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Rostov-on-Don and Kharkov 1942–43
Waffen-SS Soldier
VERSUS
Soviet Rifleman
Chris McNab
Rostov-on-Don and Kharkov 1942–43
Waffen-SS Soldier
Soviet Rifleman
Chris McNab
ROSTOV-ON-DON 31
20–25 July 1942
ANALYSIS 69
Waffen-SS – ‘fire brigade’ forces • Soviet forces – evolving tactics
AFTERMATH 74
UNIT ORGANIZATIONS 78
BIBLIOGRAPHY 79
INDEX 80
Introduction
On 22 June 1941, some 3.8 million Axis military personnel, along with
more than 6,500 tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles, 600,000 motor
vehicles, 600,000 horses, tens of thousands of artillery pieces and mortars
Kharkov in ruins in the middle
years of the Great Patriotic
and more than 3,000 combat aircraft surged across the borders of the Soviet
War. (AirSeaLand/Cody Union. It was a wave of steel and fire the likes of which history had never
Images) witnessed. It was also, of course, the beginning of Operation Barbarossa,
4
Hitler’s hubristic gamble to achieve the Lebensraum (‘living space’) that he Waffen-SS troops engage in
saw as the teleological, geographical and racial destiny of the German people. street fighting on the Eastern
Front. Note the very light
Within the mass of the Operation Barbarossa movement were a handful amounts of equipment they
of divisions and regiments from the Waffen-SS (Armed SS). The Schutzstaffel carry with them into battle;
(SS; Protection Squads) umbrella under which the Waffen-SS fell began life as they would generally leave
a small bodyguard force around emerging political rebel Adolf Hitler and the heavier packs in rear areas or
on vehicles, focusing mainly
nascent Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP; National on weapons and ammunition.
Socialist German Workers’ Party) in the mid-1920s, but by 1941 – and (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
especially under the leadership of Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler – it
had become a virtual state within a state. The SS was a fanatically aligned
instrument of Nazi power and control, with effective domination over the
police and intelligence services, running a growing business empire through
its control of the concentration camps, and increasingly providing an elite
combat arm, the Waffen-SS. The Waffen-SS (it actually acquired the name
in 1940) consequently became distinguished from the Allgemeine-SS
(General-SS), which was composed of the administrative, security and
concentration-camp branches of the SS.
By the time of Operation Barbarossa, the combat elements of the SS had
already seen action in Poland in 1939, France and the Netherlands in 1940
and the Balkans in 1941. These early actions began forging the Waffen-SS’s
formidable reputation for combat daring and Nazi loyalty, with regimental or
divisional honorifics such as Leibstandarte SS Adolf Hitler (LSSAH), Totenkopf,
Wiking, Deutschland, Germania and Der Führer being trumpeted loud in Nazi
propaganda while earning an inverse notoriety among the Allies – acts of
massacre and indiscriminate cruelty eventually became intrinsic to the SS
‘brand’, although the culpability for war atrocities could vary considerably
5
Soviet riflemen taking a according to unit and commander. From mid-1941 onwards, however,
rest. Two men have PPSh-41 it was the war on the Eastern Front that became, in a sense, the arena in
SMGs, the man on guard at
top has a DP LMG, while the
which the Waffen-SS was truly destined to fight; the theatre in which Hitler’s
soldier on the right has an grotesque, titanic view of racial and ideological struggle would play out on
AVS-36 selective-fire rifle. its greatest scale.
