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The document provides information about the second edition of 'Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought' by Alister E. McGrath, which has been revised and expanded to include new material on various theological perspectives. It serves as a comprehensive resource for understanding Christian theological development from the Patristic period to the modern era, featuring case studies and study questions to engage readers. Additionally, it highlights the author's credentials and other related works available for download.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
42 views52 pages

Historical Theology An Introduction To The History of Christian Thought Second Edition Alister E. Mcgrath Instant Download

The document provides information about the second edition of 'Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought' by Alister E. McGrath, which has been revised and expanded to include new material on various theological perspectives. It serves as a comprehensive resource for understanding Christian theological development from the Patristic period to the modern era, featuring case studies and study questions to engage readers. Additionally, it highlights the author's credentials and other related works available for download.

Uploaded by

jzhplfu508
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
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Christian Thought Second Edition Alister E. Mcgrath
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Alister E. McGrath
ISBN(s): 9780001530867, 0470672862
Edition: 2
File Details: PDF, 6.99 MB
Year: 2012
Language: english
Praise for the previous edition

ALISTER E. McGRATH

McGRATH
“Useful in undergraduate courses, as well as in introductory seminary ones. McGrath’s prose is clear and
precise. He is very good at articulating distinctions between concepts ... Historical Theology would be a
valuable reference book to have in one’s library.... As one already hooked on historical theology, this reader
found her interest renewed and expanded numerous times by McGrath’s book.”
The Journal of Religion

“This approach is very well-pitched for the intended readership, particularly those who are teaching
themselves. Historical Theology is an excellent resource, both for the teacher and student.”

HISTORICAL THEOLOGY
Morwenna Ludlow, St John’s College, Oxford

“Perhaps for the first time an expansive and ecumenical survey of Christian Theology has been produced that
can be read with the same ease as a serious but gripping novel.... This book will serve as an invaluable tool: it
locates theological innovation and controversy in its context-specific situation.”
G.W.P. McFarlane, London Bible College

This popular introduction to the history of Christian thought has been thoroughly revised and expanded
for a second edition. It features substantial new material, including additional coverage of orthodox
theology, the Holy Spirit, and medieval mysticism, alongside new sections on liberation, feminist, and Latino
theologies, as well as on the global spread of Christianity.

Covering the entire history of Christian thought, this textbook provides all the material needed for a broad
understanding of Christian theological development, from the earliest days of the Church Fathers right up
to the present day. The book is ordered into four distinct periods, the Patristic period, the Middle Ages and
Renaissance, the Reformation and post-Reformation, and the modern period, addressing the key ideas,
processes and people in each. Readers are encouraged to interact with the material through case studies
and study questions at the end of each section which explore central themes, and primary texts are included
to facilitate deeper understanding of the issues discussed.
A set of comprehensive glossaries encompass theologians, theological developments, and important words,
names, and phrases.

Meeting the demand for a vibrant, chronological historical treatment of the subject, this authoritative and

HISTORICAL
accessible volume is a welcome new edition of a bestselling textbook. Additional resources to support the
book are available at www.wiley.com/go/mcgrath.

ALISTER E. MCGRATH is the Head of the Centre for Theology, Religion & Culture at King’s College London,

THEOLOGY
having previously been Professor of Historical Theology at the University of Oxford. He is one of the world’s
leading Protestant theologians and has long been involved in theological education. McGrath is also the
author of some of the most widely used theology textbooks, including the bestselling Christian Theology:
An Introduction (2010, Wiley-Blackwell), now in its fifth edition. He is in constant demand as a speaker at
conferences throughout the world.
SECOND
EDITION
Cover image: Stained glass window from Manresa Jesuit Retreat Center,
Staten Island. Photo by P.N. Ralley, www.stainedglassphotography.com An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought
Cover design by Nicki Averill

SECOND EDITION

pb_9780470672860.indd 1 18/4/12 10:33:19


bindex.indd 306 4/20/2012 9:54:24 AM
HISTORICAL
THEOLOGY

0001501229.INDD i 4/25/2012 2:48:07 PM


Also by Alister E. McGrath from Wiley-Blackwell

Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought,


Second Edition (2012)
Reformation Thought: An Introduction, Fourth Edition (2012)
Theology: The Basic Readings, Second Edition (edited, 2012)
Theology: The Basics, Third Edition (2012)
Luther’s Theology of the Cross: Martin Luther’s Theological Breakthrough,
Second Edition (2011)
Darwinism and the Divine: Evolutionary Thought and Natural Theology (2011)
The Christian Theology Reader, Fourth Edition (edited, 2011)
Christian Theology: An Introduction, Fifth Edition (2011)
Science and Religion: A New Introduction, Second Edition (2009)
The Open Secret: A New Vision for Natural Theology (2008)
The Order of Things: Explorations in Scientific Theology (2006)
Christianity: An Introduction, Second Edition (2006)
Dawkins’ God: Genes, Memes, and the Meaning of Life (2004)
The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, Second Edition (2003)
Christian Literature: An Anthology (edited, 2003)
A Brief History of Heaven (2003)
The Blackwell Companion to Protestantism (edited with Darren C. Marks, 2003)
The Future of Christianity (2002)
Christian Spirituality: An Introduction (1999)
Historical Theology: An Introduction (1998)
The Foundations of Dialogue in Science and Religion (1998)
The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Thought (edited, 1995)
A Life of John Calvin (1990)

0001501229.INDD ii 4/25/2012 2:48:07 PM


HISTORICAL
THEOLOGY
An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought

SECOND EDITION

ALISTER E. MCGRATH

A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication

0001501229.INDD iii 4/25/2012 2:48:07 PM


This second edition first published 2013
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd
Edition History: Blackwell Publishers (1e, 1998)
Wiley-Blackwell is an imprint of John Wiley & Sons, formed by the merger of Wiley’s global
Scientific, Technical and Medical business with Blackwell Publishing.
Registered Office
John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ, UK
Editorial Offices
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For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services, and for information about
how to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our website at
www.wiley.com/wiley-blackwell.
The right of Alister E. McGrath to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted
in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without
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All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service marks, trademarks
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product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is designed to provide accurate and
authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding
that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other
expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
McGrath, Alister E., 1953–
Historical theology : an introduction to the history of Christian thought /
Alister E. McGrath. – 2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-470-67285-3 (hardcover : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-0-470-67286-0 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Theology–History. I. Title.
BT21.2.M17 2012
230.09–dc23
2011046040
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Set in 10/13pt Minion by SPi Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India

1 2013

0001501229.INDD iv 4/25/2012 2:48:07 PM


Brief Contents

How to Use this Book xii

Introduction 1
The Concept of “Theology”: A Brief Introduction 1
The Architecture of Theology 4
Historical Theology: Its Purpose and Place 8

1 The Patristic Period, c.100–451 16


A Clarification of Terms 17
Difficulties in Approaching Patristic Theology 17
The Historical Background to Patristic Theology 18
Centers of Theological Reflection 22
Key Theologians 22
Key Theological Developments 26
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 35
Questions 35
Case Studies 36

2 The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c.500–1500 77


On Defining the “Middle Ages” 78
Medieval Theological Landmarks in Western Europe 80
The Rise of Scholasticism 84
The Italian Renaissance 84
The Rise of Humanism 85
Medieval Theological Landmarks in Eastern Europe 86
Key Theologians 88

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BRIEF CONTENTS

Key Theological Developments 93


Key Names, Words, and Phrases 98
Questions 98
Case Studies 98

3 The Reformation and Post-Reformation Periods, 1500–1750 124


Reformation – or Reformations? 125
A Clarification of Terms 126
Post-Reformation Movements 133
Key Theologians 136
Key Theological Developments 139
Developments in Theological Literature 141
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 146
Questions 146
Case Studies 146

4 The Modern Period, 1750 to the Present Day 182


A Cultural Watershed: The Enlightenment 184
The Enlightenment Critique of Christian Theology 184
Romanticism and the Critique of the Enlightenment 187
The Crisis of Faith in Victorian England 189
Postmodernism and a New Theological Agenda 190
Key Theologians 192
Some Recent Western Theological Movements and Trends 195
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 209
Questions 210
Case Studies 210

Where Next? 269

Details of Theologians 271


A Glossary of Theological Terms 276
For Further Reading 288
Sources of Citations 292
Index 297

vi

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Full Contents

How to Use this Book xii

Introduction 1
The Concept of “Theology”: A Brief Introduction 1
The Architecture of Theology 4
Biblical studies 5
Systematic theology 6
Philosophical theology 7
Pastoral theology 7
Church history 8
Historical Theology: Its Purpose and Place 8
The development of historical theology 9
Historical theology as a pedagogic tool 11
Historical theology as a critical tool 12
Historical theology as a resource for systematic theology 14

