foster a more inclusive
campus climate. Finally, creating spaces for cross-linguistic collaboration and exchange would
promote mutual understanding and respect among students, contributing to social cohesion and the
university's commitment to social justice.
6. Declarations
Funding: This study was funded by the University of Fort Hare Research Seed Grant with grant
number C397.
Acknowledgements: The author would like to acknowledge Dr Bonginkosi Hardy Mutongoza for
his role as the critical reader for this project.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
Data availability: In accordance with ethical standards and the stipulations outlined in the consent
agreement with participants, the data must be maintained as confidential. Nevertheless, individuals
seeking further information may contact the corresponding author.
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