(AirSeaLand/Cody Images) The Waffen-SS was a rather marginal component of Operation Barbarossa,
certainly compared to the mighty Heer (Army). The Oberkommando der
Werhmacht (OKW; High Command of the Armed Forces) allocated almost
150 divisions to the invasion of the Soviet Union, but of these the Waffen-SS
contributed only six divisions, one motorized regiment (LSSAH, which became
a full division in July 1942) and three independent brigades. The Waffen-SS,
however, was destined to grow massively during the remaining years of
World War II, so that by the end of the conflict c.900,000 men had served in
its ranks in 38 divisions. This figure was still a drop in the ocean compared
to the 13 million soldiers who passed through the ranks of the wartime Heer
(although it should be noted that the Waffen-SS Panzer divisions eventually
constituted 25 per cent of the Wehrmacht’s tank strength), but the Waffen-SS
had an impact beyond its numbers. Its ideological drive, rigorous training,
combat skills and elite status meant that it was often at the forefront of major
offensive and defensive battles, as we shall see in the great street and field
battles in and around Rostov-on-Don and Kharkov in 1942–43. As the tide
of war turned against Germany, Waffen-SS formations were often famously
deployed in ‘fire-fighter’ roles, rushed to parts of the front where dependably
obdurate resistance or tactical flair was needed. In this context, the Waffen-SS’s
6
official commitment to ‘obedience unto death’ was fully tested, especially as Armour and infantry of the
its ranks were progressively opened up to non-German membership (see ‘The SS-Panzerkorps advance into
Kharkov in early 1943, the
Opposing Sides’). tank commanders making
On the Eastern Front, the Waffen-SS Panzergrenadiere (the principal focus of careful study of the ground
this study) came up against a very different type of enemy: the Soviet rifleman. ahead of them. Waffen-SS
The Waffen-SS forged its reputation partly on prowess and elite exclusivity. The tank commanders were
encouraged to stand up in
Soviet riflemen, by contrast, were primarily about mass. The Soviet rifleman was their open turret hatches
a single drop in a mostly conscript sea, often inadequately trained and equipped, during attacks to achieve
sometimes poorly led, tactically governed by a centralized command structure better battlefield awareness –
rather than the Waffen-SS’s modern emphasis on devolved small-unit initiative. a policy that resulted in heavy
casualties. (AirSeaLand/Cody
We can make, and support, a general claim that the Waffen-SS Panzergrenadiere Images)
were the superior soldiers tactically on a man-for-man basis, at least in terms
of professional skills. We can also recognize that Stalin’s axiom ‘Quantity has
a quality of its own’ had a profound ring of truth on the Eastern Front. It
is not right, however, to present the Soviet rifleman as nothing more than a
crude battering-ram in a numbers game. Like his Waffen-SS opponent, he often
had a thick seam of ideological indoctrination running through his character,
reinforced by the compelling motivation that each soldier was fighting for his
own country. His tactical skills, from individual to formation levels, also grew
with experience and with some eventual doctrinal shifts. By 1942–43, the
soldiers of the Waffen-SS might still have been ideologically contemptuous of
their enemy, but they could no longer dismiss his fighting abilities.
7
Fall Blau, summer 1942
The purpose behind Fall Blau (Case Blue) was to make a deep in history, while Heeresgruppe A pushed some 500km into
penetration in the south of the Soviet Union, occupying a the Caucasus, taking many of the desired oilfields. As history
defensive line along the Don River from Voronezh to the bend of reveals, however, there were deep fault lines in Hitler’s
the Volga River at Stalingrad, and swing down into the northern core plan and also in his decision, on 17 July, to divert
Caucasus to capture its extensive oilfields. This great sweep the 4. Panzerarmee from the push on Stalingrad to assist
would be performed by two Axis army groups: Heeresgruppe B Heeresgruppe A’s southerly advance along the Don River – a
as the northern arm heading for Stalingrad – portentously, decision that slowed and weakened the northern advance on
Hitler subsequently decided that the army group had to capture Stalingrad, and set the scene for a future catastrophe for the
Stalingrad itself – and Heeresgruppe A making the swinging Axis. Furthermore, ferocious resistance by the Soviet Caucasus
drive south into the Caucasus. Front and the Trans-Caucasus Front meant that although
Fall Blau was launched on 28 June 1942. For a time, it Heeresgruppe A had advanced 500km into the Caucasus by
brought back memories of the euphoric German advances of November, it still fell short of the Batumi–Baku line that was the
1941. Heeresgruppe B would reach Stalingrad by September original objective.
1942, there to begin what is surely the greatest city battle
In this book, we will explore examples in which the Waffen-SS and the
This image of Soviet Red Army rifleman clashed in combat, and what those instances say about
infantrymen on the march their respective approaches to making war. The focus is upon the operations
shows kit and equipment of 1942–43, specifically to three actions from the battle for Rostov-on-Don
to good effect. Note how
many of the men have their
in July 1942 through to what is now called the Fourth Battle of Kharkov in
plasch-palatka cape/shelter- August 1943. During this period, the ultimate outcome of World War II hung
half carried in the traditional in the balance. Illusions of German supremacy had been dispelled by defeats
way – rolled up and hung such as those at Stalingrad and Kursk, but the capacity of the Red Army
over one shoulder, with the
opposite ends tied at the hip
to drive all the way through to Germany by no means seemed inevitable.
to form a horseshoe shape. The two sides in these battles could not have been more different; what they
(AirSeaLand/Cody Images) shared was their unwavering commitment to victory.