1 The Patristic Period, c.100–451 16


A Clarification of Terms 17
Difficulties in Approaching Patristic Theology 17
The Historical Background to Patristic Theology 18
The historical importance of the city of Rome 19
The problem of persecution 19
The conversion of Constantine 20
The development of public theological debate 21
Centers of Theological Reflection 22
Key Theologians 22

vii

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FULL CONTENTS

Justin Martyr 22
Irenaeus of Lyons 24
Origen 24
Tertullian 24
Athanasius 25
Augustine of Hippo 25
Key Theological Developments 26
The relation of Christian faith and classical culture 26
The extent of the New Testament canon 27
The role of tradition 28
The fixing of the ecumenical creeds 29
The two natures of Jesus Christ 30
The doctrine of the Trinity 32
The doctrine of the church 32
The doctrine of grace 33
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 35
Questions 35
Case Studies 36
1.1 The Bible and tradition 36
1.2 The Arian controversy: The divinity of Christ 41
1.3 The Alexandrian Christological school: The Apollinarian controversy 46
1.4 The Antiochene Christological school: The Nestorian controversy 49
1.5 The Trinity: Early developments and controversies 53
1.6 The church: The Donatist controversy 62
1.7 Grace: The Pelagian controversy 67
1.8 Faith and philosophy 73

2 The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c.500–1500 77


On Defining the “Middle Ages” 78
Medieval Theological Landmarks in Western Europe 80
The Carolingian renaissance 80
The rise of cathedral and monastic schools of theology 80
The religious orders and their “schools of theology” 82
The founding of the universities 82
Peter Lombard’s Four Books of the Sentences 83
The Rise of Scholasticism 84
The Italian Renaissance 84
The Rise of Humanism 85
Medieval Theological Landmarks in Eastern Europe 86
The emergence of Byzantine theology 87
The iconoclastic controversy 87
The hesychastic controversy 87
The fall of Constantinople (1453) 88

viii

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FULL CONTENTS

Key Theologians 88
John of Damascus 88
Simeon the New Theologian 89
Anselm of Canterbury 90
Thomas Aquinas 90
Duns Scotus 91
William of Ockham 92
Erasmus of Rotterdam 92
Key Theological Developments 93
The consolidation of the patristic heritage 93
The exploration of the role of reason in theology 94
The development of theological systems 95
The development of sacramental theology 95
The development of the theology of grace 95
The role of Mary in the scheme of salvation 96
Returning directly to the sources of Christian theology 96
The critique of the Vulgate translation of Scripture 97
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 98
Questions 98
Case Studies 98
2.1 Arguments for the existence of God 98
2.2 Understandings of the atonement 104
2.3 The theology of the sacraments 109
2.4 The interpretation of the Bible 112
2.5 Renaissance humanism and the Bible 115
2.6 Augustinianism and Pelagianism in late medieval theology 118

3 The Reformation and Post-Reformation Periods, 1500–1750 124


Reformation – or Reformations? 125
A Clarification of Terms 126
The German Reformation – Lutheranism 127
The Swiss Reformation – the Reformed church 128
The radical Reformation – Anabaptism 129
The English Reformation – Anglicanism 129
The Catholic Reformation 130
Protestant Orthodoxy 131
Post-Reformation Movements 133
The consolidation of Catholicism 133
Puritanism 134
Pietism 135
Key Theologians 136
Martin Luther 136
Huldrych Zwingli 137

ix

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FULL CONTENTS

John Calvin 137


Teresa of Avilà 138
Theodore Beza 138
Johann Gerhard 138
Roberto Bellarmine 139
Jonathan Edwards 139
Key Theological Developments 139
The sources of theology 140
The doctrine of grace 140
The doctrine of the sacraments 141
The doctrine of the church 141
Developments in Theological Literature 141
Catechisms 142
Confessions of faith 143
Works of systematic theology 144
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 146
Questions 146
Case Studies 146
3.1 Bible and tradition in the Reformation debates 146
3.2 Justification by faith: Protestantism and the Council of Trent 154
3.3 The nature of the real presence: Luther, Zwingli, and the Council of Trent 164
3.4 The debate over infant baptism 167
3.5 The doctrine of the church: Trends within Protestantism 171
3.6 Theology and astronomy: The Copernican and Galileian debates 177

4 The Modern Period, 1750 to the Present Day 182


A Cultural Watershed: The Enlightenment 184
The Enlightenment Critique of Christian Theology 184
The notion of revelation 185
The status and interpretation of the Bible 185
The identity and significance of Jesus Christ 185
The doctrine of the Trinity 186
The critique of miracles 186
The rejection of original sin 187
The problem of evil 187
Romanticism and the Critique of the Enlightenment 187
The Crisis of Faith in Victorian England 189
Postmodernism and a New Theological Agenda 190
Key Theologians 192
F. D. E. Schleiermacher 193
John Henry Newman 193
Karl Barth 193
Paul Tillich 194

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FULL CONTENTS

Karl Rahner 194


Hans Urs von Balthasar 194
Jürgen Moltmann 195
Wolfhart Pannenberg 195
Some Recent Western Theological Movements and Trends 195
Liberal Protestantism 196
Modernism 198
Neo-orthodoxy 199
Ressourcement, or, la nouvelle théologie 201
Feminism 202
Liberation theology 204
Black theology 206
Postliberalism 207
Radical orthodoxy 209
Key Names, Words, and Phrases 209
Questions 210
Case Studies 210
4.1 The quests of the historical Jesus 210
4.2 The basis and nature of salvation 221
4.3 The debate over the Resurrection 233
4.4 The Trinity in twentieth-century thought 239
4.5 Twentieth-century discussions of the doctrine of the church 245
4.6 Natural theology and the rationality of faith 252
4.7 The feminist critique of traditional Christian theology 256
4.8 Christian approaches to other religions 259

Where Next? 269

Details of Theologians 271


A Glossary of Theological Terms 276
For Further Reading 288
Sources of Citations 292
Index 297

xi

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How to Use this Book

This book aims to introduce you to historical theology as an important and interesting
subject. It is also a very large topic; to do justice to it, at least five substantial volumes would
be required. This book is an introduction to its aims and themes, which aims to pack as
much useful information into a single volume as is realistically possible, using approaches
which have been tried and tested in classrooms in Europe, North America, and Australasia.
The book makes use of some material already presented in the best-selling work Christian
Theology: An Introduction, which has been reconfigured for the specific purpose of
introducing students to the discipline of historical theology. Although much new material
has been added and some existing material rewritten, the basic approach and some contents
of this earlier work have been retained.
The guiding principle which lies behind this volume is selective attention. It is like a map,
giving you a good idea of the landscape, filling in enough detail to help you make sense of
things, and making it easier to move on to a more detailed engagement with any of its
features. It is assumed that you do not have the time to become familiar with every aspect
of the history of Christian thought, but want a general familiarity with its most important
aspects. The approach adopted is to begin by painting a scene using some very broad-brush
strokes, and then filling in the fine detail in selected areas of importance. This will allow you
to come away from reading this book with a good general understanding of the development
of Christian theology. Despite its brevity, however, the work includes a lot of material –
considerably more than is included in most introductions of this kind.
The book opens with an Introduction which tries to explain what historical theology is,
how it fits into the study of theology as a whole, and why it is a subject worth studying. You
are strongly recommended to read this Introduction before proceeding further, as it will
help you get a sense of orientation as you approach the subject.
To break the material down into manageable sections, the history of Christian thought
has been divided into four broad periods. While this division of history is useful, it is
important to realize that it is slightly arbitrary at points. We need to heed the warning of the
Cambridge historian G. M. Trevelyan (1876–1962) on this matter: “Unlike dates, periods

xii

0001501230.INDD xii 4/3/2012 12:31:53 PM


HOW TO USE THIS BOOK

are not facts. They are retrospective conceptions that we form about past events, useful to
focus discussion, but very often leading historical thought astray.” These four divisions are:

Chapter 1 The Patristic Period, c.100–451


Chapter 2 The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c.500–1500
Chapter 3 The Reformation and Post-Reformation Periods, 1500–1750
Chapter 4 The Modern Period, 1750 to the Present Day

These divisions, though a little arbitrary, have proved useful in a teaching context, and have
therefore been retained. Each chapter contains two major sections, as follows:

1. A general overview of the period in question, which identifies the historical background
to the period, and its main theological developments, individual theologians, and
schools of thought or theological movements which you need to know about. It also
introduces the basic theological vocabulary which you will need to know to make sense
of other theological works. You should read this overview before exploring the
individual case studies that follow. If you need a very brief overview of the history of
Christian thought, you are recommended to read only the four historical overviews,
and leave the individual case studies for study at a later date.
2. A series of individual case studies that examine some of the themes of the period in
question in much greater detail. This allows you to supplement a general understanding
of the period with a specific knowledge of some of its significant themes. In some cases,
the case studies are text-intensive, allowing you to engage with primary texts of impor-
tance. Here, you will be given some guidance as to how to read the texts and gain the
most from them. Other case studies may take the form of general surveys, aiming to
pack as much information as possible into a limited space.