8
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9
The Opposing Sides
IDEOLOGY AND RECRUITMENT
Waffen-SS soldier
While ideology of one form or another is sewn through any armed force, as
the thread that binds individuals together in unit cohesion, on the Eastern
Front the war between Nazism and Communism was almost mythically
explicit, and any assessment of the clash between the Waffen-SS and the Red
Army’s riflemen must explore the motivating factors on each side.
Rapid insight into Waffen-SS ideology comes via the oath that all SS men
took upon joining the ranks of Hitler’s elite: ‘I swear to you, Adolf Hitler, as
Führer and Chancellor of the German Reich, my loyalty and bravery. I pledge
obedience unto death to you and to your appointed leaders. So help me God.’
The implications of this oath are more apparent when we set it against the
oath pledged, from March 1935, by the millions of men who entered the
wider Wehrmacht:
In the Wehrmacht oath, the soldier makes the declaration to God as the
supreme authority, but devolves spiritual obedience onto the earthly person
of Adolf Hitler, particularly in relation to his state leadership functions and
his role as the overarching Oberster Befehlshaber der Wehrmacht (Supreme
Commander of the Armed Forces). This oath brings a commitment to make
10
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the ultimate sacrifice in battle, or at least be ‘prepared’ to do so. The Waffen-SS, ABOVE LEFT
oath, by contrast, places Hitler far more centre stage. The Waffen-SS soldier In improvised snow
camouflage typical of that
is there to serve the Führer above all things, temporal and spiritual; God is worn during the winter of
there merely to ‘help’ the soldier fulfil his commitment. A crucial sentence is 1941–42, a soldier of the
‘I pledge obedience unto death to you and those you appoint to lead’. Strictly SS-Panzergrenadier-Regiment
taken, the phrasing implies that the soldier’s life will be given in a state of Der Führer (SS-Division Reich)
studies the battlefield with
subjugation to Hitler and, crucially, to senior unit commanders. There is a binoculars. His left collar tab
death-drive at the heart of the Waffen-SS oath, the soldier sacrificing his life insignia indicates that he
on the altar of Nazism. is an SS-Unterscharführer,
Who were the men who took this oath, and what was their motivation a junior squad leader. Note
the way he has laid two
for doing so? We can start by looking at the baselines established by the Stielhandgranaten across the
beginning of World War II. Crucially, Waffen-SS soldiers were volunteers, tops of his rifle magazines.
not conscripts. They had to have a high degree of physical fitness (Waffen-SS (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
physical training demands were typically higher than those of Heer training),
ABOVE RIGHT
perfect teeth and eyesight, a minimum height of 1.70m for most infantry Soldiers of the SS-Totenkopf-
units and between 17 and 25 years of age for infantry, armoured and signal Division on the Eastern Front
units (older soldiers could be recruited for other branches of the Waffen-SS). in the summer of 1942.
There were variations in these policies within the ranks of the organization. The man at the front is SS-
Untersturmführer August
For example, LSSAH recruited men of 1.78m minimum height and 25–35 Zingel, who was awarded
years of age, while in mountain SS units the minimum height could be as the Knight’s Cross of the Iron
low as 1.67m (low-down traction was advantageous in mountainous terrain). Cross in 1942. He has MP 40
Regardless of their physical attributes, every Waffen-SS soldier had to prove he magazine pouches worn
over his camouflage jacket.
was of ‘pure Aryan ancestry’ (i.e. with no trace of Jewish blood) back to 1800, (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
a good citizen (no criminal record) and a committed Nazi in ideology. The
enlistment period was 25 years for officers, 12 years for NCOs and 4½ years
11
SS-Rottenführer, SS-Panzergrenadier-Regiment Der Führer
13
12
The Fourth Battle of Kharkov, August 1943
11
10
12
Soviet rifleman
When we turn our attention to the Soviet rifleman, we step into a very
different world. Although there were certainly many Red Army volunteers,
particularly in the first months of the Great Patriotic War (1941–45), most
14
of the frontoviki (‘front fighters’) were drawn into the ranks via conscription. Two Red Army riflemen fight
By 1942, the conscription age for Soviet soldiers was 18 for those without a for the ruins of a hamlet in
the Voronezh sector in 1942.