If you are using the book to teach yourself historical theology, it is recommended
that you read the chapters in the order in which they are presented. If you want to do
nothing more than gain an overview of each period, you need only read the historical
overviews; the detailed engagement with specific themes in the case studies can be left for
another time.
This volume works on the basis of “explain it the first time round.” Thus the material on
the medieval period assumes that you know about the patristic period, the material on the
sixteenth century assumes that you know about the medieval period, and so forth. However,
if you are using the book in conjunction with a taught course, you can easily work out which
sections of the book relate to the ordering of material used by your teacher. If in doubt, ask
for guidance. A closing section entitled “For Further Reading” will allow you to identify
books or articles which will be helpful to you if you want to follow up on anything that
interested you, and which you would like to explore in greater depth.
If you come across terms you don’t understand, you have two options. First, try the
glossary at the end of the work, which may give you a brief definition of the term and refer
you to a discussion of the relevant material in the text. Second, try the index, which will
provide you with a more extensive analysis of key discussion locations within the volume.

xiii

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HOW TO USE THIS BOOK

Finally, be assured that everything in this book – including the contents and the
arrangement of the material – has been checked out at first hand with student audiences
and readers in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The work is
probably about as user-friendly as you can get. But both the author and publisher welcome
suggestions from teachers and students for further improvement, which will be included in
later editions of the work.

xiv

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Introduction

Contents

The Concept of “Theology”: A Brief Introduction 1

The Architecture of Theology 4

Historical Theology: Its Purpose and Place 8

This volume is a basic introduction to the discipline of historical theology. Before looking
at its themes in more detail, it is important to have a sense of the place and importance of
this discipline within theology as a whole. To begin with, we shall consider the historical
development of Christian theology as an academic subject, and try to understand how the
specific discipline of “historical theology” fits into this overall picture.

The Concept of “Theology”: A Brief Introduction

The word “theology” is easily broken down into two Greek words: theos (God) and logos
(word or discourse). Theology is thus “discourse about God,” in much the same way as
“biology” is discourse about life (Greek: bios). If there is only one God, and if that God
happens to be the “God of the Christians” (to borrow a phrase from the third-century writer
Tertullian), then the nature and scope of theology is relatively well defined: theology is
reflection upon the God whom Christians worship and adore.

Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought, Second Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2013 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

0001501192.INDD 1 4/25/2012 2:44:12 PM


HISTORICAL THEOLOGY

The word “theology” is not itself biblical, but came to be used occasionally in the early
patristic period to refer to at least some aspects of Christian beliefs. Thus Clement of
Alexandria, writing in the late second century, contrasted Christian theologia with the
mythologia of pagan writers, clearly understanding “theology” to refer to “Christian truth
claims about God,” which could be compared with the spurious stories of pagan mythology.
Other writers of the patristic period, such as Eusebius of Caesarea, also use the term to refer
to something like “the Christian understanding of God.” However, it seems that the word
was not used to refer to the entire body of Christian thought, but only to those aspects
relating directly to God.
Yet Christianity came into existence in a polytheistic world, where belief in the
existence of many gods was a commonplace. Part of the task of the earliest Christian
writers appears to have been to distinguish the Christian god from other gods in the
religious marketplace. At some point, it had to be asked which god Christians were
talking about, and how this god related to the “God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,” who
figures so prominently in the Old Testament. The doctrine of the Trinity appears to have
been, in part, a response to the pressure to identify the god that Christian theologians
were speaking about.
As time passed, polytheism began to be regarded as outdated and rather primitive, espe-
cially within the sophisticated intellectual culture of the cosmopolitan city of Alexandria.
The assumption that there was only one god, and that this god was identical to the Christian
god, became so widespread that, by the early Middle Ages in Europe, it seemed self-evident.
Thus Thomas Aquinas, in developing arguments for the existence of God in the thirteenth
century, did not think it worth demonstrating that the god whose existence he had proved
was the “god of the Christians”: after all, what other god was there? To prove the existence
of God was, by definition, to prove the existence of the Christian god.
Theology was thus understood as systematic analysis of the nature, purposes, and activity
of God. Although “theology” was initially understood in a restricted sense to mean “the
doctrine of God,” the term developed a wider meaning in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, as the University of Paris began to develop. A name had to be found for the
systematic study of the Christian faith at university level. Under the influence of Parisian
writers such as Peter Abelard and Gilbert of Poitiers, the Latin word theologia came to mean
“the discipline of sacred learning,” embracing the totality of Christian doctrine, not merely
one of its aspects – namely, the doctrine of God.
There is no doubt that the introduction of theology into university circles in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries gave a new stimulus to the systematization of the subject. Medieval
universities – such as Paris, Bologna, and Oxford – generally had four faculties: arts,
medicine, law, and theology. The faculty of arts was seen as entry level, qualifying students
to go on to more advanced studies in the three “higher faculties.” This general pattern
continued into the sixteenth century, as can be seen from the educational backgrounds of
two leading theologians of this period. Martin Luther initially studied arts at the University
of Erfurt, before going on to study within the higher faculty of theology at the same
university. John Calvin began his university life by studying arts at the University of Paris,
before going on to study civil law at the University of Orléans. The result of this development
was that theology became established as a significant component of advanced study at

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INTRODUCTION

European universities. As more and more universities were established in western Europe,
so the academic study of theology became more widespread.
Initially, the study of Christianity in western Europe was focused on schools attached to
cathedrals and monasteries. Theology was generally understood to be concerned with
practical matters, such as issues of prayer and spirituality, rather than as a theoretical
subject. However, with the founding of the universities, the academic study of the Christian
faith gradually moved out of monasteries and cathedrals into the public arena. The word
“theology” came to be used extensively at the University of Paris during the thirteenth
century to refer to the systematic discussion of Christian beliefs in general, and not simply
beliefs about God. The use of the word in this sense can be seen to a limited extent in earlier
works, such as the writings of Peter Abelard. However, the work which is widely regarded
as being of decisive importance in establishing the general use of the term appeared in the
thirteenth century – Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologiae. Increasingly, theology came to
be seen as a theoretical rather than a practical subject, despite reservations about this
development.
Many early thirteenth-century theologians, such as Bonaventure and Alexander of Hales,
were concerned about the implications of neglecting the practical side of theology. However,
Thomas Aquinas’s argument that theology was a speculative and theoretical discipline
gained increasing favor among theologians. This alarmed many medieval spiritual writers,
such as the fourteenth-century monk Thomas à Kempis, who felt that this encouraged
speculation about God rather than obedience to God. At the time of the Reformation,
writers such as Martin Luther attempted to rediscover the practical aspects of theology. The
Genevan Academy, founded by Calvin in 1559, was initially concerned with the theological
education of pastors, oriented toward the practical needs of ministry in the church. This
tradition of treating theology as concerned with the practical concerns of Christian ministry
would continue in many Protestant seminaries and colleges. However, later Protestant
writers operating in a university context generally returned to the medieval understanding
of theology as a theoretical subject, even if they made it clear that it had certain definite
practical implications in the areas of spirituality and ethics.
The rise of the Enlightenment during the eighteenth century, particularly in Germany,
called the place of theology in the university into question. Enlightenment writers argued
that academic inquiry should be free from any kind of external authority. Theology was
regarded with suspicion, in that it was seen to be based on “articles of faith,” such as those
contained in the Christian creeds or in the Bible. Theology came increasingly to be seen as
outmoded. Kant argued that university faculties of philosophy were concerned with the
pursuit of truth, while other faculties (such as theology, medicine, or law) were concerned
with more practical matters, such as ethics and good health. Increasingly, philosophy came
to be seen as the discipline which was concerned with issues of truth; the continuing
existence of a university faculty of theology would have to be justified on other grounds.
One of the most robust justifications of the need for university faculties of theology was
provided in the early nineteenth century by the Protestant theologian F. D. E. Schleiermacher,
who argued that it was essential for the good of both the church and the state to have a well-
educated clergy. In his Brief Outline of the Study of Theology (1811), Schleiermacher argued
that theology had three major components: philosophical theology (which identifies the

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HISTORICAL THEOLOGY

“essence of Christianity”); historical theology (which deals with the history of the church,
in order to understand its present situation and needs); and practical theology (which is
concerned with “techniques” of church leadership and practice). This approach to theology
had the result of linking its academic credentials with public agreement that it was important
for society to have a well-educated clergy. This assumption was fine in early nineteenth-
century Berlin, where Schleiermacher was based. But with the rise of secularism and
pluralism in the West, its validity has come increasingly to be questioned.
In countries in which a strongly secular approach came to be adopted, Christian theology
was virtually excluded from the university curriculum. The French Revolution of 1789 led
to a series of measures designed to eliminate Christian theology from public education at
every level. Most of the older universities in Australia (such as the Universities of Sydney
and Melbourne) were founded on the basis of strongly secular assumptions, with theology
being excluded as a matter of principle.
However, it is a pluralist rather than a secular approach which is now more widespread
in the West, particularly in North America. Here, the distinctive position of Christian
theology in public education has been called into question, in that it is held to privilege one
religion over others. One result of this trend has been the formation of “faculties of religion”
in state universities, in which a variety of religious positions are tolerated. Christian theology
can therefore be taught in such a context, but only as one aspect of religious studies as a
whole. For this reason, the most important centers of Christian theological education and
research now tend to be in seminaries, in which a more committed approach to the issues
can be adopted.
In the last few decades, a new debate has opened up in North America and beyond over
the proper function of theology. The original stimulus to this debate was a volume published
by Edward Farley in 1983, entitled Theologia: The Fragmentation and Unity of Theological
Education. Farley argued that theology has changed its meaning from its classic sense of “a
heartfelt knowledge of divine things” to the mastery of different and unconnected
techniques. Theology has become fragmented into a collection of unrelated theoretical and
practical disciplines and has lost any sense of coherence. No longer is theology a unitary
discipline; it has become an aggregate of unrelated specialties. The debate now ranges more
widely than this, and has raised questions about the “architecture of theology” – for example,
the relationship between biblical studies and systematic theology, or systematic and pastoral
theology.
With this point in mind, we may now turn to explore the architecture of theology, as we
consider its various components, before considering the discipline of historical theology as
a subject in its own right.