secondary education and 19 for those with such an education. The latter were Both are armed with the
in the minority, however; the literacy and numeracy levels of Soviet riflemen SVT-40 semi-automatic rifle.
were often pitifully low, especially as men with higher levels of education It was initially intended that
were often creamed off for political service in the Naródnyy Komissariát about one-third of Red Army
rifle-division soldiers would
Vnútrennikh Del (NKVD; People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs). be armed with SVTs, but by
Soviet soldiers came from all walks of life, but the front-line infantryman 1942 the production focus had
predominantly hailed from the urban or rural working class, individuals often shifted forward to SMGs and
familiar with poverty and hardship, which goes a long way to explaining backward to Mosin-Nagant
M1891/30 bolt-action rifles.
their tremendous fortitude in military service. As with the Waffen-SS, social (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
origins could make a practical difference in combat; again, soldiers with
rural upbringings had inbuilt advantages in terms of life on campaign – in
creating convincing camouflage, for example. In peacetime, the terms of
military service for private soldiers were two years on active duty, three years
on furlough (during which period he could be recalled immediately) and
reserve status until 50 years old. In wartime, the concept of terms of service
largely collapsed: the soldier would serve until he was either wounded, killed,
released for special reasons or the war ended.
As a window into the ideology and motivations of the Soviet rifleman,
the oath of the Soviet soldier stands in useful contrast to that of the
Waffen-SS soldier:
I______, a citizen of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, entering into the
ranks of the Red Army of the Workers and Peasants, take this oath and solemnly
promise to be an honest, brave, disciplined, vigilant fighter, staunchly to protect
military and state secrets, and unquestioningly to obey all military regulations and
orders of commanders and superiors.
15
Krasnoarmeyets, 112th Motorized Regiment
16
The Fourth Battle of Kharkov, August 1943
9 8
Obviously, this oath is considerably longer than that of the Waffen-SS, and
it is interesting to explore the differences. Like the German oath, the Soviet
version is ideologically aligned, although it disconnects the communist
ideology from a single authoritarian figurehead – the Soviet soldier is loyal
to the nation, state government and, implicitly, the overarching principles
of socialism. The last paragraph truly hammers home the moral and judicial
consequences of disobedience; in the absence of references to God (another
key distinction from German oaths), failure to obey the socialist vision results
in an atheistic equivalent of being damned to hell.
There is a clear focus on unquestioning obedience to superiors, and this is
not mere authoritarianism. The Red Army was an entity seemingly without
horizons. By war’s end, an estimated 34 million men had passed through
Soviet wartime military service. About 75 per cent of the Red Army consisted
of rifle (infantry) divisions. Governing this mass of manpower would be
difficult enough in peacetime, but under wartime conditions it became an
exercise in chaos management, not least because of the scale of the losses –
4 million Soviet casualties in the first six months of fighting – and the deep
German occupation of western Soviet territories.
The Soviet rifleman’s oath had to embrace and govern a wide range of
ethnic diversity. At this time, the Soviet Union contained more than 100
ethnic groups, albeit weighted heavily (85 per cent) towards the Slavic peoples
of Russia, Ukraine and Byelorussia (modern-day Belarus). In most cases,
multiple ethnicities were incorporated into individual units in a process of
sliianie (‘blending’), with some non-ethnic exceptions (such as Cossack units).
Sliianie ensured that potential nationalistic alignments were fragmented and
controlled in the armed forces, but it also meant that unit commanders had to
handle units with mixed languages (although Russian was the official military
language) and diverse social and cultural backgrounds, compounded by the
poor levels of education noted above. Partly for this reason, and partly from
the state’s political paranoia, the Soviet rifleman was built to be a creature of
unswerving obedience, as the oath reflects.
In the Waffen-SS, political ideals were often born from enthusiastic
political conversion to National Socialism, encouraged by Joseph Goebbels’
propaganda machine. In the Red Army, by contrast, ideological commitment
to the ideals of Soviet communism was generally ingrained through long-
standing and far-reaching indoctrination from infancy through adulthood.
Until roughly half-way through our period of study in this book, political
18
komissars (commissars) – aided by legions of embedded seksot’ (‘secret ABOVE LEFT
collaborators’, i.e. informers) – kept invasive watch over the political reliability Every Red Army rifle regiment
had two reconnaissance
of both commanders and men, the commissars embedded in the command platoons (one mounted, one
structure down to battalion level, and having equal authority with the unit on foot). The men within
commanders. In 1941–42 the commissars progressively lost their authority them were trained to higher
over tactical decision-making and were made subordinate to military standards in field craft and
small-unit combat, and often
commanding officers, as it was finally recognized that political interference had a leading role in helping
could often compromise military effectiveness. Thus the commissar was to decide lines of attack. The
redesignated as politruk (deputy commander for political affairs), although man at the front is armed
officers and men still had to maintain deep compliance with the Communist with a PPD-40 SMG, which
was replaced by the more
Party line. economical PPSh-41 in 1941.
Ultimately, the Soviet rifleman was likely more motivated to fight, and (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
fight very hard, by the simple fact that the war on the Eastern Front was
an existential one: Hitler’s forces intended to destroy the Soviet state and, ABOVE RIGHT
at a literal level, enslave or exterminate its people, whom it classified as This Soviet rifleman is wearing
Untermenschen (subhumans, inferior people). The fire-hardened Nazism of heavy winter clothing, including
the thick felt overboots, the
the Waffen-SS was the embodiment of this outlook. In the ranks of the Soviet vatnie sharovari padded
riflemen, by contrast, there were doubtless many committed communists, but trousers and the telogreika
it is often difficult to separate them out from the mass of soldiers whose lives padded jacket, topped by the
were simply soaked through with the compliance of living in a communist defining shapka-ushanka fur
hat. Note the way he uses
dictatorship. What united them all, however, was a general contempt for the his left hand to form a stable
fashistkii (fascists), who through their oath they committed to drive from shooting base for his PPSh-41.
their lands. (AirSeaLand/Cody Images)
19
TRAINING AND TACTICS
Waffen-SS soldier
Looking through the prism of training gives a deeper understanding of the
fundamental differences in battlefield performance between the Waffen-SS
soldier and the Red Army rifleman. The Waffen-SS prided itself on inculcating
very high levels of physical fitness and tactical initiative. The length of training
varied considerably during the war years, especially during the second half of
the conflict, and also had contrasts between the divisions, but typically it lasted
about 4–6 months. Physical fitness and mental courage were merged into
one training package. The Waffen-SS recruit underwent bruising unarmed-
combat instruction in which blows were landed with intent and ferocity,
including with weapons such as rifle stocks and sheathed bayonets. Boxing,
Waffen-SS grenadiers ride on wrestling and ju-jitsu were standard elements of the training curriculum, as
an assortment of PzKpfw III were frequent assault courses and route marches in full kit. Small-unit ‘battles’
and IV medium tanks as they
prepare to counter-attack
were regularly conducted, both testing and developing tactical initiative down
in Ukraine during 1943. The to individual soldier level. There was a particularly high premium placed on
tanks would help the infantry weapon handling, with the soldiers spending many hours sending rounds
by engaging enemy armour down-range and in exercises that enhanced both their marksmanship and
and providing long-range
direct fire support against
tactical intelligence, such as understanding the optimal configurations of
enemy strongpoints; the machine-gun and mortar support fire for an infantry assault.
infantry would protect the Most distinctively, the Waffen-SS prided itself on the heavy use of
armour from enemy infantry live ammunition during tactical exercises. This practice was somewhat
anti-tank teams and had
better visual awareness of
controversial, as the inevitable accidents produced a constant trickle of
the terrain. (AirSeaLand/Cody injuries and fatalities. In the Waffen-SS mindset, however, the risk was worth
Images) the reward. The brutality of the training bred hard men (or unmasked those
20
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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
CHAPTER XXXI
NEL-TE QUALIFIES AS A BRANCH PILOT
SENSATION
The things on which we are apt to set the highest value in this
world are those that we have lost, and even our friends are as a rule
most highly appreciated after they have been taken from us. Thus,
in the present instance, Phil and Serge had so sincerely mourned the
loss of their quaint but loyal comrade that his restoration to them
alive and well, “hearty and hungry,” as he himself expressed it, filled
them with unbounded joy. They hung about him, and lovingly
brushed the snow from his fur clothing, and plied him with
questions, and made so much of him that he finally exclaimed:
“Avast, lads, and let up! Ye make me feel like I were reading my
own obituary in print, which my old friend Kite Roberson were the
only mortal man ever I knowed as had that onhappy pleasure. It
happened when he were lost at sea, with his ship and all hands, in
latitood 24.06 nothe, and longitood 140.15 west, ’cording to the
noosepapers; while, ’cording to Kite’s log, he were cutting in of a fin-
back and having the best of luck at that very place and hour.