The Architecture of Theology

The great medieval scholar Etienne Gilson (1884–1978) liked to compare the great systems
of scholastic theology to “cathedrals of the mind.” It is a powerful and striking image, which
suggests permanence, solidity, organization, and structure – qualities that were highly

0001501192.INDD 4 4/25/2012 2:44:13 PM


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242 CARNIFEX. Cameios, which, according to Sosibius (ap.
Athen. xiv. p. 635), was instituted Olymp. xxvi. ; although Apollo,
under the name of Cameios, was worshipped in various places of
Peloponnesus, particularly at Amyclae, at a very early period, and
even before the Dorian migration. (Miiller, Dor. i. 3. § 8. and ii. 8, §
15.) Wachsmuth {Hellen. Alterthumsk. ii, p. 582, 2d ed.), referring to
the passage of Athenaeus, above quoted, thinks that the Carneia
had long before been celebrated ; and that when, in Olymp. xxvi.,
Therpander gained the victory, musical contests were only added to
the martial solemnities of the festival. But the words of Athenaeus,
who is the only authority to which Wachsmuth refers, do not allow of
such an interpretation, for no distinction is there made between
earlier and later solemnities of the festival, and Athenaeus simply
says, the institution of the Carneia took place Olymp. xxvi. ('E7eVeTo
Se 7} ^ecris Twu Kapuelcou /cara tV '^kttjv Kal elKoar^v
*0\vixind5a, as ^o)(ri§L65 (prfffiu, ev rcf irepl XP^vwv.) The festival
began on the seventh day of the month of Cameios = Metageitnion
of the Athenians, and lasted for nine days. (Athen. iv. p. 141 ;
Eustath. ad II. xxiv. sub fin.; Plut, Symp. ■.•iii. I.) It was, as far as
we know, a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boedromia. During
the time of its celebration nine tents were pitched near the city, in
each of which nine men lived in the manner of a military camp,
obeying in everything the commands of a herald. Miiller also
supposes that a boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the
Cameian Apollo (^AirSXhwu cr^fxuarias\ both adorned with
lustratory garlands, called h'lKfiKou (TTeiJ.ixaTiaiov, in allusion to the
passage of the Dorians from Naupactus into Peloponnesus. (Dorians,
i. 3. § 8. note s.) The priest conducting the sacrifices at the Cameia,
was called 'A7TjTi^s, whence the festival was sometimes designated
by the name 'AyrjTSpia or 'AyrjrSpeiov (Hesych. s. v. 'AyrjTSpeiov) ;
and from each of the Spartan tribes five unmarried men (Kapvedrai)
were chosen as his ministers, whose office lasted four years, during
which period they were not allowed to marry. (Hesych. s. v.
Kapvedrai.) Some of them bore the name of lS,Ta(pv\odp6iJ.oi.
(Hesych. s. V. ; compare Bekker, Anecd. p. 205.) Therjrnnder was
the first who gained the prize in the musical contests of the Carneia,
and the musicians of his school were long distinguished competitors
for the prize at this festival (Miiller, Dor. iv. 6. § 3), and the last of
this school who engaged in the contest was Pericleidas. (Plut. De
Mus. 6.) When we read in Herodotus (vi. 106, vii. 206) and
Thucydides (v. 54, and in other places) that the Spartans during the
celebration of this festival were not allowed to take the field against
an enemy, we must remember that this restriction was not peculiar
to the Cameia, but common to all the great festivals of the Greeks:
traces of it are found even in Homer. {Od. xxi. 258, &c.) Cameia
were also celebrated at Cyrene (Callimach. Hymn, in Apoll. 72. seq.),
in Thera (Callimach. I. c. ; Pindar, Pyth. v. 99. seq.), in Gythion,
Messene, Sicyon, and Sybaris (Paus. iii. 21. § 7, and 24. § 5, iv. 33. §
5, ii. 10. § 2 ; Theocrit v. 83; compare Miiller's Orchom. p. 327). [L.
S.] CA'RNIFEX, the public executioner at Rome, who put slaves and
foreigners to death (Plant. Bacch. iv. 4. 37 ; Copt. v. 4. 22), but no
citizens, who were punished in a manner different from
CARPENTUM. slaves. It was also his business to administer the
torture. This office was considered so disgraceful, that he was not
allowed to reside within the city (Cic Pro Rabir. 5), but he lived
without the Porta Metia or Esquilina (Plant. Psevd. i. 3. 98), near the
place destined for the punishment of slaves (Plant. Cas. ii, 6. 2 ;
Tacit. Ann. xv. 60 ; Hor. Epod. V. 99), called Sestertium under the
emperors. (Plut. Galb. 20.) It is thought by some writers, from a
passage in Plautus {Rud. iii. 6. 19), that the camifex was anciently
keeper of the prison under the triumviri capitales ; but there does
not appear sufficient authority for this opinion. (Lipsius, Excurs. ad
Tacit. Ann. ii. 32.) CARPENTUM, is one of the eariiest kind of Roman
carriages, of which we find mention. (Liv. i. 34.) It was the carriage
in which Roman matrons were allowed to be conveyed in the public
festal processions (Liv. V. 25 ; Isid. Orig. xx. 12) ; and that this was
a considerable privilege is evident from the fact, that the use of
carriages in the city was entirely forbidden during the whole of the
republic. The privilege of riding in a carpentum in the public
festivals, was sometimes granted as a special privilege to females of
the imperial family. (Dion Cass. Ix. 22, 33; Tac. Ann. xii. 42.) The
form of this carriage is seen in the following medal strack in honour
of the elder Agrippina after her death. The carpentum was also used
by private persons for journeys ; and it was likewise a kind of state
carriage, richly adomed and omamented. (Prop. iv. 8. 23 ; Juv. viii.
147, ix. 132.) This carriage contained seats for two, and sometimes
for three persons, besides the coachman. (Liv. i. 34 ; Medals.) It was
commonly drawn by a pair of mules {carpentum mulare, Lamprid.
Heliog. 4) ; but more rarely by oxen or horses, and sometimes by
four horses like a quadriga. For grand occasions it was very richly
adomed. Agrippina's carriage, as above represented, shows painting
or carving on the panels, and the head is supported by Caryatides at
the four corners. When Caligula instituted games and other
solemnities in honour of his deceased mother Agrippina, her
carpentum went in the procession. (Suet. Calig. 15.) This practice,
so similar to ours of sending carriages to a funeral, is evidently
alluded to in the alto-rilievo here represented, which is preserved in
the British Museum. It has been taken from a sarcophagus, and
exhibits a close carpentum drawn by four horses. Mercury, the
conductor of ghosts to Hades, appears on the front, and Castor and
Pollux with their horses on the side panel. Carpenta, or covered
carts, were much used by
CARRUCA. the Britons, the Gauls, tlie Cimbri, the
AUobroges, and other northern nations. (Florus, i. 18, iii. 2, GARY
Airs. 243 3, and 10.) These, together with the carts of the more
common form, including baggage-waggons, appear to have been
comprehended under the term carri^ or carra, which is the Celtic
name with a Latin termination. The Gauls and Helvetii took a great
multitude of them on their military expeditions ; and, when they
were encamped, arranged them in close order, so as to form
extensive lines of circumvallation. (Caes. Bell. Gail. i. 24, 26.) [J. Y.]
CARPOU DIKE' (/capTToD Si'ktj), a civil action under the jurisdiction
of the thesmothetae, might be instituted against a farmer for default
in payment of rent. (Meier, Alt. Proc. p. 531.) It was also adopted to
enforce a judicial award when the unsuccessful litigant refused to
surrender the land to his opponent (Hudtwalcker, p. 144 ; Meier, Alt.
Proc. p. 750), and might be used to determine the right to land
(Harpocrat. s. «., and Ovmas AIkt]), as the judgment would
determine whether the plaintiff could claim rent of the defendant. [J.
S. M.] CARRA'GO, a kind of fortification, consisting of a great
number of waggons placed round an army. It was employed by
barbarous nations, as, for instance, the Scythians (Trebell. Poll,
Gallien. 13), Gauls [Carpkntum], and Goths (Amm. Marc. xxxi. 20).
Compare Veget. iii. 10. Carrago also signifies sometimes the
baggage of an army. (Trebell. Poll. Claud. 8 ; Vopisc, AureUan. 11.)
CARRU'CA, a carriage, the name of which only occurs under the
emperors. It appears to have been a species of rheda [Rheda],
whence Martial in one epigram (iii, 47) uses the words as
synonymous. It had four wheels, and was used in travelling. Nero is
said never to have travelled with less than 1000 carnicae. (Suet. Ner.
30.) These carriages were sometimes used in Rome by persons of
distinction, like the carpenta [Carpentum], in which case they appear
to have been covered with plates of bronze, silver, and even gold,
which were sometimes ornamented with embossed work. Alexander
Severus allowed senators at Rome to use carrucae and rhedae
plated with silver (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 43) ; and Martial (iii. 72)
speaks of an aurea carruca which cost the value of a farm. We have
no representations of carriages in ancient works of art which can be
safely said to be carrucae ; but we have several representations of
carriages ornamented with plates of metal. (See Inghirami, Monuni.
Etrusch. iii. 18. 23 ; Millingen, lined. Mon. ii. 14.) Carrucae were also
used for carrying women, and were then, as well, perhaps, as in
other cases, drawn by mules (Dig. 34. tit. 2. s. 13) ; whence Ulpian
(Dig. 21. tit. 1. s. 38. § 8) speaks of midae carrucariae. CARRUS.
[Carpentum.] CA'RYA or CARYA'TIS (/capita, Kapvaris), a festival
celebrated at Caryae, in Laconia, in honoiu- of Artemis Carj'atis.
(Hesych. s.u. Kapvai.) It was celebrated every year by
Lacedaemonian maidens (Ka/Juari'Ses) with national dances of a
very lively kind (Paus.iii. 10. § 8 ; iv. 16. §5 ; Pollux, iv. 104), and
with solemn hymns. [L. S.] CARYATIS {Kapvaris), pi. CARYATIDES.
From the notices and testimonies of ancient authors, we may gather
the following account : — That Caryae was a city in Arcadia, near
the Laconian border ; that its inhabitants joined the Persians after
the battle of Thermopylae (Herod, viii. 26 ; Vitruv. i. 1, § 5) ; that on
the defeat of the Persians the allied Greeks destroyed the town, slew
the men, and led the women into captivity ; and that, as male
figures representing Persians were afterwards employed with an
historical reference instead of columns in architecture [Atlantes ;
Persae], so Praxiteles and other Athenian artists employed female
figures for the same purpose, intending them to express «the garb,
and to commemorate the disgrace of the Caryatides, or women of
Carvae. (Vitruv. I. c. ; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 45 and 11.) Figures of
Caryatides are exceedmgly common in the remains of ancient
architecture. The following specimen is taken from MUUer's
Denkm'dler der alien Kunst. After the subjugation of the Caryatae,
their territory became part of Laconia. The fortress (Xt^pLou, Steph.
Byz.) had beon consecrated to Artemis (Diana Caryatis., Serv. in Virg.
Ed. viii. 30), whose image was in the open air, and at whose annual
festival (Kapvaris ioprr}, Hesych.) the Laconian virgins continued, as
b afore, to perform a dance of a peculiar kind, the execution of
which was called KapuariCeiu. (Paus. iii. 10. § 8 ; iv. 16. § 5 ; Lucian,
De Salt.) [J. Y.] i{ 2
244 CASTRA. CASSIS. [Galea ; Rete.] CASTELLUM AQUAE.
[Aquaeductus.] CASTRA. It is well known that Roman armies never
halted for a single night without forming a regular entrenchment,
termed castra, capable of receiving within its limits the whole body
of fighting men, their beasts of burden, and the baggage. So
essential was this operation considered, that even when preparing
for an immediate engagement, or when actually assailed by a hostile
force, it was never omitted, but a portion of the soldiers were
employed in constructing the necessary works, while the remainder
were standing to their arms or resisting the enemy : and so
completely was it recognised as a part of the ordinary duties of each
march, that pei-venire ad locum tertiis . . . qttartis . . .
sejytuagesimis castris are the established phrases for expressing the
number of days occupied in passing from one point to another.
Whenever circumstances rendered it expedient for a force to occupy
the same ground for any length of time, then the encampment was
distinguished as castra stativa. (Liv. xxvii. 12 ; Caes. B. G. viii. 15, B.
a i. 42 ; Hirt. B. A/. 51, B. Al. 74.) When the protracted and distant
wars in which the republic became engaged, as its sway was
gradually extended first over the whole of Italy, and subsequently
over Greece, Asia, and Africa, rendered it impossible for the legions
to return liome in winter, they usually retired during the months
when active military operations were suspended, into some city
where they could be protected from the inclemency of the season,
and where the comforts of the men could be readily secured ; or
they were dispersed up and down in detachments among friendly
villages (in hiberna concedere ; exerdtum in hiberna dimittere ;
exercihim per dvitates in hiberna dividere). It is true that
extraordinary emergencies, such as a protracted blockade, or the
necessity of maintaining a constant watch upon the movements of a
neighbouring and vigorous foe, might compel a commander to keep
the field for a whole year or even longer, but to order an army,
except in case of necessity, to winter under canvass (hiemare sub
pellibus ; hiemem sub tentoriis exigere) was long regarded as a
severe punishment, inflicted only in consequence of grievous
misconduct. (Frontin. Strat iv. 1. § 24.) As the boundaries of the
empire were gradually pushed forward into wild and barbarian lands,
where there were no large towns and no tribes on whose faith
reliance could be placed, such arrangements became impracticable,
and armies, whether of invasion or occupation, were forced to
remain constantly in camps. They usually, however, occupied
different groimd in summer and in winter, whence arose the
distinction between castra aestiva and castra hiberna^ both alike
being stativa. Such posts were frequently, if situated advantageously,
garrisoned permanently ; and the peaceful natives who sought to
enrich themselves by trading with their conquerors, settled for
security in the immediate vicinity. (Caes. B. G. vi. 37.) Thus in the
distant provinces, these forts formed a centre round which a
numerous population gradually clustered ; and many important
towns, still existing in our own country, indicate their origin by the
termination But whether a camp was temporary or permanent,
whether tenanted in summer or in winter, the main featiu-es of the
work were always the CASTRA. same for the same epoch. In
hiberna, huts of turf or stone would be substituted for the open
tents of the aestiva (hence aedijicare Ubema\ and in stativa held for
long periods the defences would present a more substantial and
finished aspect, but the general outline and disposition of the parts
were invariable : a camp was laid down, arranged and fortified
according to a fixed and well-known plan, modified only by the
numbers for whom it was required to provide accommodation, but
altogether independent of the nature of the ground or of the fancy
of the general, so that each battalion, each company, and each
individual, had a place assigned to which thej^ could at once repair
without order, question, delay, or conftision. At what period the
practice of throwing up elaborate field-works for the protection of an
army engaged in active service was first commenced by the Romans,
it is impossible to determine ; but we may safely conclude that, like
all other parts of their military tactics, it was matured by a slow and
gradual process. Livy and Dionysius, indeed, would lead us to
suppose that regular camps existed from the most remote epoch to
which their annals extend ; but the language of these historians is in
general so loose upon all matters of antiquarian research, and they
are so much in the habit of transferring to the earliest ages the
usages of their own contemporaries, that no safe inference
regarding points of this nature can be drawn from their words.
Frontinus, on the other hand, declares that the idea of a fortified
enclosure, calculated to contain a whole army, was first suggested to
the Romans by the camp of Pyrrhus, which they captmred near
Beneventum ; but the statements of this author have never been
deemed to possess much weight, and in this particular instance
many considerations preclude us from admitting his testimony as
credible. It is evident, however, from the facts detailed in the article
Exercitus that a camp, such as the earliest of those of which we
possess any detailed accoimt, could not have assiuned that shape
until the tactics of the phalanx were superseded by the manipular
divisions ; and it maybe held as certain that each of the great wars
in which the Commonwealth was successively engaged for more
than a century — with the Samnites, with P\Trhus, with the Cisalpine
Gauls, and with the Carthaginians, must have led to a series of
improvements. The system was probably brought to perfection in
the campaigns against Hannibal, and underwent no material
alteration until the organic changes in the constitution of the army,
which took place not long before the downfal of the constitution,
during the civil broils, and under the earlier emperors, rendered a
corresponding change in the internal economy of the camp
unavoidable. Hence, although it would be at once vain and
unprofitable to attempt an investigation of the various changes
through which a Roman camp passed before it assximed what may
be called its normal shape, it is evidently absolutely necessary for all
who desire to obtain even a slight knowledge of the Roman art of
war, to make themselves acquainted with this important feature in
their system during the best days of the republic and the empire.
And fortunately the records of antiquity enable us to supply such
information with considerable minuteness. Polybius, the friend and
companion of the younger Scipio, has transmitted to us a description
of a Roman camp, such as he must have often seen with his ovvu
eyes, and a cer 
CASTRA. tain Hyginus, a gromaticus or land surveyor, who
flourished under Trajan and Hadrian, has left us a technical memoir
on the art of castrametation as practised in his own day. To these
some might feel inclined to add the remarks of Vegetius, who lived
during the reign of Valentinian, but for reasons which are stated
elsewhere [Exercitus] it will be more safe to neglect him altogether.
We shall proceed to describe these two camps in succession, it being
understood that the leading statements with regard to the first are
taken diC ASTRA. 24i rectly from Polybius, and those with regard to
the second, from Hyginus, unless when the contrary Ls distinctly
indicated. But while we endeavour to explain clearly all the parts of
the camps themselves, we must refer to the article Exercitus for
everything that concerns the different kinds of troops, their divisions,
their discipline, and their officers. I. Camp op Polybius. The camp
described by Polybius is such as would be formed at the close of an
ordinary day's (Fij A A 1 20 Qo o K2 Ki>A teKi KS 11 BIO El Id D4 H2
Ds M ~Dz. -A!s Dz D6 D7 Hi [)0 T-|_ r Di 3o ^ D^ ~i r Bi Co C4 C 5
C3 A 2 C2 C 6 C 7 (tx Eo z Es E5 I ^V T SRQ P P' O'KS* T* "V^ E5 Z
El Fo A 6 rx" A 6 A 7 A 8 A 9 A .0 A 1 A 2 A a A U A 5 ^0 A IS (5x, z
■ A 7 Z/ Ao
246 CASTRA. march by a regular consular army consisting
of two Roman legions with the full contingent of Socii. Each legion is
calculated at 4200 infantry and 300 cavalry, the Socii furnished an
equal numl)er of infantry and twice as many cavalry, so that the
whole force would amount to 1 6,800 foot and 1800 horse, Clioice of
the Ground. — Although, as stated ahove, the general outline, the
defences, and the internal economy of a camp were altogether
independent of the nature of the ground, yet great importance was
attached to the choice of a fitting situation which should admit of
being readih' laid out in the required form, which should afford no
facilities for attack or annoyance, which should be convenient for
procuring wood, water, and forage, and which the army might enter