Anyway, whether he were drownded or no, he kim back in time to
enjoy the mortification of reading the notice of his own taking off,
which he said it made him feel ashamed to be alive, seeing as he
were a so much better man after he were dead. Them’s about the
size of my feelings at the present hour of observation. So ef you
boys don’t let up I reckon I’ll have to crawl back in the snow and
stay there.”
Even Nel-te showed delight at the return of his playmate by
cuddling up to him, and stroking his weather-beaten cheeks, and
confiding to him how very hungry he was.
“Me, too, Cap’n Kid!” exclaimed Jalap Coombs; “and I must say
you’re a mighty tempting mossel to a man as nigh starved as I be.
Jest about broiling age, plump and tender. Cap’n Kid, look out, for
I’m mighty inclined to stow ye away.”
“Try this instead,” laughed Phil, holding out a chunk of frozen
pemmican that he had just chopped off. “We’re in the biggest kind of
luck to-day,” he continued. “I didn’t know there was a mouthful of
anything to eat on this sledge, and here I’ve just found about five
pounds of pemmican. It does seem to me the very best pemmican
that ever was put up, too, and I only wonder that we didn’t eat it
long ago. I’m going to get my aunt Ruth to make me a lot of it just
as soon as ever I get home.”
By this time the fire was blazing merrily, and the chynik was
beginning to sing. Musky, Luvtuk, and big Amook had each received
a portion of the precious pemmican, swallowed it at a gulp, and
were wagging their bushy tails in anxious expectation of more, while
the spirits of the whole party were at the top-notch of contentment.
As they sat before the fire on a tree felled and stripped of its
branches for the purpose, and munched frozen pemmican, and took
turns in sipping strong unsweetened tea from the only cup now left
to them, Jalap Coombs described his thrilling experiences of the
preceding night.
According to his story, one of his dogs gave out, and he stopped
to unharness it with the hope that it would still have strength to
follow the sledge. While he was thus engaged the storm broke, the
blinding rush of snow swept over the mountains, and as he looked
up he found to his dismay that the other sledge was already lost to
view. He at once started to overtake it, urging on the reluctant dogs
by every means in his power; but after a few minutes of struggle
against the furious gale, they lay down and refused to move. After
cutting their traces that they might follow him if they chose, the man
set forth alone, with bowed head and uncertain steps, on a hopeless
quest for his comrades. He did not find them, as we know, though
once he heard a faint cry from off to one side. Heading in that
direction, the next thing he knew he had plunged over the precipice,
and found himself sliding, rolling, and bounding downward with
incredible velocity.
“The trip must have lasted an hour or more,” said Jalap Coombs,
soberly, in describing it, “and when I finally brung up all standing, I
couldn’t make out for quite a spell whether I were still on top of the
earth or had gone plumb through to the other side. I knowed every
rib and timber of my framing were broke, and every plank started;
but somehow I managed to keep my head above water, and struck
out for shore. I made port under a tree, and went to sleep. When I
woke at the end of the watch, I found all hatches closed and
battened down. So I were jest turning over again when I heerd a
hail, and knowed I were wanted on deck. And, boys, I’ve had happy
moments in my life, but I reckon the happiest of ’em all were when I
broke out and seen you two, with the kid, standing quiet and
respectful, and heerd ye saying, ‘Good morning, sir, and hoping
you’ve passed a quiet night,’ like I were a full-rigged cap’n.”
“As you certainly deserve to be, Mr. Coombs,” laughed Phil, “and
as I believe you will be before long, for I don’t think we can be very
far from salt water at this moment.”
“It’s been seeming to me that I could smell it!” exclaimed the
sailor-man, eagerly sniffing the air as he spoke. “And, ef you’re
agreeable, sir, I moves that we set sail for it at once. My hull’s pretty
well battered and stove in, but top works is solid, standing and
running rigging all right, and I reckon by steady pumping we can
navigate the old craft to port yet.”