and quit without danger of surprise. Skill in the selection of such a
spot (capere locum castris) was ever considered as a high quality in
a general, and we find it recorded among the praises of the most
renowned commanders that they were wont in person to perform
this duty {e.g. Liv. ix. 17, xxxv. 14, 28 ; Tacit. Hist. ii. 5, Agric. 20 ;
comp. Quintil. /. O. xii. 3. § 5). Under ordinary circumstances,
however, the task was devolved upon one of the military tribunes,
and a certain number of centurions appointed from time to time for
the purpose. These having gone forward in advance of the army
until they reached the place near which it was intended to halt, and
having taken a general survey of the ground, selected a spot from
whence a good view of the whole proposed area might be obtained,
that spot being considerably within the limits of the contemplated
enclosure. Construction. — The spot answering these conditions and
which we shall call A (fig. 1.) was marked by a small white flag. The
next object was to ascertain in what direction water and fodder
might be most easily and securely provided — this direction we
indicate by the arrow in the subjoined figure. Upon the position of A
and the direction of the arrow depended the disposition of all the
other parts of the work ; for these two preliminary points being
decided, the business of measuring out the ground (metari castrd)
commenced, and was executed, as we learn from various sources,
with graduated rods {decempedae) by persons denominated
metatores. The different steps of the process may be most briefly
and distinctly set down in the ordinary language of a geometrical
construction. Through A draw a straight line Aq A^, parallel to the
direction of the arrow, a straight line Bq B^ at right angles to A^
A^. These two straight lines Aq Aj, and Bq Bj, served as the bases
by which the position of all the different divisions of the camp were
determined. Along A Aq set off AA2 = 100 feet; A^ A^ = 50 feet;
A^ A^ ; A^A^; A^ A, ; A, A, ; Ag Ag; Ag Aioeach=i00feet; A^o Aii
= 50 feet; A„ Ajo ; A^, Ai3; Ai3 A,^; A,^ Ai5; A,5 Aje each = 100
feet; A^g Aj7 = 200 feet. Along A Aj set off A A3 ; A3 A^ g, each=
100 feet; A, 8 Ai 9= 167 feet; A, 9 A2o=200 feet. Through A, ; A^ ;
A^ ; A^ ; A, , ; Aj ^ ; A, 9 ; A.odrawCoC, ; D^D, ;£„£,; Y^Y, ; GoG,
; HqHi ; KqK, ; LqLi straight lines parallel to Bo B^, and in like
manner draw through A^; A,; . . . . A,g straight lines parallel to Bg
Bj, as marked in the figure. CASTRA. On Bq Bj make A B^ ; A B3
each=100 feet. Through B.^ and B3 draw straight lines parallel to
Aq Aj cutting CoCi in C, and C3, and cutting Dg D, in D^ and Dy ; in
this manner a square area C^ C3 D^ D^ is determined, each side of
which = 200 feet. Along A5 Fq set off A^ P = 25 feet ; 'P Q = 100
feet; Q R = 50 feet ; R S = 50 feet ; S T = 100 feet ; T V = 100 feet
; V W = 50 feet ; W X = 133^ feet ; X Y= 200 feet ; Y Z = 200 feet.
Along A5 Fj set off A5 P' ; P' Q' ; Q' R' Y' Z', equal respectively to A.
P ; P Q ; OR; . . . . Y Z. Through Z Z' draw straight lines parallel to
Aq Aj, cutting Gq Gj in z and z', and cutting Lg Lj in 0 and 0'. The
square area 0 0' z' z thus determined was the camp. Again, through
P ; Q ; R . , . . Y, and through P' ; Q' ; R' . . . . Y' draw straight lines
parallel to Aq Aj, cutting the parallels to Bq Bj in the points marked
in the figure. Finally, on Hq Hj lay off Aj g H3 and A^ g H^ each :=
25 feet, and through Hg ; H^ ; draw straight lines parallel to Aq A^,
cutting Kg K^ in K3 and K^. This construction being completed we
now proceed to explain the arrangement of the different parts
referring to figure 2, in which the lines no longer necessary are
obliterated, the spaces occupied by the troops or ofiicers enclosed by
dark lines, and the streets (viae) distinctly laid down. In practice the
most important points were marked by white poles, some of which
bore flags of various colours, so that the different battalions on
reaching the ground could at once discover the place assigned to
them. The white flag A, which served as the starting point of the
whole constniction, marked the position of the consul's tent, or
praetorium^ so called because praetor was the ancient term for any
one invested with supreme command. The square area C2 D3 was
left open extending, as we have seen, a hundred feet each way from
the praetorium. That portion of the camp which lay in the direction
of the arrow {irphs r^v eKrhs iivKpdueiav) from the line Eg E^ (fig.
1) was termed the front or forepart of the camp (toD iravrhs
irx^l^aTOS Karh 1Tp6(T(aTT0V). The number of legions being two
and the number of tribunes in each being six, their tents were
arranged six and six at equal distances along the line Eq Ej (fig. 1)
exactly opposite to and looking towards the legions to which they
belonged. Hence, as will be seen from what follows, they did not
extend beyond the points E3 and E^, but whether they were
distributed at equal distances along the whole of the line E3 E^^, or
whether the space in front of the praetorium was left vacant, as in
our figiu-e, as seems most probable, may admit of doubt. The space
of fifty feet included between the parallels Cq Cj and E^ Ej (fig. 1 ),
immediately behind the tents of the tribunes, was appropriated to
their horses, beasts of burden and baggage. The ten areas marked 1
were set apart for the cavalry of one legion, and the corresponding
ten areas marked 1' for the cavalry of the other legion. These all
faced towards the street P P', and each area, containing a space of
10,000 square feet, was allotted to one turma or troop of 30
dragoons^ with their horses and baggage.
CASTRA. CASTRA. 247 (Fig. 2.) 2017 A20 PORTA
PRAETORIA Ka 50 312 P4t — o ils H* 14' "• :; C J>S .7 Cs D6 C6 10'
12' 9' 11' Ks p7 C7 E2T* PRiNCIPIA " o g ^"^ PRINCIPIA "T 3C ^w^
-y" T s r_qJ1p p' q' h' s' t' V ^sr' x: "y ISS/s 50 100 2 18 2 l§ 2 ^§ a
^^i 100 50 2' 2" 2* 2' 2' ■loo &' lOO 4' 3' 4" &' 4 a' 4.* 5' 4" 035^6
5' ©n VIAQUINTANA VIA QUINTANA 6 5 e 5 6 5 e s G e 4> 3 * 3 4
5 -a- 3 4- S 1 ^^ 3 1 o r 2 1' 2 l' 2 l' 2 1' 2 5' 4< 3' 4; 3' 4 3' * 3' *
PORTA DECUMANA a 03 7 Back to back with the cavalry, and looking
out upon the streets R S, R' S', the Triarii of the two legions were
quartered in the areas 2 and 2'. Each area contained 5000 square
feet, and was allotted to a maniple of 60 men ; hence, according to
the calculation here followed, a dragoon and his horse were allowed
as much space as 4 foot soldiers. In the areas marked 3 and 3'
facing the Triarii were quartered the principes of the two legions ;
each of these areas contained 10,000 square feet, and was allotted
to a maniple of two centuries, that is, 120 men. In the areas marked
4 and 4', back to back with the principes, and looking out upon the
streets V W, V W, were quartered the Hastati of the two legions, the
number of men being the same as in the Principes, and an equal
space being assigned to them. Facing the legionary Kastati, in the
areas marked 5 and 5', were the cavalry of the allies. The total
number was 600 to each legion, but of these ^ or 200 were
separated under the name of eoctraordinarii^ and quartered in a
different part of the camp. Consequently, each of the spaces 5 and
5' was calculated to accommodate 40 dragoons with'' their horses ;
and allowing them the same space as the legionary cavalry, each of
these areas must have contained somewhat more than 13,333
square feet. Back to back with the cavalry of the allies, and looking
towards the rampart which enclosed the camp, the infantry of the
allies were quartered in the areas marked 6 and 6'. The total number
was 3000 for each legion, but of these \ or 600 were separated as
extraordinarii and quartered in a different part of the camp. Hence
there would remain 2400, or 240 for each of the spaces 6 and 6',
and these accordingly contained 20,000 square feet. The open space
immediately behind the tents and baggage of the tribunes,
extending to the right R 4
248 CASTRA. and left of the space allotted to the general,
was assigned on one side to a forum, and on the other, to the
quaestor and his department (tw re rajxia^ koX Tois a/uLa tovtw
xopvy'^^^^)- These are marked 7 and 8, but we are not told on
which side they respeciively stood. Still further to the right and left
of the praetorium in 9, 10, and 9', 10', looking respectively towards
the forum and the quaestorium, were a body of cavalrj', selected
from the extraordinarii equites {ot ra>u i-TriXeKTwu l-mretav
airoXeKTOi), and a body of cavalry serving as volunteers out of
compliment to the general (kuI rives ruu ideXovrridhv
(TTpaTevofieuwu rrj rwv imdTwv xap'T'), analogous, probably, to the
Evocati of later times. Back to back with these, looking towards the
rampart, in 11, 12 and 11' 12', were quartered the foot-soldiers
belonging to the same classes as the cavalry just named. On the
march, these troops were always near the person of the consul and
of the quaestor, and served as a sort of body-guard to tham. Their
number is nowhere specified, and hence the exact space required
for their accommodation cannot be determined. In 13 and 13',
looking towards the quaestorium, praetorium, and forum, were
quartered the remainder of the extraordinarii equites. Back to back
with these, facing the ramparts in 14 and 14', were the remainder of
the extraordinarii pedites. The spaces marked 15, 15' on the flanks
of 13, 14, 13', 14', were assigned to foreign troops or to allies not
included in the regular contmgent, who might chance to be present
{rols oKXotpvKois kcu to7s e/c rod icaipov irpoffyiyvofxivois (Tv/j-
ixaxois). The form of the camp was an exact square (rerpdycauou
laSirXevpov), the length of each side being 2017 Roman feet. The
clear space between the ramparts and the tents {intervallum) was
200 feet, and this was of the greatest service in facilitating the
marching in and out of the soldiers without crowding or confusion.
Here, also, cattle and other booty were kept and guarded ; and the
breadth was sufficient to prevent any ordinary missile or fire-brand
hurled into the camp from doing serious injiu-y. The principal street,
stretching right across in front of the tents of the tribunes, was 100
feet wide and was named Principia. It will be observed that the
lengthened lines of the ten tunuae and manipuli in each division is
intersected at the termination of the first five by a road fifty feet
wide, called the Via Quintana. The position of the remaining five viae
in the fore-part of the camp, all of which intersect the Via Quintana
at bright angles, will be understood at once by inspecting the plan,
the width of each being 50 feet. When two consular amaies
encamped together within the same rampart, two ordinary camps
were, it may be said, applied to each other at the ends nearest to
their respective praetoria. The two praetoria faced in opposite
directions, and the legions of the two consuls stretched their lines in
front of each praetorium, so that the figure of the camp was now no
longer a square, but a rectangle, whose length was twice that of an
ordinary camp, the breadth being the same. Although the words of
Polybius are, as a whole, so full and clear that we can have little
difficulty in forming a distinct conception of the camp which he
describes and in delineating the different parts, it must not be
concealed that he has altogether passed CASTRA. over many
important points on which we should desire information, and that
occasionally his language is not entirely free from ambiguity. Under
the head of omissions, we must note — 1. The absence of all
information with regard to the manner in which the Velites were
disposed of. These, at the time when Polybius wrote, amounted to
1200, or, at the lowest computation, to 1000 for each legion; and
taking the same number for the contingent of the Socii, we shall
thus have a body of at least 4000 men unprovided for. It is true that
he subsequently states, in a passage which we quote below, that the
velites kept guard by night and by day along the whole extent of the
rampart, and that they were stationed in bodies of ten to watch the
gates. Hence some have supposed that the light-armed troops
always bivouacked outside the camp ; others, that they occupied the
intervallum ; others, that, just as in the line of battle, they did not
form a distinct corps, but were distributed among the hastati,
principes, and triarii, according to a given ratio, so in like manner
they were, in the camp, quartered along with those divisions to
which they were attached in the field. The velites ceased to fonn a
portion of the legion about the time of Marius, and consequently the
later Koman writers throw no light upon the question. It is
remarkable, also, that while Polybius passes them over completely in
the internal arrangements of his camp, so also he takes no notice
whatsoever of them when describing the agmen or the order of
march in which an army usually advanced. 2. No mention is made of
the legati. Lipsius, in his plan of a Roman camp after Polybius,
assigns to them a compartment next to the praetorium on the side
opposite to that where the quaestorium stood ; but this is merely a
conjecture. 3. The pi-aefecti sociorum likewise are passed over.
Since they corresponded among the troops of the allies to the tribuni
in the legions, it seems highly probable that their tents were ranged
along a prolongation of the line on which the latter stood, and thus
they also would be placed immediately opposite to and looking
towards the soldiers under their immediate command. 4. The
number of tents allowed to each maniple or century is nowhere
stated, and consequently the number of men in each tent is
unknown, nor are we very distinctly told how the centurions and
other officers of the infantry and cavalry inferior to the tribunes were
provided for ; it is merely said that the ra^iapxoi in each maniple
took the first tents on each side, that is, probably, at each end of the
row which held one maniple, 5. With regard to the fortifications of
the camp it is stated that the digging of the ditch (racppeia) and the
fonnation of the rampart (xapaKOTroua) upon two sides of the camp
was assigned to the socii, each division taking that side along which
it was quartered ; while the two remaining sides were in like manner
completed by the legionaries, one by each legion. The work upon
each side was portioned out among the maniples, the centurions
acted as inspectors of the tasks performed by their respective
companies, and the general superintendence was undertaken by two
of the tribunes. The nature and the dimensions of the defences are
not, however, specified. These consisted of a ditch (fossa), the earth
from which was thrown inwards, and formed, along with turf and
CASTRA. stones^ into a mound {agger), on the summit of
ivhich a strong palisade of wooden stalces (sudes, valli) was fixed
forming the rampart ( Vallum s. Vallus — X'^P°'^)' We can scarcely
doubt that the depth of the ditch, together with the height and
breadth of the agger, were, under ordinary circumstances, fixed ; but
the measurements incidentally mentioned in isolated passages do
not perfectly accord with each other. Among the works at
Dyrrhachium (Caes. B. C. iii. 63) we read of a ditch 15 feet deep,
and a vallum 10 feet high and 1 0 feet broad ; in the war against the
Bellovaci and other Gaulish tribes we find Caesar (B. G. viii. 9)
fortifying his camp with a double ditch, 15 feet deep, with
perpendicular sides (diredis lateribus), and a vallum 1 2 feet high, on
the top of which was a breast-work (loricula) and numerous towers
three stories high connected with each other by bridges, the sides of
these bridges next to the enemy being protected by a breastwork of
fascines (vimineu loricula). Both of these, however, as well as several
others which we might quote, must be regarded as special cases.
The practice of a later period is, as we shall see below, more clearly
defined by Hyginus and others. 6. Neither the number nor the
names of the openings in the vallum are given. We have abundant
evidence to prove that there were four : — (1) Porta Principalis
dextra and (2) Porta Principalis sinistra at the two extremities of the
wide street called Princi-pia ; (3) Porta Praetoria s. Extraordinaria, so
called from being situated on that side of the camp nearest to the
praetorium and in the immediate vicinity of the quarters of the
extraordinarii ; (4) Porta Decujnana, &o called from being situated
on that end where the tenth turmae and tenth maniples in each
division were quartered. Tliis gate was also called Porta Quaestoria,
in consequence, it would seem, of the Quaestorittm and the Forum
having been at one time placed in its vicinity, and here
unquestionably stood the Quaestorium in the camp of Hyginus, as
we shall see below. Festus likewise has the gloss *' Quintana
appellatur porta in castris post praetorium, ubi rerum utensilium
forum sit," and from Quintana in the sense of Forum comes the
modem Canteen. The perplexity caused by these statements has
induced some critics to reverse the positions of the Porta Praetoria
and the Porta Decumana as marked in our plan ; but this alteration
will give rise to difficulties still more serious, as may be seen from
consulting Polybius and the authorities referred to at the end of this
paragraph; for we find it expressly stated that the Porta Decumana
was on that side of the camp most remote from the enemy {abs
tergo castrorum ; aversa castrorum; dexiumana maxime petebatur
aversa hosti et fugientihus tutior)^ leading out, as will be seen from
the construction, in the direction from which wood, water, and other
necessary supplies would be most easily and securely provided. (Liv.
xl. 27, iii. 5, X. 32, xxxiv. 47 ; Tacit. Ann. i. QQ., iv. 30 ; Festus, s. w.
Praetoria porta. Principalis, Quintana ; Sueton. Ner. 26.) We can
scarcely doubt that the Portae must have been always defended by
barriers of some kind ; but when special precautions were required
they were closed by regular gates defended by towers {portis fores
altioresque turres imposuit, Caes. B. G. viii. 9). 7. In which direction
did the Praetorium face .' CASTRA. 249 towards the Porta Praetoria
or towards the legions and the Porta Decumana ^ On the reply to
this question, which can be answered from conjecture only, depends
the solution of the problem as to which was the Porta Principalis
decdra and the P. P. sinistra. In like manner we cannot ascertain on
which side of the Praetorium the Quaestorium was placed. But these
are matters of small moment. The above are the most important
omissions in the description of Polybius. Our limits will not permit us
to do more than simply to indicate one important point where a
certain degree of ambiguity in his phraseology has given rise to
doubt, discussion, and an irreconcilable difference of opinion. After
detailing the arrangements adopted when two consular armies
encamp together, he adds these remarkable words — oTav Se x«p^s
t' it.Wa fjLev uaavTus, r^v S" ayopav, Ka\ rh ra/xielov^ Kal rb
(TTpaT'lj'yiov, /x4
250 CAST R A. rally speaks of one tribune only as acting, or
of two when reference is made to both legions. Officers parade. —
Every morning at day -break the centurions and the equites
presented themselves before the tents of the tribunes, and the
tribunes in like manner, attended perhaps by the centurions and
equites, presented themselves at the praetorium. The orders for the
day were then issued by the consul to the tribunes, communicated
by the tribunes to the centurions and equites, and through the
centurions and equites reached the soldiers at the proper time.
Guards, Sentinels.,
CASTRA. as going the rounds, but under ordinary
circumstances, the duty was performed as we have described. (Liv.
xxii. 1, xxviiL 24 ; Sail. Jtig 45. ; Tacit. Hist, ii, 29.) Watchword. —
The watchword for the night was not communicated verbally, but by
means of a small rectangular tablet of wood (TrKarelou
iirtyeypa/xixevov — tessera — to be carefully distinguished from the
^vKr]
The text on this page is estimated to be only 26.91%
accurate