“All aboard, then! Up anchor, and let’s be off!” shouted Phil, so
excited at the prospect of a speedy termination to their journey that
he could not bear a moment’s longer delay in attaining it. At present
he cared little that they had evidently wandered far from the Chilkat
trail, as was shown by the westward trend of the valley in which
they now found themselves. That it still descended sharply, and by
following it they must eventually reach the ocean, was enough.
So they set merrily and hopefully forth, and followed the windings
of the valley, keeping just beyond the forest edge. In summer-time
they would have found it filled with impassable obstacles—huge
bowlders, landslides, a net-work of logs and fallen trees, and a
roaring torrent; but now it was packed with snow to such an
incredible depth that all these things lay far beneath their feet, and
the way was made easy.
By nightfall they had reached the mouth of the valley, and saw,
opening before them, one so much wider that it reminded them of
the broad expanse of the frozen Yukon. The course of this new
valley was almost north and south, and they felt certain that it must
lead to the sea. In spite of their anxiety to follow it, darkness
compelled them to seek a camping-place in the timber. That evening
they ate all that remained of their pemmican, excepting a small bit
that was reserved for Nel-te’s breakfast.
They made up, as far as possible, for their lack of food by building
the most gorgeous camp-fire of the entire journey. They felled
several green trees close together, and built it on them so that it
should not melt its way down out of sight through the deep snow.
Then they felled dead trees and cut them into logs. These, together
with dead branches, they piled up, until they had a structure forty
feet long by ten feet high. They set fire to it with the last match in
their possession, and as the flames gathered headway and roared
and leaped to the very tops of the surrounding trees, even Phil was
obliged to acknowledge that at last he was thoroughly and
uncomfortably warm. The contrast between that night and the
previous one, passed in a snow burrow high up on the mountains,
amid the howlings of a furious gale, without food, fire, or hope, was
so wonderful that all declared they had lived months since that
dreadful time instead of only a few hours.
The following morning poor Jalap was so stiff and lame that his
face was contorted with pain when he attempted to rise.
“Never mind,” he cried, cheerily, as he noted Phil’s anxious
expression, “I’ll fetch it. Just give me a few minutes’ leeway.”
And, sure enough, in a few minutes he was on his feet rubbing his
legs, stretching his arms, and twisting his body “to limber up the
j’ints.” Although in a torment of pain, he soon declared himself ready
for the day’s tramp, and they set forth. Ere they had gone half a
mile, however, it was evident that he could walk no farther. The pain
of the effort was too great even for his sturdy determination, and
when he finally sank down with a groan, the boys helped him on the
sledge, and attached themselves to its pulling-bar with long thongs
of rawhide.
The two stalwart young fellows, together with three dogs, made a
strong team, but the snow was so soft, and their load so heavy, that
by noon they had not made more than ten miles. They had,
however, reached the end of their second valley, and come upon a
most extraordinary scene. As far as the eye could reach on either
side stretched a vast plain of frozen whiteness. On its farther border,
directly in front of them, but some ten miles away, rose a chain of
mountains bisected by a deep, wide cut like a gateway.
“It must be an arm of the sea, frozen over and covered with
snow,” said Phil.
“But,” objected Serge, “on this coast no such body of salt water
stays frozen so late in the season; for we are well into April now, you
know.”
“Then it is a great lake.”
“I never heard of any lake on this side of the mountains.”
“I don’t reckon it’s the sea; but salt water’s mighty nigh,” said
Jalap Coombs, sniffing the air as eagerly as a hound on the scent of
game.
“Whatever it is,” said Phil, “we’ve got to cross it, and I am going to
head straight for that opening.”
So they again bent to their traces, and a few hours later had
crossed the great white plain, and were skirting the base of a
mountain that rose on their left. Its splintered crags showed the dull
red of iron rust wherever they were bare of snow, and only thin
fringes of snow were to be seen in its more sheltered gorges.
Suddenly Phil halted, his face paled, and his lips quivered with
emotion. “The sea!” he gasped. “Over there, Serge!”
Jalap Coombs caught the words and was on his feet in an instant,
all his pains forgotten in a desire to once more catch a glimpse of his
beloved salt water.
“Yes,” replied Serge, after a long look. “It certainly is a narrow bay.
How I wish we knew what one! But, Phil! what is that down there
near the foot of the cliffs? Is it—can it be—a house?”
“Where?” cried Phil. “Yes, I see! I do believe it is! Yes, it certainly
is a house.”
CHAPTER XXXVI
THE MOST FAMOUS ALASKAN GLACIER
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