252 CASTRA. CASTRA. (Fig. 3.) PORTA PRAETORIA r.


INTERVALLUM INTERVALLUM CQh.:mi Coh..vr ^ CohT Colt.VTl 90
^. t 37 ISO ColLlF ISO coiLTir VIA SACULARI5 180 CotJt (PORTA
PRIM CI PALIS INISTERIOR 17 + PRINCIPALIS 90 O PORTA
PRINCIPAUSl O DEXTERIOR J i^ 25 22 VIA QUINTANA 20 22 25 2*
24* 24 2^ \ ~~Sf5o — cohjx: 3«0 Cdh.X VIA SACUIXRiS 24 300
ToIlX INTERVALLUM 360 Co]bi.IX, INTERVALLUM PORTA DECUMANA
fonned the Laixra Praetorii. The segment included between the Via
Principalis and that side of the camp in which the Porta Praetoria
stood formed the Praetenlura. The segment included between the
Via Quintana and that side of the camp in which the Porta
Decumana stood formed the Retentura, The legiones hemg the most
trustworthy of the troops in the provinces, were quartered by
cohorts next to the rampart all round the camp, encircling
completely with their lines the masses of foreigners, who, together
with the imperial guards, fonned the supplementa.
CASTRA. A clear space of 60 feet (intervallum) was left
between the tents of the legionaries and the ramparts, and they
were separated from the quarters of the other troops, whom they
surrounded, by a street called the Via Sagtdaris, which ran
completely round the camp,' so that the whole of the legionaries,
with the exception of the first cohort in each legion, and three
ordinary cohorts for whom there is not room in the outer ring, were
bounded on one side by the intervallum and on the other by the Via
Sagularis. The remaining streets not particularly specified were
comprehended under the general name Viae Vidnariae s. Vicinales,
and their breadth was 20 feet. The defences of a camp might be
fourfold : — 1. Fossa. 2. Valium.. 3. Cervoli. 4. Arma. 1. The Fossa
might be of two kinds, a. The Fossa fastigata^ with both sides
sloping, so as to form a wedge ; or, h. the Fossa Punica, of which
the outer side was perpendicular, the inner side sloping, as in the
fossa fastigata. The breadth in either case was to be at least 5 feet,
the depth 3 feet. Outside of each gate a ditch was dug extending on
both sides somewhat beyond the gate : this, on account of its
shortness, was called Titulus, and in front of the titulus was a small
semicircular redoubt (clavicula). 2. The Vallum was formed of earth
and turf, or of stone, 6 feet in height, 8 feet broad. 3. When the
nature of the ground did not admit of the construction of a sufficient
vallum, then a chevaux de frise (cervoli) was substituted. 4. When
neither a Vallum nor Cervoli could be employed, then the camp was
surrounded by a ring of armed men four deep, numerous sentries
were posted in each line, and the cavalry patrolled in turn in every
direction. The words of Hyginus would lead us to suppose that when
no danger was apprehended, a ditch alone was considered sufficient
; and even this was excavated merely for the sake of exercising the
men (causa disciplinae). We can now proceed to point out in what
manner the three segments were occupied, referring to *he
numbers on the figure, it being understood that, as before, we shall
not enter here into any discussions regarding the origin and
character of the diiferent battalions named, all information upon
such matters being given in the article ExERCITUS. A. Praetorium et
Latera Praetorii. 1. Praetorium. 2. Arae^ on which public sacrifice
was offered. The position assigned to them is conjectural ; but they
were, at all events, in the immediate vicinity of this spot. 3.
Auguratorium, in which the Imperator took the auspices — the altars
were perhaps erected in front of this place, at least such was the
case sometimes. (See Tacit. Ann. XV. 30, where the form Augurale is
employed.) 4. Tribunal., the elevated platform from which addresses
were delivered* to the troops. Close to the praetorium was a
guardhouse (stationi dart opoHet secundum, praetorium pedes
viginti). 5. Comites Lnperatoris, the personal staff" of the Imperator,
among whom the chief place, next to the Via Principalis, was
assigned to the Praefectus Praeterio. 6. Equitcs singulares
Imperatoris et Equites Praetoriani : the number of these was variable
; but Hyginus gives as an average 450 of the former and 400 of the
latter. 7. Cuhorlcs CASTRA. 253 praetoriae quatuor. Primipilares.
Eeocati. Offidales. The praetorians were allowed twice as much
space as the troops of the line. 8. Aloe quingenariae quattior. 9. In
each of the spaces marked 9, on the extreme right and left of the
Praetorium, bordering on the Via Sagularis (per rigorem viae
sagularis) was placed the first cohort and the veocillarii of one
legion. The first cohort and the vexillarii of the remaining legion will
be found in the Praetentura. The first cohort of a legion contained
960 men, being twice as numerous as the others ; the vexillarii of a
legion amoimted to about 500. B. Praetentura. 10. Scamnum
Legatorum. The quarters of the legati. 11. Scamnum Tribunorum.
Immediately behind the legati, were the legionary tribunes and the
tribunes of the praetorian cohorts. In the language of surveyors,
scamnum was a rectangular figure, vvhose breadth exceeded its
length, striga a rectangular figure, whose length exceeded its
breadth. So, Signa and Tabulinum are the terms used with reference
to the direction of the length and breadth respectively : thus, "
Cohors prima causa signorum et aquilae intra viam sagulariam, et
quoniam duplum numerum habet, duplam pedaturam accipiet, ut,
puta, signis pedes centum viginti, tabulino pedes trecentos
sexaginta, vel signis centum octoginta tabid.ino pedes ducentos
quadraginta.'''' It is the more necessary to call attention to this,
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